Articles
Discrimination and Resentment: Examining American Attitudes about Native Americans. Conditional Accept July 2021: Journal of Race and Ethnic Politics. (with Raymond Foxworth).
Abstract: What shapes Americans’ attitudes towards and about Native Americans? Public opinion research acknowledges that race and ethnicity are a factor in shaping US public opinion. Native Americans have been almost entirely excluded from this research. But we do know that, despite being a relatively small population, the general public holds stereotypes and false narratives about Native Americans that have been perpetuated by popular culture, education curriculum and national myths. In this paper, we use new and original data collected under the Reclaiming Native Truth project to examine the factors that shape attitudes toward Native Americans. More specifically, we examine individual and contextual factors that shape views of discrimination against Native Americans and resentment toward Native Americans. We find that political ideology (liberal vs conservative) and the reliance on Native American stereotypes are factors most consistently associated with resentment and attitudes about Native American discrimination, although direct personal experiences and factual knowledge also matter. Our findings contribute to conversations about attitudes toward racial and ethnic minority groups and emerging scholarship on the role of political attitudes in settler-colonial societies.
Compounding Crises: Bolivia in 2020. Revista de Ciencia Politica. 2021: 41(2). (with Calla Hummel, Ximena Velasco Guachalla, and Jami Nelson Nuñez)
Abstract: Bolivia began 2020 in the midst of a political crisis, with an interim administration led by Jeanine Añez, who assumed power during the political crisis that ended the administration of Evo Morales in November 2019. On March 10th, the government identified Bolivia’s first COVID-19 case. The administration’s swift initial response was marred by corruption, a strained public health system, and resistance from citizens and politicians. This essay focuses on the unprecedented character of a double crisis in Bolivia: a health crisis preceded and aggravated by a political crisis. The crises put the Bolivian government under intense pressure. The thrice-rescheduled presidential elections on October 18th returned the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) to power with a decisive victory under the leadership of former finance minister Luis Arce Catacora and former foreign minister David Choquehuanca. We review the consequences of the year’s events on human and economic development and conclude by anticipating future challenges.
Legitimacy and Policy during Crises: COVID-19 Response in Bolivian States. 2021. Perspectives on Politics. (with Velasco Guachalla, V. Ximena, Calla Hummel, Jami Nelson-Nuñez).
Abstract: Why did some Bolivian departments have more success containing COVID-19 than others? We argue that low government legitimacy hampers coordinated responses to national crises, particularly where political polarization is severe and the crisis response becomes politicized. Low legitimacy can intensify the challenges of poverty and poor infrastructure. An original dataset of daily observations on subnational coronavirus policy and cell phone mobility data, paired with administrative data on cases and deaths, suggests that political divisions influenced governors’ policy implementation and citizens’ compliance. In departments that opposed the president, policies were more likely to deviate from the stricter national policy while mobility and protest activity were high. In departments aligned with the president, local policy followed national policy and citizens complied with policy and quarantine restrictions for a longer period of time.
Corruption Perceptions: Confidence in Elections and Evaluations of "Clientelism." 2021. Governance. (With Emily Bacchus Beaulieu).
Abstract: How does the fairness of the democratic process influence public perceptions of corruption? This article demonstrates the ways that elections can influence broader confidence in democracy. Corruption is often described as one of the most serious problems facing democracy today, and citizen confidence in democracy has implications for system support and legitimacy. What constitutes corruption, however, is not always obvious. We focus on the importance of citizens' feelings about electoral integrity for shaping their attitudes about corruption more broadly. Using survey data from Latin America and an experimental survey in the United States, we show that when asked to evaluate political practices as corrupt or not, people who are more confident in the fairness of their electoral process are generally less concerned about corruption, compared with people who are less confident in elections. These effects hold across a range of practices, experiences, and electoral contexts.
Poverty, Precarious work and Pandemics: Lessons from Bolivia’s Experience with Covid-19 Non-pharmaceutical Interventions. (2021). Lancet Global Health. (with Hummel, Calla, Felicia Marie Knaul, Michael Touchton, V. Ximena Velasco Guachalla, and Jami Nelson-Nuñez.
Bolivia: Lecciones de los primeros seis meses del COVID-19 (“Bolivia: Lessons from the First Six Months of COVID-19”). (2020) Temas Sociales 47, 98-129. (with Hummel, Calla, Ximena Velasco Guachalla, Jami Nelson-Nuñez).
Abstract: This article offers an initial descriptive exploration of the public policies designed and implemented by the Bolivian national government and the different departmental governments to prevent, treat and contain Covid-19 cases. The description and analysis focus on government action in the context of the health crisis. We constructed an index of public policies based on ten measures recommended to contain the virus, and we collected the number of confirmed cases, deaths, and mobility by department.
Community Organizations and Latin America’s Poorest Citizens: Voting, Protesting, and Contacting Government. (2020). Latin American Politics and Society. Vol. 62, No. 4, 98-125. (with Claudio Holzner).
Abstract: How do Latin America’s poorest citizens participate in politics? This article explores the role that community organizations play in mobilizing individuals into three common modes of political participation: voting, protesting, and contacting government. It argues that community organizations help mobilize poor individuals both through the resources they provide for mobilization and because they serve as sites where political parties target individuals for mobilization. It analyzes survey data from LAPOP surveys for 18 Latin American countries and finds that overall, poor people are just as politically active as more affluent individuals; that involvement in community organizations is a very strong predictor of all types of political participation; and that membership in organizations has an especially strong effect on voting and protesting for poor people. By equalizing levels of political participation across income groups, organizations help erase class-based inequalities in participation that have plagued democracies in the region.
Indigenous Attitudes toward the Political System in Bolivia. (2019). Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública. No. 8. issue 1, pp. 41-81. (with Raymond Foxworth, Jami Nunez, and V. Ximena Velasco-Guachalla).
Political Competition and Local Social Spending: Evidence from Brazil. (2014). Studies in Comparative International Development. (with David Brown).
Abstract: Electoral theories of democracy imply electoral competition insures accountability. Using data on local elections, socio-economic factors, and municipal budgets from more than 5000 municipalities in Brazil for the years 1996, 2000, and 2004, we find municipalities with more competitive elections allocate less to social spending compared to municipalities with little political competition. We argue that previous theory on political competition and public goods obscures the critical role that financial resources play in shaping the dynamics of social spending and political competition. Municipalities with small budgets lack the resources necessary to engineer convincing electoral victories. Where resources are negligible, voter turnout is low, and incumbents rarely win reelection. Incumbent parties in municipalities with large financial resources win big. Armed with adequate resources, incumbent parties mobilize voters and win by large margins. This new argument and evidence reconciles contradictory findings in the existing literature on competition and public goods.
Do Political Parties Matter for Turnout? Number of Parties, Electoral Rules and Local Elections in Brazil and Bolivia. (2014). Party Politics. (with David Brown).
Abstract: Does the number of political parties influence voter turnout in developing democracies? Some scholars argue that large party systems facilitate matching voter preferences with a specific party, increasing turnout. Others argue multiparty systems produce too many alternatives, decreasing turnout. In developing democracies, there is debate over whether these institutions matter at all. We argue that party systems do matter for turnout in developing countries, but the relationship between turnout and the number of political parties is conditional on the electoral formula. Under proportional representation systems, large numbers of parties increase turnout. Under winner take all systems, large numbers of parties depress turnout. Since electoral rules also influence the number of parties, we use an innovative sub-national research design, taking advantage of local variation in the number of parties that is largely unrelated to the electoral system. Specifically, we test these relationships by analyzing turnout data at the municipal level in Brazil and Bolivia, countries with very different electoral rules. Overall, we find evidence that party systems influence turnout, but in different ways depending on the election rules.
Civil Society and Support for the Political System in Times of Crisis. (2014). Latin American Research Review. Vol. 49, No.1. (with Jami Nunez)
Abstract: How does civil society affect support for the political system during times of political crises? Some argue that civil society strengthens support for political systems by increasing trust and participation. Yet recent scholarship demonstrates that civil society can also facilitate mobilization and dissent, which may undermine support for the political system especially in times of crisis. We test these competing claims using individual level data from a country in the midst of a major political crisis: Bolivia in 2004. We find that membership in civil society organizations leads to higher levels of diffuse support for the political system even during a crisis – and even among those who have recently participated in protest. Civil society, however, is not associated with higher support for government during the crisis. Despite extremely high levels of mobilization, extreme dissatisfaction with government, and evidence that membership in associations actively facilitates political protest, civil society continues to be positively associated with support for the political system.
NGOs and Political Participation in Weak Democracies: Sub national Evidence on Protest and Voter Turnout from Bolivia. (2010). Journal of Politics. Vol. 72, No.2, 456-468.
Abstract: How do NGOs affect political participation in weakly democratic settings? We know that NGOs can be an important part of moderate civil society by building trust, facilitating collective action, and encouraging voter turnout. This paper explores these relationships in weakly democratic settings. NGOs stimulate political participation by providing resources and opportunities for association. Where voting is seen as ineffective, new participation can take the form of political protests and demonstrations. This paper presents results from an original local level dataset from Bolivia on NGO activity, voter turnout, and political protest, showing a strong relationship between NGO activity and political protest in weakly democratic contexts.
Voice, Votes, and Resources: Evaluating the Effect of Participatory Democracy on Well-Being. (2010). World Development. Vol. 38, No.1, 125-135. (with Brian Wampler)
Abstract: Participatory governance is said to enhance governance, citizens’ empowerment, and the quality of democracy, creating a virtuous cycle to improve the well-being of the poor. However, there is limited empirical evidence for this relationship. Drawing from an original database of Brazil’s 220 largest cities, we assess whether the adoption of a participatory budgeting (PB) program is associated with changes in social spending or changes in several indicators of well-being. We find that PB municipalities spend a slightly higher share of their budget on health and education programs, but there is little evidence that this shift in budget priorities affects measurable outcomes.
Supporters or Challengers? The Effects of Nongovernmental Organizations on Local Politics in Bolivia. (2009). Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 42, No. 4, 479-500. (with Clark Gibson).
Abstract: How do non-governmental organizations (NGOs) affect local politics in developing democracies? Specifically, do NGOs have systematic effects on the fortunes of incumbent political parties in local elections? Existing work predicts starkly contradictory political effects: some scholars claim NGOs should help incumbents by providing services for which politicians can claim credit, while others believe that NGOs should hurt incumbents by facilitating political opposition. We argue that both these effects are possible, depending on the size of a jurisdiction's population. In smaller populations, we hypothesize that NGOs facilitate collective action and decrease the ability of an incumbent to claim credit for their projects; larger jurisdictions water down the effect of NGOs on collective action and permit incumbents' credit claiming. Using electoral, sociodemographic, and NGO data for all of 314 municipalities in Bolivia, we find strong support for our hypotheses.