The Circassian Culture
Part I: Material Culture
Clothing, Music, Dance, Food, and Objects
Circassians have a rich musical tradition, dance, and wedding rituals.
My distant cousin, Yahya Kazokoğlu has generously shared his brother's wedding video with me. It gives us a glimpse of how the rich Circassian traditions are maintained in contemporary Turkey .
An identifying feature of Circassian music is the mızıka (or pşıne in Adyghe). The instrument is a type of accordion that uses buttons on both sides instead of a keyboard on one side.
Circassian Dance: Coed Entertainment
One of the most striking elements of Circassian dance is that it is usually danced in coed pairs (see the Nalmes performance above but also the contemporary wedding celebration below). This is significant, as it shows how coed entertainment is acceptable in Circassian culture, unlike many other Muslim communities where weddings are celebrated in a segregated fashion. Circassian Xabze's (set of cultural codes) take on gender mixing between men and women is discussed in depth in the section Xabze and Circassian Women.
Museums Within our Homes
As this is an attempt to tell history from below, I believe we need to also pay attention to objects we hold dear in our homes, which have been passed down from generation to generation, and tell us a story about the culture, and its value systems.
Here, my distant cousins display the sword sheaths, sharkhon clothes (thick warm sharkhon clothes are made through a special weaving technique), and horse whips belonging to their families.
Circassian Horses
Horse whips are important due Circassians' strong horse breeding culture. Circassian horses were specifically bred to do well on mountainous terrain, which is characteristic of the Caucasus. This whip is from Şener Kazokoğlu's family archive.
Kabarda horses (pictured right) are a famous Circassian horse breed.
Circassian Food
I grew up with my grandmother's Circassian dishes such as Circassian chicken (Çerkes tavuğu) and Circassian corn bread (Çerkes pastası - baste or şipsi). It was always a special occasion when my grandmother cooked those dishes. I remember her making sure everything was done "right," which meant no taking shortcuts! She personally would squeeze the oil out of walnuts to make the Circassian chicken. When I make that dish, I use olive oil, rather than going through the trouble of squeezing walnuts. My grandmother would not approve.
This video explains how Circassian baste is made. My grandmother used to call this dish Circassian pasta (Çerkes pastası), which is the word we also use for cake in Turkish. Imagine me and my brother's disappointment when we were little when we found out grandma was not making cake!
I have also learned that Circassians living near the Black Sea continue to use corn flour to make this dish, as corn grows in the area. Circassians living in Central Anatolia apparently substitute the corn with bulgur (cracked wheat) which is commonly found in that region. Communities in the diaspora adapt to circumstances found in their new homelands.
The main ingredients of Circassian chicken are chicken and walnut paste, also ingredients commonly found in the Black Sea region. This dish has been incorporated into the Turkish cuisine through the Ottoman court.
Part II: Immaterial or Symbolic Culture
Language, Values, and Norms
The Adyghe language (Adıgabze or Çerkesçe) is from the Northwestern Caucasian language family. It is estimated that about 300,000 people speak it worldwide today, 128,000 of whom live in Russia. UNESCO designates Adyghe as a language in danger.
My ancestors were from the Ubkyh tribe and Ubykh was their tribe's native language. However, in Caucasia, as the Adyghe people of all tribes needed to unify against the tsarist Russian aggressors, their elders have decided to adopt Adıgabze as their language. Thus, after the death of Tevfik Esenç, the last speaker or Ubykh in 1992, Ubykh is now a dead language.
Bagrad Shinkuba's novel "The Last Ubykh" is the story of how the Ubykh tribe and language have been completely decimated by exile.
As discussed in the section on Turkey and its Ethnic Minorities, the early history of modern Turkey is a history of ethnic homogenization and Turkification. Muslim ethnolinguistic minorities like Circassians have assimilated into Turkish society, which meant losing their language.
Since the 1990s, supported by a general visibility for minorities through privately owned media channels, globalization, and a democratic reopening due to Turkey's efforts at joining the European Union, there has been a general awakening and interest in learning Adıgabze among Circassians in Turkey. For example, KAFFED (The Federation of Caucasian Associations) has been offering language courses for many years.
Indeed, Ayhan Kaya, a sociologist at Bilgi University in Istanbul who has studied the Circassian diaspora in Turkey shows that those under the age of 35 (out of 559 survey respondents in 2002) are more likely to identify themselves as "Caucasian or Circassian" when compared to those over 35 (Kaya 2011). He writes: "The enlivening of memory and the reconstruction of the past by the younger generations is undoubtedly related with globalization processes, the pull of the multiculturalism discourse, the elimination of the symbolic, real, and ideological barriers to the homeland, and the liberalization and democratization trends in Turkey. Specifically, it should not be forgotten that all kinds of ethno-cultural minorities have begun freely expressing their ethnic identities, especially after Turkey was given candidacy to the EU status at the Helsinki Summit" (Kaya 2011, 143-144, translation mine).
The Circassian diaspora in Turkey has been successful in maintaining some of its cultural elements, especially their set of cultural codes called Xabze (Habze or Khabze).
Xabze (a.k.a. Habze or Khabze): The Backbone of Circassian Culture
Ayhan Kaya cautions that it is impossible to talk about a homogeneous Circassian culture and identity among the diaspora in Turkey. He reminds us that minority groups construct and reconstruct their cultural identities vis-a-vis the Other, i.e. other ethnic and religious groups they have come in contact with (especially given Circassians' geographic dispersion all over Turkey), the dominant and legal attitudes towards minorities coming from the state, and through membership in cultural associations (Kaya 2011). To that list, I'd like to add other sociological factors such as urban or rural residency, social class, education, gender, and personal agency. One of my interlocutors mentioned that his mother and father voluntarily and consciously decided not to follow the Xabze rules in their marriage, so there is certainly room for agency and individual choice as well.
So, what is Xabze? It's a value system and world-view, which sets the ethical foundations of a good life. It's also an all-encompassing set of rules regulating social life, anything from dating, eloping, relations with in-laws, whom and how to greet, when and how to sit at the dinner table, visiting others and the like.
Rules of Xabze
I have utilized Nahit Serbes' book "Benim Yolum Xabze," "My Way is Xabze" to understand the set of values, norms, and ethical systems called Xabze. One can call Mr. Serbes an amateur anthropologist. His is not a scientific study and makes quite a few value judgements about the Xabze way of life (all positive). This is a common characteristic in the field of Circassian diaspora studies. Written by members of the diaspora, these works have the goal of elevating Circassians and "proving" that the group is better than others. The group's desire to paint itself in a positive light is perhaps understandable, given that it is often compared to other groups, misunderstood or ignored. I found (something I already knew through my grandmother) that Circassians have a high level of cultural pride and genuinely believe their ways of life are better than others (Ayhan Kaya also notes this on p. 170). I'm using Mr. Serbes' book with the caveat that it displays some biases in favor of Circassians.
Here, I will list and briefly explain a few Xabze rules. In the section on Xabze and Circassian Women, I will discuss more deeply whether Xabze offers greater freedom to Circassian women, compared to the cultural codes (which I have elsewehere called "the gender honor code") ruling the lives of other Muslim women living in Turkey (Şanlı 2015).
Gender mixing is allowed: Let us begin with perhaps one of the most surprising aspects of Xabze. Unlike in many traditional conservative Muslim groups, Circassians encourage the social mixing of young unmarried girls and boys, women and men. They are allowed to come together in social life on various occasions.
In Zexes or games to get to know each other. Zexes is supervised by a thamate (the village elder) or his deputy pşerah. According to Serbes (2016), the games include guessing who has the ring which is passed along or improvised comedy skits.
It is also common for Circassian dances to be danced in female-male pairs as shown in the video above.
Psetluh or flirting is part of the culture. This also happens under the auspices of the thamate.
The kaşen tradition can probably be loosely translated as dating with marriage as the end goal. Ayhan Kaya (2011) finds that while many of his Circassian respondents felt kaşen as a tradition needed to continue, a very small percentage (8 out of 215 married respondents) had married their spouses through this custom. He argues that this reinvention of tradition might have something to do with the group's desire to maintain its cultural identity through endogamy (marriage within the group) and the subsequent passing down of the minority culture from generation to generation. He notes that this tendency is commonly found among minority groups whose cultural rights are not guaranteed by the state (Kaya 2011, 147). In his sample, 81% of the married respondents were married to other Circassians. Also notable is Kaya's observation that those who were against the kaşen practice felt this way due to their belief that it wasn't appropriate according to Islam.
While endogamy is common among Circassians in diaspora, it is strictly forbidden in Xabze to marry within one's lineage, i.e. marrying even distant cousins is not allowed.
Eloping is a common tradition. When Circassian couples elope, they do it with both sides' consent. They mutually agree to a time for the "abduction" and prepare for it. While the bride-to-be is eloping, she brings a female relative with her, to oversee her conduct until the marriage. She is taken to the home of a family neither she nor the groom-to-be is related to but both parties can trust. She stays in that home until the wedding day. This tradition is in contrast to what I've found in my doctoral dissertation (Şanlı 2015). In Turkish "gender honor code" (traditional rules regulating the relations between the opposite sexes), eloping is not necessarily a mutually agreed-upon event (instead, a young woman is literally abducted) and it is considered dishonorable. If the couple can marry within the confines of the gender honor code (if both parties are of honorable standing vis-a-vis their marital and economic status, for example), the dishonor that comes upon the family can be repaired. If they can't and especially if it's established that sexual relations have occurred, family honor needs to be restored. This can be done, in some situations, through an "honor killing" of the woman, the man or both (Kardam 2005).
While the gender honor code does not rule the lives of Circassians as much as it does the lives of other traditional Muslim communities, it can be argued that the fear of haynape, or ayıp (shameful behavior) is quite severe. One follows Xabze for fear of social shaming, not for fear of legal punishment, Serbes (2016) writes. (My second-cousin Yahya related to me that it is an amalgam word combining the words: feces and face, so it literally means something like, feces on your face.)
Thamate is the group elder and leader and Xase is the village council. Nihat Serbes (2016) relates that it has been common in Circassian weddings to celebrate while shooting a gun in the sky. However, this tradition was ended in the Marmara region (large region encompassing Istanbul and other populous cities like Bursa) as a result of a xase meeting after the tragic death of a 19-year-old young woman due to an accident involving celebration with a gun at a wedding. So, the councils wield considerable power.
Norms such as rules regulating relations with in-laws are quite complex and strict. For example, showing affection to one's children in front of one's in-laws is forbidden. Also, a daughter-in-law cannot enter a room where her father-in-law is sitting.
Standing up to greet: it is very important to stand up to greet people coming into a room, old and young alike.
Walking two steps behind elders: My second-cousin Yahya related to me that he grew up with the rule of walking a couple of steps behind his elders, including his father. He was warned firmly when he mistakenly broke this rule a couple of times in his youth.
Haçeş or guest houses: Hospitality is the pinnacle of Circassian culture. While I had not heard the Circassian words listed above from my grandparents, I was acutely aware that hospitality was an important custom. My grandmother was notorious for accommodating tens of guests in her small apartments. The running joke in our family was that she had people sleep on top and under dining tables before. Hospitality probably has its roots in life in mountainous Caucasia but it has also served a purpose in exile. Vladimir Hamed-Troyansky writes:
For example, a common practice was setting up a guest house (Circ. xäk’äś /хьэкiэщ) in every village or every household that could afford it. Travelers passing through villages could stay and rest in guest houses, availing themselves of collectively shared norms of hospitality. When the North Caucasians were transplanted to, and dispersed across, the Ottoman Empire, their guest houses enabled greater mobility and communication between muhajir villages (2018, 356).
Slavery: One taboo subject in Circassian culture is Xabze's tolerance for the system of slavery. Hamed-Troyansky writes:
"The social structure of slavery and serfdom in historical Circassia was complex. Unfree persons belonged to three categories: unauty, who were mostly women, had no right to hold any property and could be separated from their family and sold at their owners’ whim; pshitli, akin to Russian serfs, had limited property rights and were obliged to pay levies and do agricultural service for their masters for part of the year; and ogi, a transitional stage to freemen, were exempt from land service and served as guardsmen for their masters" (2018, 71-72, italics in original).
As I began my oral history project with my mother, she used the following words to describe Hamte Ahmet, her maternal grandfather: "He sold his slaves to the Ottoman court. He was a prince. He had a 40-house village in Caucasia." So, while slavery isn't a desirable topic among Circassians, it is not exactly hidden either. Perhaps this is due to its status as belonging to the past. While I have heard people described as coming from a slave family, I am not aware that slavery is still acceptable and lived among Circassians in diaspora.
Coming from a slave family could have social ramifications. Again, I'm not sure if this is still the case today. However, I have heard a story that my grandfather fell in love with a slave girl before he married my grandmother. His father's response was, reportedly, cool-headed but firm: "I wouldn't be against such a marriage" he apparently said, "as long as Ihsan (my grandfather) does not mind building a home elsewhere," indicating he would be ostracized from the family.
Xabze: An Exemplary Way of Life?
My second-cousin Yahya and I have had many conversations through Zoom, WhatsApp and Facebook messenger about Xabze and the society it prescribes. Yahya comes from a well-known Circassian family and has related to me that his household was called "the school of Circassian culture." He's very knowledgeable about the culture and the people. We have covered a few topics:
For example, he believes that Circassian villages are easily distinguishable from others. Yahya has shared these pictures with me from the Köprübaşı Village in Düzce. He argued that you could see clearly there how the tight-knit set of Xabze norms create order and how lower crime levels impact the aesthetics of the village. For example, he pointed to the lower walls/ fences separating houses in Circassian villages as a sign of a sense of safety but also mutual respect between the villagers.
He also related to me norms such as regulations against animals, dirt or trash in front of the house, as well as strict regulations against noise (including noise made by children) etc.
Yahya also related to me that violence against women was also unheard of in Circassian culture. This sentiment is shared by respected social scientists as well. In fact, I was asked to fill out a survey with this premise at its heart: "there's no violence against women in culture, do you think it's because a, b, or c?" I will explore this topic in the section Xabze and Circassian Women.
I walk away with a few questions:
To what extent is Xabze observed among the Circassian diaspora in Turkey? To what extent is it observed in the homeland?
Is Xabze changing (adaptable to the times) or static? It seems thamate and xase structures leave room for change, as long as the leadership is on board. But how is leadership determined and how open is leadership to change?
The fact that a thamate has to be a man is being criticized today by Circassian feminists. Is there room for change?
To what extent can we talk about pure Circassian villages today? Do they truly have lower crime rates when compared to other villages in Turkey? Do they truly have lower rates of violence against women?
Are some Circassians more or less likely to follow Xabze due to their social class, rural vs. urban residency, level of Islamic affiliation, gender, place of residence in Turkey etc.