In this narrative, we discuss our project foundations, methods, and theoretical approaches. We also explain our visualizations and discuss our findings in depth, contextualizing what the mean is throughout our literature. Finally, we discuss the future implications of this work.
The table of contents below can be used to explore the different components of our narrative.
What facets of identity are risk factors for fatal opioid overdoses?
Our research question aims to highlight how intersecting factors of identity such as race, ethnicity, gender, socioeconomic background, and disability may increase an individual’s risk for fatal overdose. Understanding risk factors for fatal overdoses is important to rectifying social injustices caused by inequitable access to education, health care, and other crucial resources. For example, these data can provide guidance for specific laws and programs that might lessen structural injustices and provide fair access to resources for recovery, treatment, and prevention. Overall, tackling the complex socioeconomic variables that lead to disparities in drug-related outcomes and advancing inclusive public health measures depend on investigating the role that identity plays in vulnerability to substance use disorders.
We hypothesized that drug usage would be shown to disproportionately affects minority and underserved communities. A large body of research demonstrating greater incidence of substance use disorders among these groups lends credence to this theory. Poverty, prejudice, and restricted access to healthcare are examples of social variables that greatly increase a person's susceptibility to drug use, thereby increasing risk for fatal overdoses. Taking an intersectional stance recognizes that people from underprivileged groups are at additional risk due to compounding inequities across socioeconomic class, gender, and race.
We conducted a comprehensive evaluation of the literature encompassing academic research, reports, and policy documents. This allowed for a synthesis of the existing body of knowledge regarding the demography of opioid overdoses and associated risk factors. We also quantitative data analysis to help identify patterns and discrepancies across demographic categories in our dataset, focusing primarily on racial demographics. We used Tableau to visualize our data and identify correlations between certain identity markers and overdose rates across different populations. In our analysis of these visualizations, we turn to our literature, using a social justice-informed critical approach to analyze what social factors may be contributing to the trends in our data.
We are thinking first and foremost through the lens of Critical Race Theory (CRT), which offers a framework for examining the ways that systemic injustices and structural racism affect the incidence of opioid overdoses that differ between racial and ethnic groupings. It illuminates the ways in which historical, social, and economic factors converge to influence healthcare access, socioeconomic standing, and exposure to risk factors linked to substance abuse. Beyond a simple consideration of race, CRT “questions the very foundations of the liberal order, including equality theory, legal reasoning, Enlightenment rationalism, and neutral principles of constitutional law” (Delgado and Stefanic, 1).
Using CRT also extends to an intersectional approach, enabling us to think about the complex ways that race interacts with other social identities, which may also be factors in opioid use disorder. This perspective helps us understand the particular vulnerabilities that certain oppressed communities may face. CRT also helps us examine the power relationships that exist within policy frameworks and healthcare systems, emphasizing the ways in which racial hierarchies impact treatment access, stigma, and the criminalization of drug use. It offers a starting point for refuting skewed narratives and promoting policies that deal with institutional racism in the medical field. CRT particularly grounds our project because of its emphasis on activism, not only trying to understand the social context underlying disproportionate trends in drug use and narratives surrounding it, but also trying to change structures that enable them.
The lens of Critical Disability Studies (CDS) helps us examine the ways in which drug use and recovery are stigmatized, and how individuals' experience of stigma can also be influenced by the intersections of disability with other identities, such as race, gender, and socioeconomic background.
By challenging conventional beliefs about ability and health, CDS “designat[es] (dis)ability as a system of social norms which categorizes, ranks, and values bodyminds and disability as a historically and culturally variable category within this larger system” (Schalk, 2). Thus, we can use this framework to challenge the pathologization of substance use disorders, as well as unpack stigma around addiction stemming from the use of opioids for chronic pain relief. It highlights the importance of accessible treatment, inclusive healthcare practices, harm-reduction strategies, and acknowledgement of the various social determinants of health.
Alternative Text for "Tracking Important Dates + National Response to Opioids in the U.S." Timeline
Tracking Important Dates + National Response to Opioids in the U.S.
1861-1865: Morphine Usage increases - Many soldiers develop a dependency on morphine as it is commonly used as an anesthetic during the Civil War.
1875: SF Opium Den Ordinance - Makes it a misdemeanor to have or visit places where people smoked opium, which were mainly in Chinese immigrant neighborhoods. First of many racially inflammatory state laws that would give way to federal drug laws.
1898: Heroin Production - Heroin produced for commercial distribution by The Bayer Company worsened morphine addictions.
1909: Smoking Opium Exclusion Act - Bans the possession, importation, and use of opium for smoking.
1914: The Harrison Act - Regulates and taxes the production, importation, and distribution of opiates and cocaine.
1924: Anti-Heroin Act - Bans the production and sale of heroin in the United States.
1970: Controlled Substances Act - President Richard M. Nixon signs the Controlled Substances Act into law, calling for the regulation of certain drugs and substances. CSA outlines 5 "schedules" to classify drugs, with Schedule 1 being the most dangerous (includes Marijuana, LSD, heroin, MDMA, and others)
1971: "War On Drugs" - Nixon officially declares a "War on Drugs," designating drug abuse as "public enemy number one"
1973: DEA Created - Nixon creates the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), with 1,470 special agents and a budget of over $75 million
1980: Reagan-Era Drug Hysteria - Proposals to decriminalize marijuana declines as President Reagan expands the drug war, Nancy Reagan begins the well-known anti-drug campaign, "Just Say No," and Los Angeles Police Chief Daryl Gates founds the DARE program for drug education. Incarcerations for nonviolent drug offenses at 50,000.
1986: Anti-Drug Abuse Act - Congress establishes mandatory minimum prison sentences for certain drug offenses, allocated longer sentences for the same amount of crack cocaine (used more often by black Americans) as powder cocaine
1995: Oxycontin Introduced - Marketed by Purdue Pharma as a safe pain medication and longer acting form of oxycodone
1997: Rise in Nonviolent Drug Incarcerations - Increases from 50,000 in 1980 to 400,000 in 1997
2013: Spike in Overdose - Highly potent synthetic opioids like fentanyl start a wave of overdose deaths
2015: Operation Pilluted - 280 arrested (including 22 doctors and pharmacists) in the largest criminal case concerning prescription drug diversion for illegally prescribing and distributing controlled substances, including hydrocodone and oxycodone.
2018: Drug Overdose Deaths Drop - For the first time since 1990, the annual number of drug overdose deaths drops
2021: Overdose Death Toll Reach New Heights - U.S. annual death toll from drug overdose sees dramatic increase attributed to fentanyl, heightened isolation, and other pandemic-related challenges, crossing the 100,000 mark for the first time (23% increase)
Historical patterns in the data can be used to understand how systemic disparities along racial lines impacts the rate of fatal overdose in different communities. Our data confirms that race is a significant indicator of overdose risk, with current data showing that Black and Indigenous populations are at the highest risk for fatal overdoses (See Fig. 1).
Figure 1. A graph showing U.S. overdose deaths from 1999 to 2022, broken down by racial demographics. “Overdoses by Ethnicity (per 100,00).” Graph produced by Jacob Goldstein, June 20, 2024, screenshot, Tableau.
For a more detailed view of this graph, visit our visualization page.
Through the lens of Critical Race Theory, we can understand the disparity across different racial groups as a product of systemic racism. Additionally, certain racial groups are more prone to experiencing certain socioeconomic inequities, meaning there are other non-racial variables that are correlated with increased overdose risk, which themselves may be correlated with race. For example, one 2020 study found that various socioeconomic variables, such as being male, being disabled, not having attended college, not having health insurance, being a renter, being a U.S. citizen, being incarcerated, living below the poverty line, and/or living in a South Atlantic or Mountain state increased one’s risk for fatal opioid overdose (Alterkruse).
It is important to note that increases in overdose rates among all racial populations can be largely attributed to the introduction of synthetic opioids (fentanyl) into the drug supply. Comparing the “Overdoses by Ethnicity” graph above and the “Synthetic Overdoses by Ethnicity” graph below, we see that the growth in overdose rates post-2013 can largely be attributed to fentanyl (see figure 2). Moreover, the data also shows that while all populations were affected by increased fentanyl usage, since 2020, Black and Indigenous populations have been disproportionately affected by fentanyl when compared to White populations who, prior to 2020, were more similarly affected.
Figure 2. A graph showing U.S. synthetic opioid-related overdose deaths from 1999 to 2022, broken down by racial demographics. “Synthetic Overdoses by Ethnicity (per 100,00).” Graph produced by Jacob Goldstein, June 20, 2024, screenshot, Tableau. For a more detailed view of this graph, visit our visualization page.
These data are read in the context of above data, so we know that fentanyl is already driving overdoses at these points. The goal of the visualization is to understand how fentanyl is being consumed in combination with other drugs. As revealed in Figures 3 and 4 below, the rates of prescription and synthetic opioids are largely decreased, with stimulants and psychostimulants taking up a much larger portion of the ratio. So, why are stimulants and psychostimulants getting involved with synthetic opioids? A 2023 UCLA Health study found that since better quality stimulants are on the market, they are being used more. However, these stimulants are also laced with fentanyl. The use of these laced stimulants disproportionately affects Black and Indigenous communities, thus revealing how these disparities are causing a drastic increase in stimulant-synthetic deaths, and therefore, overall opioid deaths (UCLA Health).
Additionally, this study addresses how fentanyl is being added to drugs to make them "stronger and more addictive." This source also talks about fentanyl being sold as Xanax and Oxycodone ("You can help reverse the overdose epidemic", 1:45)
2017 was the end of the first peak that started in 2013. 2022 is the most recent data we have. Even in this short time, we can see that fentanyl is increasingly showing up in stimulant-related deaths. Previously, prescription opioids and heroin were more involved, but that's no longer true.
Figures 3 and 4. Pie charts showing U.S. synthetic opioid-related overdose rates from ages 15-24 in 2017 and 2022, respectively, broken down by combinations of substances. “Synthetic Opioid Combination Overdose Rate Ages 15-24 (per 100,000).” Graph produced by Jacob Goldstein, June 25, 2024, screenshot, Tableau. For a more detailed view of this graph, visit our visualization page.
The disproportionality we have seen thus far in the data starting in 2020 seems to be explained by the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, although researchers are still unsure of what specific socioeconomic factors related to the pandemic may be related to the rise in fatal overdoses (Wagner). Nonetheless, knowing that socioeconomic factors have been heavily linked to who has been most affected by COVID-19, we can extrapolate that similar factors may be implicated in, or compiling upon, factors related to rising rates of fatal overdose.
This data helps us critically examine historical approaches to reducing overdose rates, allowing us to understand why certain policies have failed to achieve their desired impact. Historical research shows how reactions to drug crises have changed over time due to patterns of criminalization, medicalization, and stigma. Previously, drug-related policies have aimed to crack down on overdoses by criminalizing drugs, increasing policing, and seizing drugs to limit the supply ("War on Drugs"). However new data suggests that punitive measures to decrease drug use may actually be correlated with higher rates of fatal overdose. For example, a recent study showed that police seizures of drugs were actually correlated with higher incidences of fatal overdoses. Researchers hypothesized that this was due to the fact that users may seek out new drug sources, which may contain much more dangerous substances such as fentanyl ("Fatal overdoses increase after police seize drugs"). Thus, it is important to recognize that increases in policing and surveillance can be actively detrimental to communities in need.
In the context of history, the issue of opioid overdose and its disproportionate effects on different aspects of identity is significant because it highlights ingrained societal injustices and institutionalized prejudices that permeate law enforcement procedures. Particularly when it comes to drug-related charges, inaccurate data or biased interpretations of data might dangerously contribute to disproportionate policing. For instance, biases in reporting, medical diagnoses, or law enforcement tactics that disproportionately target particular racial or socioeconomic groups may be reflected in past data on drug use and overdose rates. These prejudices have the potential to exacerbate social injustices and prolong cycles of inequality by resulting in over-policing and harsher sanctions for marginalized communities.
When policymakers develop more equitable approaches that prioritize prevention, harm reduction, and treatment access for vulnerable populations who are disproportionately affected by opioid overdose, fatal deaths decrease. For example, preliminary data from 2023 suggests that increased efforts to educate about naloxone and increase its widespread availability has helped curb fatal opioid overdoses.
Our project contributes to the expansion of the digital humanities by showing how theoretical perspectives from the humanities can expand our understanding of data coming out of the fields of scientific and health research. As our narrative has shown, historically speaking, when policy makers and law enforcement officers have responded to these data without considering the broader potential impacts of their actions, often times it resulted in negative effects. This shows the need for humanistic perspectives to data analysis, which contextualize drug use and drug overdose data in socially-grounded theories such as Critical Race Theory and Critical Disability Studies, in order to best serve communities in need. Data that is utilized without context threatens to bring harm to the exact people who these studies aim to help.