This wooden “toy” seal carving belongs to the Inuits of Alaska. According to the Minneapolis Museum of Art, that the Inuits don’t see these carvings as art or have a “word for it.” According to this research, the Inuit people carve representations (sananguagait),of what they see and observe; therefore all of their carvings are symbols and representations of the world they live in. The “toy” seal carving is then a representation of a seal.

Because the carving represents a seal, and the seal represents the Inuits’ way of life, knowledge and cultural traditions, therefore the seal can be seen as a representation of Alaskan Inuits’ sovereignty. By understanding the meaning behind the seal one can get a glimpse or gain understanding of the Inuits’ way of life.

The seal is one of the most important animals for the Alaskan Inuits, alongside the caribou and walrus. The seal is not only the Inuits’ main staple food in winter but also plays a major role in the Inuits’ way of life, from marking the beginning of the winter hunting season to courtship rituals where the seal (or representation of the seal) is the theme of the ceremonies (festivities) in winter.

The seal has deep roots, that go back hundreds if not thousands of years, in the Inuit people’s culture; it is so deep that it is embedded in the Inuits’ knowledge and is part of their identity. It could be argued that the Alaskan Inuit owe their existence to the seal (in the winter season) and the same can be said of the caribou (in the spring). These two animals can explain the Inuits’ beliefs of procreation and survival of the people because the two animals historically provided almost all of the things that the Inuits needed for their survival, from clothing to kayaks, hunting tools to nourishment and many other things, like carvings.

Carvings are usually used in ceremonies and rituals before the hunting season in order to ensure a successful hunting season. This carving is about 1.5 inches wide and a few inches long. Perhaps this carving could have been used as an amulet to attach to hunting gear or tie to clothing as an ornament of good luck. 

Both the “toy” seal and the walrus mask belong to the same region and the Alaskan Aleut Native people but different groups, Inuit and Yupik. It appears as if both carvings are used for ceremonial purposes to bring good luck in the winter hunting season. Perhaps the “toy” seal is carried as an amulet while the mask is used in dancing rituals. 

"Three Thousand," a film by contemporary Inuit artist Asinnajaq, uses archival footage and animation to demonstrate the ongoing connection between human and animal communities, past and present, in order to envision an indigenous future. Watch it here.

Works Cited

Laugrand, Frédéric and Jarich Oosten. Hunters, Predators, and Pray: Inuit Perceptions of Animals. Berghahn Books, 2015.

“Inuit Figures.” Minneapolis Institute of Art. https://new.artsmia.org/programs/teachers-

and-students/teaching-the-arts/artwork-in-focus/inuit-figures. Accessed December, 2023.

This item is currently on display in Evald 104.

Mike Wassilie made this walrus mask in 2008 for the purpose of bringing good luck to the hunting season. It is a long standing tradition to perform rituals before a hunting season begins. These rituals often include carving symbols that represent the animals that are hunted; it is as if the Yupik people send a subliminal message to nature in order to achieve success in the hunting season.

The walrus mask appears to fuse man and animal. The top part of the front has eyes carved into human form and the bottom has the tusks and whiskers (made of fishing line) of a walrus; on top of the head it has multiple figures, a handle on each side in a form of leaves to let people know it is the fall season, and two walruses, one on each side, with their heads looking towards a harpoon that represents the hunter. All of the symbols are tied to a red circle that represents an opening to the spiritual realm. This goes to show the relationship between the Yupik people and the animals they hunt. The Yupik believe that animals are part of the sentient world therefore they honor these animals - like walrus, seal, and caribou - by using as much as possible of the animals’ parts, and often represent these animals in their carvings and rituals.

Both the Walrus Transformation mask and the “toy” seal carving are symbols of Alaskan (Aleut) Natives’ cultures and identity, as they use these symbols in rituals and performances in social gatherings before departing on a hunt. Some not only use these symbols like the carving and mask as tokens of good luck in the hunting season, but also to honor and respect nature. The Inuits and Yupiks also have incorporated animals like the seal into their courtship rituals. In a sense, these animals represent their way of life and the relationship between people and nature.

Hear a brief interview with Mike Wassilie and learn about the Alaska Native Heritage Center here.

Works Cited

Dada, Zain. The Olson-Brandelle North American Indian Art Collection. Edited by Sherry C. Maurer. Augustana College, 2010, pp. 258-59.

Hill, Erica. “The Archaeology and Ethnohistory of Walrus Ritual around Bering Strait.” Études/Inuit/Studies, vol. 41, no. 1/2, 2017, pp. 73–99. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/45116486. Accessed December 2024.

Moccasins are a direct reflection of Native American people and Native American culture; an illuminated display of their ingenuity, resourcefulness, and creativity. Surely when the first moccasins were created they served the purpose of protective footwear for indigenous people to navigate through rough terrain, shielding their bare feet from harsh gravel, blistering weather, and numerous other liabilities that came along with travel. The people found that moccasins could serve other purposes as well, as a means of trade, a means of commerce, a way to secure an economic benefit from Euro-Americans even in the reservation era when these were made.

Although a reflection of Native American culture as a whole, some moccasins are so uniquely designed with such methodical stitching and construction that other Native people would be able to differentiate exactly what tribal nation the person wearing them belongs to. This fact is a testament that moccasins not only served their purpose as a shoe but also played a significant role in identity and expression of culture. When you note the beadwork, what appears to be a sense of fashion is also another window into the cultures of Native Americans. Beadwork, although universal throughout Native American cultures, can be very specific to tribal nations. Beads sewn onto moccasins could be narrating a specific occasion for the Native person wearing them or for the specific tribal nation that the maker belonged to. 

So just like moccasins themselves, beadwork was an expression of identity and still is to this day. Just as we wear shoes as fashion statements, which are in many ways reflections of our cultures and our own identities, Native Americans use beadwork as a representation of themselves, their tribal nations, and their cultures. 

Read about how identifying beadwork style led to a child's pair of moccasins being returned to the Sisseton Wahpeton Oyate people in 2023 over a century after being taken away at the Carlisle School in Pennsylvania: "Our Children Came Home with Moccasins."

Works Cited

Myers, Thomas P. “An Examination of Central Plains Moccasins: Evidence of Adaptation to a Reservation Economy.” Plains Anthropologist, vol. 32, no. 115, Feburary 1987, pp. 29-41. 

Ponce, Raphael. "A pair of Northern Plains moccasins." Whispering Wind, vol. 41, no. 3, Oct.-Nov. 2012, pp. 19-21 Gale Academic OneFile, link.gale.com/apps/doc/A322564602/AONE?u=anon~c7f4c0f6&sid=googleScholar&xid=b22b6fa9.

Although Native Americans originally incorporated beads into their culture by way of Europeans, “beading” or “beadwork” has become a significant part of American Indian regalia and a direct reflection of Native American cultures. 

Some could view the display of beadwork as a beautiful artistic expression of an imaginative mood, but for Native American culture that display of art could be the very bridge to identity. For many tribal nations such as the Kiowa, Lakota, or Cheyenne, beadwork is not only an expression of identity but also a channel of communication. Sometimes with the methodical sewing of glass beads onto moccasins or pants or jackets, stories are being narrated specific to that tribal nation, marking occasions such as graduations, powwows, or even weddings. 

For Native Americans, beadwork on regalia could serve as an image of visual sovereignty. In the 1800s and early 1900s, when Euro-America was forcing Native Americans to assimilate, beadwork and regalia were a direct reminder of their own indigenous history; therefore, a rejection of full assimilation.

Greeves’ artwork highlights the fact that only did Native Americans not “vanish,” but they have adapted just like the rest of the world. Greeves’ depiction of the “Sunboyz” on a pair of modern gym shoes highlights this adaptation, and just as important as beadwork was in the past in communicating narratives, expressing identity and rejecting assimilation, visual sovereignty is equally important in the 21st century, highlighting that Native Americans are not a “vanishing race” but still communicating their history, their stories, and their culture by way of beadwork.

Teri Greeves shares the story of Sunboy and Spider Woman here.

Works Cited

Greeves, Teri. “Interview with Teri Greeves: Part 2.” Four Winds Gallery, October 28, 2013. https://www.fourwindsgallery.com/2013/10/28/interview-with-teri-greeves-part-2/.

Greeves, Teri. Teri Greeves Beadwork. https://www.terigreevesbeadwork.com/. Accessed December 2024.

Keagle, Jordan. “Eastern Beads, Western Applications: Wampum Among Plains Tribes.” Great Plains Quarterly, 33 (Fall 2013): 221-235. JSTOR. https://www.jstor.org/stable/24467579.

The “Katsina doll” or tithu is a traditional representation of the supernatural spirits of the Hopi people, Katsinam. They were made only by initiated men and used only for religious purposes. Manfred Susunkewa created this version of a traditional Katsina doll for the art market to demonstrate the “tradition and artistry” of making katsina dolls. 

Tithu play a big role in the tradition and culture of the Hopi people, from the material they are  made of to the designs that cover the mask. There are different types of mask for these dolls which all have their own significant meanings in representing specific supernatural spirits. The colors have their own meanings also. The colors represent directions for the Hopi people, with red meaning south, yellow for north, white for east, and blue-green for West, with the different masks representing which katsina spirit the tithu represents. According to Hopi scholar Barton Wright, this figure is identified by the “T nose and snout [which] makes him a Heheya.” The pale turquoise mask which is the color of the west and the decoration of the cheeks represent clouds. Also the zigzag on his forehead represents the rainbow and clouds which is a calling sign for the prayer for rain by the Hopi to the spirits. 

Since the late 19th century Hopi people have been making versions of the “Katsina doll” for sale to tourists. Many of these were purposely inaccurate, because to sell an object that truly represented the supernaturals would have been improper. Tourists in a modernizing world were most interested in items that seemed “authentic” or “traditional” because they believed that purchasing these items could bring them closer to a sense of spirituality that was missing from modern life. Since the “New Age” revival of the 1970s, katsina representations from the early 20th century that were never meant to be used for religious ceremonies are sometimes sold as “authentic” because they are old.

The indigenous comedy group the 1491s parodied tourists’ interest in Native American arts as “spiritual” - and poked fun at indigenous people’s own participation in the tourist trade - in this sketch from 2013. (Profanity alert!)

Works Cited

Chezum, Tiffany, and Gale Morgan. The Olsen-Brandelle North American Indian Art Collection, edited by Sherry C. Maurer (Augustana College, 2010),125-26.

Pearlstone, Zena. “Hopi Doll Look-Alikes: An Extended Definition of Inauthenticity.” American Indian Quarterly, vol. 35, no. 4, 2011, pp. 579–608, https://doi.org/10.1353/aiq.2011.a453958.

Katsina spirits are instrumental to the religious life of the Hopi people. They are highly valued because they govern many aspects of everyday life of the Hopi people, such as crop success, health of younger generations, and even rain. 

Hopi boys are initiated into the “Katsina Cult” at around ten years old. Katsinam are sacred partners of the Hopi people and carry a deep religious significance. Each year from about February to July, ceremonies are held where the men dress as Katsinam as a sign of respect. 

There are over 300 Katsina spirits, each with their own unique characteristics. The Katsina dolls (tithu) are typically made by men and gifted to infants, young girls, and women. The tithu must be carved from cottonwood roots because this tree is significant to the Hopi people due to its roots having the ability to seek and successfully find water. 

The masks of the tithu tell which figure is being represented. Design, dress, and colors are all significant. The red and blue/green colors of the Crow Mother represent the southwestern groups of Hopi people. This tribal nation has a real sense of self and remain closely connected to their culture and homelands. 

While Susunkewa's Heheya figure is old style, George's "Crow Mana" is a newer-style "action figure" carving. You can see other "action figure" carvings here. 

Works Cited

“Kachina Dolls.” Garland’s, Sedona, Arizona. https://www.shopgarlands.com/collections/kachinas Accessed January 2025.

Pearlstone, Zena. “Hopi Doll Look-Alikes: An Extended Definition of Inauthenticity.” American Indian Quarterly, vol. 35, no. 4, 2011, pp. 579–608, https://doi.org/10.1353/aiq.2011.a453958.

Suro, Mary Davis. “Hopi Kachina Dolls of the Southwest." The New York Times, 1992, pp. 6-7.