The line plot above shows the proportion of solo artists by gender in the Billboard Hot 100 from 1958 to 2024. Between 1960 and the early 1980s, there is a noticeable increase in the proportion of female solo artists. This trend coincides with the rise of the second wave of feminism, which began in the early 1960s and lasted until the early 1980s and focused on issues such as equality in the workplace, reproductive rights, and challenging traditional gender roles. It was also around this time that influential female artists such as Aretha Franklin, Janis Joplin, and Diana Ross emerged and secured platforms to advocate for women’s rights and empowerment. Their success can be seen as both a reflection of and a contributor to the growing feminist movement. The music of these artists often contained themes of empowerment and independence (e.g. Lesley Gore’s “You Don’t Own Me” in 1963), resonating with the societal shifts and changing roles of women.
Aretha Franklin, an iconic female artist who paved the way for women in music in the 1960’s
Through the lens of feminist theory, we can see that cultural production, such as music, plays a crucial role in both reflecting and shaping societal norms and values. The increased visibility and success of female solo artists during the second wave of feminism can be seen as a cultural manifestation of the broader feminist struggle for equality. This type of analysis is crucial within the scope of history because it highlights the interplay between societal movements and cultural outputs (such as music). By examining the rise of female artists, we gain insight into how societal changes influence popular culture (and vice versa).
In 1989, Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the term "intersectionality" to describe how overlapping social identities such as race, gender, and class create unique experiences of oppression and privilege, emphasizing the need for an inclusive approach to social justice. Bearing this in mind, we aimed to expand our analyses to explore artists’ intersectional identities. Crucially, in addition to data on artists’ gender, we found data on the Billboard Hot 100 artists’ demographic groups intersecting gender and race, albeit within a more current time frame.
Average Billboard Hot 100 Rankings by Artists’ Demographic Categories
The graph reveals trends and patterns shaped by artist’s intersectional identities of race and gender over time. On the y-axis, smaller numbers (toward the top) indicate higher rankings. Black female artists exhibit significant variability but generally improve over time, notably from 2014 onwards, suggesting resilience and breaking barriers despite compounded racial and gender biases. Black male artists show steadier patterns, benefiting from the broader acceptance of hip-hop and rap, with stable mid-50s rankings in recent years. White female artists generally perform well, reflecting broader market appeal and industry support. However, a decline around 2016-2018 suggests shifts in audience preferences. White male artists demonstrate the most variation, indicating volatility influenced by diverse genre participation and market trends.
The data underscores the persistent challenges and gradual progress for black female artists in a male-dominated industry. Their improving rankings suggest positive shifts toward inclusivity, yet significant disparities highlight ongoing barriers. The steadier performance of black male artists points to the cultural dominance of certain genres, while the fluctuating rankings of white male and female artists reflect broader market dynamics.
Overall, while the data reveals positive trends for black female artists, it also highlights the need for continued efforts towards equity and inclusivity in the music industry. The variations among demographic groups illustrate how race and gender intersect to influence artistic success, with market trends and audience preferences playing significant roles.
Furthermore, we investigated the lyrical themes of the songs based on artists’ intersectional identities, seeking to understand how different demographic backgrounds influence musical expression.
Billboard Hot 100 Songs’ Topic Distribution by Artists’ Demographic Categories
The topic proportions across different demographic categories reveal significant variations that relate to intersectionality and feminism. For instance, Topic 1, characterized by words like "love," "know," "baby," and "girl," dominates among black female (52.07%) and white female artists (67.27%), as well as white male artists (65.46%). This focus on themes of love and relationships may reflect societal norms that emphasize emotional expression in women’s narratives.
In contrast, black male artists show a more balanced topic distribution, with 28.47% in Topic 2, featuring words like "nigga," "bitch," "shit," and "money." This suggests a stronger presence of themes related to socioeconomic struggles and assertive masculinity, reflecting historical contexts where black male voices often address identity, power, and survival.
These findings highlight the intersectional nature of music, where race and gender intersect to shape lyrical themes. For female artists, the emphasis on relational themes can reflect traditional gender roles but also provide a platform for asserting personal experiences and agency. The aggressive and financially-focused themes among black male artists underscore the intersection of racial and gender-based oppression, emphasizing resilience and resistance against systemic challenges.
Overall, the analysis shows how different groups navigate and express their identities through music, illustrating the importance of considering multiple social categories to understand the complexities of artistic expression and its connection to broader social dynamics.
We further examined the songs’ lyrics to explore the interrelation between music and culture, zooming in on some representative lexicons. We focused on three vocabulary groups: profane words, substance-related words, and big-name brands / capitalistic words.
Societal changes may also be reflected in norms around propriety and reflected in music. The below graph shows frequencies of a selection of common profanity for Spotify and the Billboard Hot 100.
Spotify Profanity:
Billboard Hot 100 Profanity:
One of the most visible features of the graphs is that the Spotify data has sudden, drastic spikes on the left. This is due to the low numbers of songs released in those years on Spotify—no year before 1966 has more than a single-digit number of songs—and so the results can be disregarded as statistical anomalies. Additionally, this can also be attributed to the initial pure negative outlook on profanity in music during this time. This is illustrated by the actions of worried parents like Tipper Gore, former U.S. President Al Gore’s wife, who advocated for the “banning” of explicit music due to its potential negative influence, which was ultimately unsuccessful (Parris). Otherwise, we see a consistent, gradual increase in the frequencies of all selected words over time. On the other hand, the Billboard Hot 100 had virtually none of these words until after 1990, and afterward vary widely but generally trend upwards.
Madonna performing “Like a Virgin” at the 1984 MTV Music Awards, which caught the attention of Tipper Gore, the wife of former U.S. President Al Gore, for the erotic lyrics and seductive performance
The even more sudden increase in profanity in Billboard songs starting in the early 2010’s can be attributed to the introduction of music streaming services like Spotify and Apple Music that removed the middle man in music distribution, allowed record labels to get music out with less restrictions, and provided a loophole for younger consumers to access and listen to these records without their parents seeing an explicit-labeled CD (Parris).
Spotify Substances:
Billboard Hot 100 Substances:
These graphs show mentions of various drugs in the lyrics of songs for the Billboard Hot 100 and Spotify, respectively. As mentioned above, Spotify has major spikes on the left to disregard. Another notable feature is a specific increase in uses of the word “smoke” in the mid to late 1990s shared between the two. Naturally, there are unrelated uses of the word, but since they occur for a variety of unpredictable reasons, we expect this factor to be random and relatively constant throughout, and this peak readily distinguishes itself from the surrounding noise. It coincides with both a large jump in the frequency of depictions and positive references of smoking in film (Rose), and an increase in smoking among high school students in the United States (CDC).
Just a few of the many examples of smoking in films, many of which do not have negative connotations
An example of a positive mention of smoking in late 90’s music is from a 1995 hit “Sugar Hill” by AZ. In the second verse, the line “So I can smoke my reefer, and enjoy how life’s supposed to treat ya” shows how smoking can be an activity for relaxing. The most drastic broader trend not shared between the two graphs is a general increase in Billboard songs that use these words, mirroring the previously mentioned trend in other profanity on Billboard.
Number of Appearances of Nike and Gucci In Song Lyrics
David Hesmondhalgh's analysis of the cultural industries illuminates the commodification of cultural products, such as music, within capitalist economies. Hesmondhalgh argues that music, like other cultural products, is produced and distributed in ways that reflect and perpetuate existing power dynamics and economic structures (Hesmondhalgh, 2013). The increasing references to luxury brands within songs, such as "I just want a Rollie, Rollie, Rollie with a dab of ranch" from Ayo & Teo's "Rolex," can be seen as a form of commodification, where music serves as both cultural expression and a vehicle for reinforcing capitalist values and consumerist ideologies. Moreover, Hesmondhalgh’s critique extends to how digital platforms such as Spotify have reshaped the music industry. These platforms demand a constant stream of content from musicians, pushing them to incorporate commercially appealing elements. These include references to luxury brands, such as in A$AP Rocky's "Fashion Killa," which mentions brands like Prada and Balenciaga, in order to capture audience attention and cater to algorithm-driven promotion.
We plotted the price of the S&P 500 index, along with a line chart showing the average number of capitalism terms in those song lyrics. This was done by using a lexicon of different capitalist terms, such as “competition”, “entrepreneurship” and “profit.” We also added brand names such as “Nike”, “Rolex” and “Mercedes”. Out of the 18,000+ songs in the dataset, only around 9% of them contained any capitalist terms. When creating the following visualizations, we only used this 9%. As depicted in the graph above, we can see the presence of capitalist terms in lyrics seems to have risen in the past decades. While there are some decreases here and there, the trend generally seems to be going upward. This trend reflects the changes within the music industry. As noted by Dave Laing’s analysis, “Digital platforms have facilitated a shift from the sale of music as a commodity to the commodification of user interaction itself.” This can be seen with the transition from CDs to streaming platforms. Now, more than ever, artists must compete with an algorithm to stay relevant and gain further exposure. Furthermore, “45% [of Gen Z] cite material items as a motivator to achieve financial success" (Bank of America). Other generations have significantly lower rates, with 34% of millennials and 30% of Gen X feeling the same way. This could explain the sudden burst of price in the stock market price from 2010 onward. This was the period when Gen Z became adolescents, interacting with big media companies such as YouTube, Spotify, Apple Music, and so on. The trends in the graph become a bit clearer. As artists fight to remain relevant, they commodify the interactions of their listeners by creating songs with hints of capitalist views.