Corporal James B. Lape

Corporal James Barnes Lape, 1893 - 1954

The Wednesday, March 7, 1900 volume of the Cornell Alumni News read that graduate Willard E. Lape, was the present superintendent of S. A. Townsend & Company, Bloomfield, N. J., and that he held patents for a lawn mower and a door check. His inventions included a malleable iron process, an electric motor, an engine valve, a motor-carriage, and various shop devices. Willard Eugene Lape was born in Brunswick, Rensselaer, NY, on March 25, 1856, the son of William Thomas and Sarah (Smith) Lape, and the 3rd great grandson of Andries Lape, the son of a 1710 German Palatine immigrant. Willard received his education at Troy Academy and graduated from Cornell University in 1877, taking the degree of Mechanical Engineer. Before settling in at Bloomfield, N.J., Willard Lape worked as a mechanical engineer for Howes & Phillips Iron Works, Newark, NJ; Bessemer Steel Works, Troy, NY; Porter Manufacturing Company, Syracuse, NY; Solvay Process and Semet-Solvay Company, Syracuse, NY; and the Atmospheric Nitrogen Corporation, Syracuse, NY. While in Syracuse, NY, he fell in love and married in 1887 to Miss Jesse Barnes, born in December 1861, the daughter of James and Mary Jane (Lancaster) Barnes. James Barnes was a prominent Syracuse Banker with the Trust and Deposit Company of Onondaga.

James Barnes Lape, born in Syracuse on November 10, 1893, was the youngest of two sons born to Willard and Jesse Lape. The elder son, William, born in 1888 while the family lived in Glen Ridge, N.J., later moved and lived in Evanston, IL. James B. Lape was an athletic young man and was a member of the track team of Syracuse's Central High School. After graduation from high school he worked at the H. H. Franklin Company's automobile plant and represented that concern in several athletic events.

Kaiser Wilhelm II actively sought to unleash the First World War after years of industrial power growth and proximate to the assassination of his friend Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir to the Austria-Hungarian throne on June 28, 1914. After the German U-boat sinking of the Lusitania, submarine warfare against seven U.S. merchant ships, and after the publication of the Zimmerman telegram, United States President Woodrow Wilson called for war on Germany, which the U.S. Congress declared on April 6, 1917.

James Barnes Lape joined the U.S. Army in July 27, 1917. The 23rd U.S. Infantry recruited to war strength at the United States expansion camp, known as Camp Syracuse, which was established on the New York State Fair Grounds in Syracuse, NY. The recruits, which included James Lape, "went through intensive training and after being conditioned and fully equipped were among the first to be sent overseas." Private Lape was assigned to Company D of the 23rd Infantry. On September 22, 1917, the 23rd Infantry Regiment was assigned to the newly formed U.S. Second Division in France. The 23rd Infantry Regiment with the 9th Infantry Regiment formed the 3rd Brigade; the second brigade was formed with two Marine regiments. The 23rd Infantry as part of the 2nd Division distinguished itself in six World War I campaigns.

The 23rd U.S. Regiment sailed for Europe as part of the 2nd Infantry Division, American Expeditionary Forces (AEF), in September 1917, arriving at St. Nazaire, France. It moved to the vicinity of St. Thiebault where intensive advanced infantry training was begun immediately. The 23rd Infantry occupied a sub-sector near Rangieres on March 17, 1918, and remained in that defensive area until May. Shortly after arriving in France, James Barnes Lape was promoted. He began collecting Corporal pay ($158.06/month) on April 30, 1918. In May, when the German military advance toward Paris became imminent in the Chateau-Thierry area, the 2nd Divisional units, which had been training in the Chaumont-en-Vixin area of Paris, was ordered up to the strategic battle area. On May 30, the 23rd Infantry left Tri-le-Ville and was sent to Meaux by trucks. The embussing was complete by 6:00 a.m. and by the afternoon of May 31st, the 23rd Infantry began arriving at May-en-Multien, but was swiftly moved to Montigny-d'Allier, where an imminent German attack was expected. During the night the battalion was subjected to a bombing attack by hostile aeration but did not suffer any casualties.

In the next weeks, the 23rd Infantry found itself with the 2nd Division marching to various defensive positions west of Chateau-Thierry. In Montreull-aux-Lions, the 2nd Division set up Headquarters. During its easterly march, the 23rd Infantry arrived at Coupru, where it camped in a small patch of woods. The bivouac was a welcomed reprieve from the fatiguing forced march and where any had rations could be devoured. In the next few weeks it was necessary to subsist on the country's resources, as U.S. issued supplies were forth coming. By June 6th, the 23rd Infantry was working with the rest of the Division in organizing positions and adjusting the lines, readying for an attack where the advancing German enemy was to be engaged. This open warfare was entirely new, as action in the previous months had been largely trench warfare. The 23rd Infantry was to attack Bouresches and take Hill 192, which they reached with some resistance, losing 8 officers and 165 men, the majority from machine gun fire.

During their June 1918 fighting for the Bois de Belleau, or Belleau Wood, the front of the 3rd Brigade, with the exception of the movements by the 23rd Infantry on June 6th, had been comparatively quiet. However, the brigade had not been inactive. Trench construction was pushed vigorously, and aggressive patrols dominated the enemy's front. Artillery and machine gun fire raked the lines nightly, and by day took their toll on individuals or groups under observation. The position of the 3rd Brigade had never been satisfactory, forming as it did a deep indentation. This gave too long a line, required too many men to hold it, the field of view was poor and the defensive organization lacked depth. For these reasons the corps commander had directed the division commander to undertake operations at the proper time to straighten out this angle. On June 14th when General Dégoutte was turning over command of the corps to General Naulin, both generals called at division headquarters to consult as to this operation. The idea was a series of partial operations, each well supported by artillery, which should culminate in the attack of the village of Vaux. The small, precisely planned and executed operation which followed is one of the tactical gems of the AEF.

Though the Belleau Wood was reported clear of the enemy on June 12 when the capture of 300 prisoners was announced it was not wholly and finally taken until June 26 the fight for its possession had gone on almost continuously from the initial attack. With its capture this part of the line was stabilized The 3rd Brigade (9th and 23rd Infantry Regiments) during these twenty days held the sectors assigned to it and cooperated in various attacks. The 2nd Division left this sector for replacement and rest with the assurance that they had established a remarkable record for bravery courage and reckless gallantry in action. The 2nd Infantry Division drew its first blood in the nightmare landscape of the Battle of Belleau Wood and contributed to shattering the four-year-old stalemate on the battlefield during the Chateau-Thierry campaign. They had captured 1,680 prisoners in the month's steady fighting and a feeling of comradeship and cooperation had developed between the soldiers and the Marines. It was now time to attack Vaux and end the German advance.

German prisoners and captured documents from Belleau Wood were examined. For the village of Vaux, a solid stone-built place, detailed information was secured from French refugees; among these was the village stonemason who had worked in every house in the village. Diagrams were prepared showing every one of the eighty-two houses, with floor and cellar plans, the thickness of house walls, and dimensions of all garden walls. The location of all German troops and their defenses were carefully noted. The attack would be made in conjunction with a French assault on hard-to-capture Hill 204 on the East. Two infantry regiments would attack side-by-side with the 23rd on the left assaulting the Bois de la Roche and the 9th Infantry taking the village itself. The hour for attack was fixed at 6.00 P.M., July 1st. The 23rd Infantry battalion moved into the Bois de la Marette that night. All advanced positions were evacuated and the artillery preparations began at 5.00 A.M. Its maximum intensity was reached at 5.00 P.M., when the infantry took the attack formation. At 5.57 the rolling barrage fell; at six o'clock it began to move forward, a hundred yards every two minutes, slowing down slightly after passing Vaux.

The Germans had noticed activity along the whole front and reserves in both "Hill" and "Wood" Sectors had been warned as early as midnight, June 30-July 1. The mess caterer of the 4th Brigade HQ on June 30th reported a French vegetable vendor in La Ferte as saying that the 23rd Infantry would attack soon but the German artillery reaction to the assault was weak, and French planes held control of the air. Soon after noon wounded German soldiers from Vaux reported that the company there was annihilated, and the battalion commander began to move support in that direction.

Meanwhile, on the right, the 153rd Infantry of the French 39th Division had met stubborn resistance. All four companies of one German battalion lay along the wood road which crossed the hill top; the support battalion was at the foot of the north slope, and the reserve battalion hardly more than a thousand yards further back. The French met with resistance as soon as they left their original front lines; some of them reached the road, but could not hold there. The line was finally established in the woods not far ahead of the old one. Further attempts were made later to improve the position of the French 39th Division, but everything that was planned for the 2nd had now been accomplished. Its position was organized for defense according to the most recent instructions from the French General Headquarters.

Considered uncivilized prior to World War One, the development and use of poisonous gas was imposed by the necessity of wartime armies to find new ways of defeating the stalemate of unexpected trench warfare. Although the French were the first to deploy gas as a deterrent, Germany was the first to give serious study to the development and large scale use of chemical weapons. The debut of the first poison gas began in 1915. The German Army used chlorine gas at the start of the Second Battle of Ypres causing much panic in the French and Algerian troops. Many battles in the remainder of the First World War would find chlorine, phosgene and mustard gases being used by the Germans, French and British. Although gas claimed a notable number of casualties during its early use, once the crucial element of surprise had been lost the overall number of casualties quickly diminished. In large part this was because of the increasing effectiveness of the methods used to protect against poison gas. Gas never turned out to be the weapon that turned the tide of the war, as was often predicted, although the U.S. received 72,807 casualties due to poisonous gas.

The 23rd Infantry firing at German positions.

On July 1, when the 9th Infantry and 23rd Infantry attacked Vaux, there was a 12-hour artillery preparation, which permitted the position to be taken without great loss. The brigade was up to full strength before going into battle at Bois de Belleau and had full equipment. The morale was high and all men were eager to get into battle. Their resistance to shock was good, and there were comparatively few men evacuated on account of war neurosis. A number of men were encountered who were in a highly nervous condition. Some had lost the power of speech. Such symptoms appeared in the best men of the command. After a night's sleep at the regimental aid station, however, they were returned improved to their organizations with no immediate recurrences.

Under the changing conditions encountered on this front, and in the rear, the food varied greatly in quality and quantity. It was extremely difficult to get the rations that were available up to the men in line. Two-thirds of the food eaten was the French iron ration without the red wine. At times there was one small cooked meal a day which was at about 2300 because of the exposed position of the front line. Generally the main food of the troops in line consisted of French canned Argentine beef, popularly called "monkey meat" (stringy, unchewable and usually rancid), and French hard tack. As a steady diet, even when mixed with onions or potatoes, this meat was unpalatable, but because of great hunger, it was eaten without complaint.

On one occasion, following a visit of Red Cross field representatives to the headquarters of the regiments, arrangements were made by organization surgeons to have chocolate bars sent into the brigade area from Red Cross headquarters in Paris for ultimate distribution to the men. Two truckloads of chocolate were received at a time when the ration problem was a serious matter, and, although the supply allowed only one bar per man, the effect produced on the morale of the troops was beneficial. Ration details carried the chocolate along with the available daily ration of food up to the men in line from the regimental posts command.

Because of the nature of conditions attending this action, welfare attempts by attached civil workers was restricted to assisting organization medical personnel and chaplains. When the food supply could not keep pace with rapidly moving troops, some foraging resulted. The possibility of collecting food by this means did not occur every time the normal military food supply failed, as troops may be operating in parts of the country which have been impoverished, such as in old trench sectors or other areas over which great offensives have passed. Foraged food could only be obtained in places where the civilian population had just withdrawn, having left farms and homes fully stocked.

The "galleys" of the companies, usually, were located undercover in the near rear area. From there, every evening, the prepared food in French "marmite" chow carriers would be handled by men up to the companies in line. Except for the losses that occurred en route, this system worked fairly well, although such cooked foods as beans, rice, and potatoes many times would be soured by the time they reached the men. In the area close to the front, it was often observed, that when large cans of meat from the reserve rations were opened, only about one man's share was eaten and the rest was left to spoil. Canned meats for the reserve ration should have been separately put up with just enough in a can for one man's meal. Such a can should have been flat, similar to an ordinary sardine can, so that it would fit well in the pack.

As the secrecy of the attack on Vaux was not well kept, and the enemy took the precaution to readjust his defenses and reinforce and rearrange his garrison, the thorough artillery preparation may be regarded as having saved the day. About dawn on the July 1st it began, and was maintained for twelve consecutive hours at a rate of approximately five hundred rounds of high explosive shell per hour. The garrison was driven to the shelters and pinned under cover. Two battalions of the 9th Infantry, supported by the 23rd Infantry, then advanced in small groups, each with a carefully studied objective. Moving forward from the direction of Monneux and the western slope of Hill 204 on a front of two thousand yards, they were well covered from the enemy fire coming from the Bois de Bascon and the Bois des Pochets to the northeast of the village.

Doughboys going "over the top."

American troops overwhelmed the garrison and took nearly five hundred prisoners, twenty-five machine guns and six trench mortars, with a loss of but one officer and forty-five men killed; six officers and two hundred and eighty-four men gassed and wounded; and one officer and eleven men missing. That night the Germans made a half-hearted attempt to launch a light counter-attack against the captured village, but it came to nothing. During the succeeding days they contented themselves with shelling positions from which the Americans had driven them.

On Wednesday, July 3rd, 1918, doughboy Corporal James B. Lape was wounded after being hit by a bursting German high explosive shell in the vicinity of Vaux, France. He received shrapnel wounds from a gas shell to his head and neck, necessitating his evacuation from the front line. He was first evacuated by his fellow soldiers and later by medics who heard the call for "first aid," to a company aid station and then sent for more advanced wound care at the battalion aid station 100 yards to the rear of the 23rd Infantry Battalion. After the administration of morphine for pain, venous and capillary bleeding was controlled by packing the wounds with gauze taken from James's first-aid pack, and secured with a bandage. Hydration was then performed orally from canteens provide by the medics. Once stabilized at the battalion aid station, the Corporal James B. Lape was evacuated by a motorized ambulance to a field hospital.

As a consequence of the increasing number of German gas bombardments the AEF expanded the number of medical personnel available to diagnose gas victims and weed out malingerers. At the hospital to the rear, division medical personnel devised several traps to detect suspected malingerers. One trap involved offering the gas casualty a large meal. Men on the front line were always hungry; they rarely had enough to eat. But a gas victim's symptoms would include a loss of appetite, so anyone who devoured the food found himself promptly returned to the line. Medical personnel also offered suspected malingerers a cigarette laced with diphosgene. If the soldier gagged he was feigning gas poisoning. Some idea of the magnitude of the problem may be derived from one division field hospital commander's establishment, of a board to review the 251 gas cases in his wards. The board's report indicated that only ninety of the men actually suffered from gas poisoning. The problem, though, was never satisfactorily resolved in the AEF.

The Medical Department processed gas casualties in combat divisions, using procedures similar to those used for sick and wounded. Medics at the battalion aid stations did what they could for the gas wounded. This consisted of plastering Sag paste on mustard burns, often having to cut a uniform open to expose the swollen flesh. A wet compress applied over the eyes eased the pain of those blinded. Men who inhaled mustard gas could only be comforted with words, for no treatment could ease their pain. Medics could do nothing but try to put the mask back on and get them to a Field Hospital. From the battalion aid station, men moved to the "Ambulance Head," the closest point to the line safely out of reach of German artillery fire. When possible, all gas casualties rode to avoid exertion. Men blinded by chemical agents were usually led to the ambulance head by comrades who could see, although in some instances, large numbers of blinded soldiers groped their way to the rear by holding on to a cord set up by the medics.

When possible, division field hospitals were located in the same general area, with one hospital designated to handle gas victims. At this hospital the division medical officer supervised triage. Soldiers were placed into one of the following categories: fit for duty, immediate return to unit; fit for duty in twenty-four hours, return to unit; severely gassed, evacuate to an Army hospital. Exhausted men who complained of gas symptoms but who showed no outward signs of having been gassed were held in the division rear for rest, food, and observation. If medics verified their claims to gas poisoning, they too were evacuated. Corporal James B. Lape was evacuated through the gas hospital and onto a field hospital.

Division chemical hospitals had to be located near a source of water because persistent and even non-persistent agents clung to clothing, hair, and skin. After admission to a hospital, doughboys stripped off all their clothing and showered. Those casualties with serious symptoms were bathed while still on their stretchers. The bath house of the 2d Division gas hospital had a portable heater and six shower heads. When a doughboy left the showers, medics sprayed his eyes, nose, and throat with bicarbonate of soda. Depending on the diagnosis, the patient might be given a special treatment. of alkaline, oxygen, and, if necessary, venesection (bleeding) to counteract the effects of inhaled gas. For those soldiers who had eaten food or drunk water contaminated by gas, doctors prescribed olive or castor oil to coat the irritated stomach linings. When treatment failed to allow free breathing, or when the patient developed additional symptoms, medics immediately evacuated him to a base gas hospital. By November 1918, the Medical Department was well on its way to developing procedures to handle gas and mustard victims.

With the capture of Vaux, the Battle for Chateau-Thierry began winding down. Subsequent actions were strictly local. A provisional battalion consisting of one company selected from each infantry regiment of the division went to Paris on July 3rd to take part in the celebration of American Independence Day. During the period from June 1st to July 10th, the 2nd Division had suffered two hundred and seventeen officers, and nine thousand, five hundred and sixty enlisted killed and wounded. Within a fortnight, however, the Marines and Doughboys would find themselves in another horrific battle at Soissons.

By the time Corporal James B. Lape entered Base Hospital 115 in Vichy, France, his shrapnel wounds had become infected and were as "sore as a boil." World War I saw significant advances in military medicine with consequent better outcomes as compared to any previous war, but the heavily fertilized fields of northern France were rife with bacteria, including those responsible for gas gangrene and tetanus. Surgery at the 3rd Brigade's Field Hospital was successful in removing the fragments from James's head and neck, but caring for the infected wounds required specialized treatments. The hospital, many times operating out of tents, provided surgical teams that performed emergency operations. The Field Hospital was 100 beds with six medical officers and eighty-three enlisted men, which was insufficient personnel for chronic rehabilitation of so many wounded soldiers. However, by design the Field Hospital lay adjacent to a railway which provided easy transport of wounded soldiers to Base Hospitals.

After leaving the Field Hospital the thought of being treated at a specialized Base Hospital away from the chaotic battle front, or perhaps the thought of being cared for by American Red Cross nurses, was all Corporal James B. Lape found necessary to start feeling better. At Base Hospital Number 115, James would receive care in the leading treatment center in all of Europe for head and neck injuries, and that would get him home quicker.

It was here in August, 1918, at Base Hospital Number 115, that Corporal James B. Lape and Nurse Ethel A. Wilbur met for the first time. Corporal Lape was to be cared for by Nurse Wilbur at BH Number 115 for at least one month. During his stay at the hospital James was most appreciative of his expert care by the hospital staff. Despite his discontentment regarding rehabilitation measures, he found peacefulness and tranquility during his stay. Nurse Wilbur assisted in nurturing Corporal Lape to his ultimate well-being. His gratification was exhibited in a sketchbook he drafted and later donated to the nursing staff of Base Hospital Number 115.

Red Cross Nurse Ethel A. Wilbur

Corporal James B. Lape returned to the United States on January 1, 1919. He received $157.46, which included $12.60 for travel, as terminal pay for his military service during his discharge from the U.S. Army's 23rd Infantry Regiment. He was demobilized at station Camp Upton, Long Island, N.Y. He returned to Syracuse to find an answer to "the eternal question" and married his sweetheart, Elma Hodges, on February 3, 1926. James and Elma lived for a short time in Oneida, N.Y., where James was employed as a clerk at an automobile company. They moved back to Syracuse where James became a supervisor for the Carrier Corporation. By 1942 they were living at 110 Pelham Road, DeWitt, N.Y. James was commander of American Legion Post 41 in Syracuse. Elma was very active in the DAR during her life. James died on September 23, 1954 and was cremated. Elma died on June 6, 1967, and is buried in Syracuse. James and Elma Lape had no children.

Nurse Ethel A. Wilbur returned from France on April 29, 1919 and was demobilized at Base Hospital, Fort Bliss, Texas on May 11, 1919. She returned to her civilian nursing life after being relieved from active duty from the U.S. Army on August 12, 1919. Most of Ethel's life was spent in New York City, where she nursed in three different hospitals during her career. She eventually became the Matron. She died in the Bethel Nursing & Rehabilitation Center Respite Care, Ossining, N.Y., in November 1976. Because of Ethel's fidelity to health care, her life was very personal. Ethel never married.

In 2008, thirty years after Ethel A. Wilbur's death, her effects were reviewed for final settlement. Ninety years after the sketch book was donated to Ethel A. Wilbur and the nursing staff of Base Hospital #115 in Vichy, France, by Corporal James B. Lape, the book was rediscovered in Ethel's personal belongings. The sketch book was looked at as being a prized possession, such a precious genealogical find that it should be returned to the Lape family.

In November 2008, with the help of genealogists Susan Mulvey and Gary O. Green, Ethel's grand-niece, Ginny Hill of Moncton, New Brunswick, Canada, made contact via internet mail with me, a Lape family genealogist. After many correspondences and after much research on whether there existed direct heritage, it was decided that I would attain the Corporal James B. Lape sketch book.

In searching for descendants of Corporal James B. Lape, no children were discovered. William Lape, the brother of James, died in 1972 but he did have three daughters: Barbara, Charlotte and Martha, born between 1916 - 1921. All three of James's nieces did marry. Barbara married a Mr. H. E. Van Cleef and they lived in Glendale, California in the 1940s. Charlotte married a Mr. Donald J. Byrne and they lived in Evanston, Illinois, in the 1940s. Marcia Lape married Arthur G. Freeman in 1944 and they lived in Evanston, Illinois, in the 1940s. No existing direct relatives of William Lape have been yet found.

His sketch book, fittingly named "Sketches of the War", is principally pencil-sketched and is believed to have been entirely done during his stay at Base Hospital Number 115. The "exhibitions of art" displayed in the book, although in appreciation of the nurses of the American Red Cross Units with the AEF in 1918 France, depict the feelings, friendships, love, horrors and personalities that James experienced during the war. In 1918, as Corporal James B. Lape left for his return to Syracuse, NY, the sketch book was donated to the nursing staff of Base Hospital 115. It was left for the next 60 years in the hands of its caretaker, Nurse Ethel A. Wilbur. The sketch book is a canvas covered, 4 3/4 inch tall by 7 1/2 inch wide leaflet with an attached canvas pencil holder.

The Lape family is very grateful to Ginny Hill for her appreciation of the sketch book and for her benevolence. Once chronicled, the sketch book will be donated to the Onondaga County Historical Society in Syracuse, NY.

The Pages of the Sketch Book may be found here.