Across the country, more than 700,000 people are experiencing homelessness. While people may be aware of these people, few take the time to truly know them and their situation. So many factors go into the homeless community, factors which are often ignored due to the overpowering stigmatization surrounding the subject. For years, these people have been criticized, all while the American system is ultimately working against them.
This multimedia project sheds light on many different facets of the homeless community in an attempt to bring attention to the struggles that they face on a daily basis and the roots behind those struggles. As you explore this package of stories, please make note of the various tabs in the top right corner of your screen. Each tab will lead you to a different section.
Ancient Greek philosopher Diogenes was famously homeless, and lived in nothing but a cloth shawl and a barrel. Photo Cred: Medium.com
The practice of begging, sometimes called panhandling, has been practiced by the unfortunate and the needy since the dawn of human civilization. Even further, doing such in public has been a crime since the Roman Empire, and this is only one of the dozens of ways the poor and homeless have been punished and prosecuted for merely existing in extreme poverty. While the ancient world is often romanticized and thought of as a scholarly time of Greco-Roman philosophy, this was far from the truth. At its imperial height, the opulent capital city likely had over a million inhabitants, but at least 300,000 of these people lived in desperate, unforgiving poverty, often stuck between dwelling in horrific slums or sleeping on the streets. Cicero called these people the dordem urbis et faecem, or the “scum of the city." These people were rarely granted sympathy, but there was a widespread tradition of "euergetism," voluntary charity by the wealthy. This giving was often done simply to build up social status and give the appearance of higher moral standing: essentially, 4th Century virtue signaling.
A racist poster from 1866 encourages the passage of an act similar to the one in Virginia in the nearby state of Pennsylvania. The Pennsylvania version of the act ultimately failed, but the campaign in favor of it would generate much political discourse. Photo Cred: Library of Congress
Since the founding of America, vagrancy has been classified as a misdemeanor in several states, and as such has carried various criminal penalties. Vagrancy is widely recognized as the status of being publicly homeless without any form of income or monetary support outside of welfare payments. Beginning in the 1850s, and expanding considerably following the Civil War’s ending of slavery, southern states used these laws to prosecute newly freed slaves and runaways, particularly those who lived in local communal settlements with other freed slaves. For example, the state of Virginia passed the Vagrancy Act of 1866, a law which punished those found without sufficient employment by forcing them to work for a state selected company for up to three months at a time. To many Northerners, and even those within the state, this act was a blatant and obvious attempt to force freedmen back into their positions as slaves. For many black Virginians, it was near impossible to find worthwhile employment after the act, due to the fact many white business owners simply preferred to pay for the state-managed convicts.
A Hooverville burns outside of the city of Tacoma after local officials set it ablaze on the morning of May 20, 1942. Photo Cred: Tacoma Public Library
This system of primarily racialized enforcement of vagrancy laws would continue throughout the end of the 1800s and into the early 1900s, but in 1929 the United States stock market crash was worse than any similar economic collapse in known history. The Great Depression of 1929-39 made homelessness a national issue in a way it had never before been considered. The huge surges of transient and vagrant populations overwhelmed city centers and threatened to destroy what little charity infrastructure existed. Throughout the nation so-called “Hoovervilles” of rickety shacks became the temporary homes of the literal millions of Americans who lost their homes in the economic chaos.
Despite this wide reaching and devastating insecurity for so many, government responses at the state and local levels were often more focused on the “Clearing Out” and destruction of these Hoovervilles while federal New Deal programs were expected to pick up the slack of actually providing aid. In Seattle and the surrounding areas dozens of Hoovervilles were established, but local authorities repeatedly torched the buildings and pursued the inhabitants outside of city limits. Despite this harassment, the improvised settlements are recorded as having been rebuilt repeatedly by the people who found a meager home there.
“Unfortunately, many Americans live on the outskirts of hope--some because of their poverty, and some because of their color, and all too many because of both. Our task is to help replace their despair with opportunity. This administration today, here and now, declares unconditional war on poverty in America. I urge this Congress and all Americans to join with me in that effort. It will not be a short or easy struggle, no single weapon or strategy will suffice, but we shall not rest until that war is won. The richest Nation on earth can afford to win it. We cannot afford to lose it.” - President Lyndon B. Jonshon
As the economy righted itself going into the 1950s and 60s, homelessness slowly faded into the background. In fact, homelessness had so thoroughly vanished from American life that many academics even predicted the problem would cease to exist by the end of the 1970s. Especially through the 1960s, this continued easing of national poverty and homelessness was largely driven by then-President Lyndon Baines Johnson’s program that he proudly proclaimed “The War on Poverty” and a gradual turn from punishment towards aid, with the Supreme Court even declaring vagrancy laws unconstitutional.
Despite the aggressive naming, this program would establish and expand Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security, greatly reducing the poverty and homelessness rates of senior citizens, who made up a large portion of the unhoused population at this time. Earlier in the 1960s, however, multiple states began the process of deinstitutionalizing mentally ill patients formerly held in state hospitals, and at times even the last few asylums. Many of these people would simply be released without any social support or reestablishment proce and would end up homeless with severe mental illness as a result. Homeless populations would increase by roughly 150,000 as dozens of institutions were closed entering the 1970s.
First Lady Nancy Reagan speaking at a rally in Los Angeles in 1987. The Reagan administration would fight drug abuse in a notably hardline manner, during the administration drug use among homeless individuals would skyrocket. Photo Cred: US National archives
The seemingly positive trajectory set by the 60s and 70s would be broken by the 1980s. With the arrival of a new decade, came the arrival of a wave of drug epidemics, as well as continuous economic uncertainty. Two factors which would combine to put more people out of homes than had been seen since the Great Depression decades earlier. From 1984 to 1987, the U.S. homeless population doubled, and in this same time, the new president Ronald Reagan would declare his own slew of programs, expanding on the “War on Drugs” declared a decade earlier by President Richard Nixon. While Nixon had made a focus out of rehabilitation of those on drugs, Reagan followed a doctrine which emphasized Law and Order, with a militarization of local police, and an expansion of possible sentences to be granted to drug offenders. While hard drug use would steadily decrease, the use of “softer” drugs such as opioids and prescription painkillers would only increase. A major focus of this program were online and televised ads warning children about the dangers of drugs, and while these programs were largely unsuccessful in curbing drug use, they would greatly change public perception. The stereotype of drug abuse being the primary driver of homelessness would be pushed hard in these advertisements, and substantially decreased public approval for welfare programs for those in dire poverty.
President Bill Clinton signing the PROWRA in 1996, while endorsed by several civil rights groups at the time, the bill would later come under scrutiny for potential racial bias.
In 1992, Bill Clinton would be elected with a campaign promise to “End Welfare as we Know It,” he would carry through this promise in 1996, substantially scaling back LBJ’s war on Poverty initiatives. The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act drastically decreased the number of recipients of federal welfare. It required any recepients of welfare to actively be working a job or in higher education. Despite decreasing unemployment, it is often believed to have contributed to the 2008 recession due to decreasing the spending power of low income households.
In the 2010s, the housing bubble would burst, collapsing the housing market and drastically increasing the cost of living. Around the same time, opioid abuse would increase drastically, with a new drug epidemic causing homelessness to skyrocket rapidly. In 2019, approximately 25% of homeless people identified drug use as a cause of their homelessness, with opioids and opiates being the leading category of drugs.