Despite their documentary reoccurrence, fires have received sparse attention in historiography. Above all those which devastated the urban spaces of Regnum Italicum between 880 and 1080. When they do not naturalize occurrences of this type as fatalities or accidents, the explanations in force make them appear as cases of supposed feudal disorder, widely revised by historians. In relation to understanding the history of the calamity of urban fires, much needs to be done. This article seeks to contribute to this undertaking. Starting from diplomatic and chronicle documentation, we analyze their meaning and the way these references are used in the composition of the written records: fires emerge as a social and multidimensional action. Moreover, we seek to explain the changes associated with the nature of this practice. The hypothesis of this paper is that the documentary appearance of the fires belongs to a political temporality.
Apesar da recorrncia documental, os incndios contam com uma ateno difusa na historiografia. Sobretudo, aqueles que devastaram os espaos urbanos do Regnum Italicum entre 880 e 1080. Quando no naturalizam ocorrncias desse tipo como fatalidades ou acidentes, as explicaes vigentes os fazem figurar como casos de uma suposta desordem feudal, amplamente revista por historiadores. Quando se trata de compreender a histria da calamidade das chamas urbanas, h muito por ser feito. Este artigo busca contribuir para esse empenho. Partindo da documentao diplomtica e cronstica, analisamos a significao e a maneira como tais referncias so acionadas na composio dos registros escritos: os incndios surgem como uma ao social e multidimensional. Alm disso, buscamos explicar as mudanas associadas natureza dessa prtica. A hiptese de trabalho de que o aparecimento documental dos incndios pertencia a uma temporalidade poltica.
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Neither wars nor revolts. Fires were the most frequent torment of urban life in the Regnum Italicum. It is a thankless task to look for a single city saved from fire. Between 880 and 1080 they were constantly swallowed up by the appetite of the flames. At a certain moment, the documentation appears to insist so much on the vocabulary that even the most critical reader would cogitate that the people of medieval times were right to treat those events as punishments preceding the final judgement. Like a fifth horseman of the apocalypse, fire acted like plague or hunger: wandering around the world, returning from time to time, and purging the just and sinners in a final torment, as the texts of the tenth century insisted (DD K I / DD H I / DD O I, 1884DD K I / DD H I / DD O I: Diplomata Konrad I, Heinrich I und Otto I. Ed. Societas Aperiendis Fontibus. MGH, 1884., p. 225, 355, 377-379, 378, 532, 590).
Episodes like this call attention not just because of their reoccurrence. The impact on social relations was immediate and prolonged beyond the material destruction. Once the curtain of smoke was lifted and the blackened skeletons of houses and buildings revealed, it was not necessary to wait long for the area affected to become the stage of the mobilization of emperors, kings, bishops, and aristocrats. As we will see below, the measures they proclaimed did more than repair the damage and reconstruct the landscape: they converted the destruction into an occasion to alter and expand not only the urban topography, but also the social practices in force until then.
Although they left frequent and extensive marks on the fabric of social life, fires have not attracted detailed attention from historians. We could not find a single study about their occurrence in Regnum Italicum between the ninth and eleventh centuries. Perhaps the reader may think that this is a very specific focus, rather small for this absence to be felt as a relevant gap. However, it should be noted that the kingdom in question covered one of the most urbanized areas in the West. For decades, sociologists and historians have seen it as the key piece in the great changes of the time: from the "reopening of the Mediterranean Sea," to the "vanguard of the commune movement," and the "diffusion of mercantile capitalism" (Nicholas, 2014NICHOLAS, David. The Growth of the Medieval City: From Late Antiquity to the Early Fourteenth century. New York: Routledge, 2014., pp. 54-168; Holton, 2013HOLTON, R. J. Cities, Capitalism and Civilization. London: Allen & Unwin, 2013., pp. 33-115). If we consider the frequency with which the cities of that kingdom were devoured by fire, the absence of research can be felt as a harrowing blind spot in historical knowledge.
Going in search of studies which help to compose an explanatory picture, what emerges is that fires were not ignored. Mentions of them are everywhere - from general works (Borst, 1990BORST, Arno. Forme di vita nel Medioevo. Napoli: Guida, 1990., p. 634; Eco, 2010ECO, Umberto (Ed.) Il Medioevo: barbari, cristiani, musulmani. Milano: Encyclomedia, 2010., pp. 269-273) to specialized articles (Ewert, 2007EWERT, Ulf Christian. Water, public hygiene and fire control in medieval towns: facing collective goods problems while ensuring the quality of life. Historical Social Research, v.32, n.4, p.222-251, 2007., pp. 222-251). However, when they do not go beyond this, - passing allusions -, the attention they receive is sparse. After the all the most common attitude is to wrap them within the category of 'natural disasters,' placing them alongside earthquakes, floods, and droughts. Listed in this way, as an item on a list of phenomena whose outbreak does not presuppose human action, they become a type of data, almost an ecological phenomenon. For this reason, in studies such as those of Jean-Pierre Leguay (2005)LEGUAY, Jean-Pierre. Les catastrophes au Moyen Age. Paris: d. Jean-Paul Gisserot, 2005. and Steven Epstein (2012)EPSTEIN, Steven. The Medieval Discovery of Nature. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012., fire composes the environment which shapes urban life, surrounding it with challenges and fatalities. It is part of the backdrop to daily life, interwoven in the hostile landscape which men and women patiently colonized, handling the technical solutions sheltered in the folds of magical and scatological mentalities. For this reason, according to Johan Goudsblom (1992)GOUDSBLOM, Johan. Fire and Civilization. London: Penguin, 1992., the conflict between pre-industrial societies and fire had been an essential stage in the civilizing process which distinguished the West in the control of the physical world and placed it on the path to global hegemony.
When they are placed in the foreground and established by the authors at the center of historical account, fires are events of unquestionable realism. When Thomas Madden (1991/1992MADDEN, Thomas F. The fires of the Fourth Crusade in Constantinople, 1203-1204: a damage assessment. Byzantinische Zeitschrift, v.84/85, p.72-93, 1991/1992., pp. 72-93) proposed to analyze how the 1203 crusade transformed Constantinople into a hell beside the sea, he clarifies from the very beginning that the objective was to offer the most precise description of the calamity. The study was a chance to bring the reader along the route the fires followed, from their outbreak to estimates of their impact on population density. A similar posture was adopted by Philippe Goldman (1987)GOLDMAN, Philippe. 1487, la vieille ville en flammes: cinquime centenaire du grand incendie de Bourges. Bourges: Universit Populaire, 1987. and Christine Felicelli (2002)FELICELLI, Christine. Le feu, la ville et le roi: l'incendie de la ville de Bourges en 1252. Histoire urbaine, v.5, n.1, p.105-134, 2002. in relation to the devastations of Bourges in 1252 and 1487. In this case, the effort fundamentally involves a quantitative approach, so that the numbers spell out the dimension of the tragedy and the reactions to remedy it.
Studies of this type have the clear advantage of seeing fire as an occurrence open to new questions. Thomas Madden, for example, demonstrates how much the theme has to say about historical knowledge exploring the hypothesis that the calamity in Constantinople had not been a mere accident or fatality, but a smart "pyrotechnical strategy of conquest" (Madden, 1991/1992MADDEN, Thomas F. The fires of the Fourth Crusade in Constantinople, 1203-1204: a damage assessment. Byzantinische Zeitschrift, v.84/85, p.72-93, 1991/1992., p. 72). Looking at the question from this perspective, the author ensures that the subject is rediscovered: we can see that fire can be as complex a phenomenon as a religious practice or economic indicator.
However, at least in relation to one aspect, the advantage is controversial. Precisely because it presents these episodes as the terrible outcomes of social relations, approaches such as this make the theme reflect the image of a time swamped by disorder and brutality. From this perspective fires are a type of violence which, omnipresent, suffocated social life for a thousand years. After all, what more to expect from a period in which living "by the sword and fire" was a daily signal imposed by the "cruelty and atrocity of medieval war" - according to the words chosen by Sean McGlynn (2014)McGLYNN, Sean. By Sword and Fire: cruelty and atrocity in Medieval Warfare. London: Orion Publishing Group, 2014. to imprint a celebrated study?
For more than 20 years, research trajectories, such as those of Stephen White (2003______. Tenth Century Courts and the Perils of Structuralist History. In: BROWN, Warren; GRECKI, Piotr (Ed.) Conflict in Medieval Europe: Changing Perspectives on Society and Culture. London: Ashgate Press, 2003. p.37-68., pp. 37-68; 2005WHITE, Stephen. Feuding and Peacemaking in Eleventh Century France. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005.) and Dominique Barthlemy (1997BARTHLEMY, Dominique. La mutation de l'an mil a-t-elle eu lieu?Paris: Fayard, 1997.; 2009______. The serf, the knight, and the historian. Ithaca, NC: Cornell University Press, 2009.), have demonstrated how much this emphasis in relation to medieval violence was exacerbated by contemporary assumptions. In such a way that it would not be excessive to describe this emphasis as 'mystified.' Therefore, it is necessary to challenge this framework and look for a new perspective. It is this what it is intended to do in this article. The documentation about cases of fire in the Regnum Italicum between the ninth and eleventh centuries contain elements which go beyond both dominant characterizations: both those which frame them as 'natural disasters' and those which insert them as 'consequences of disordered feudal violence.' However, it is not only this! We believe that there are sufficient indications to defend this hypothesis: the documental reoccurrence of urban fires consists of a strategy of legitimating new political prerogatives, notably the rise of episcopal power as the cofounder of public order. 152ee80cbc
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