Spoken English Guru Verbs Pdf Free Download

Studies suggest that the English language is one of the happiest languages in the world and is spoken by more than 1/4th of the global population. But, did you know that the second most spoken language in the world (inclusive of native and foreign speakers) is majorly dominated by words derived from the French and Latin language? Well, it is!

Punjabi is the most widely-spoken first language in Pakistan, with 80.5 million native speakers according to the 2017 census, and the 11th most widely-spoken in India, with 31.1 million native speakers, according to the 2011 census. The language is spoken among a significant overseas diaspora, particularly in Canada, the United Kingdom, the United States, Australia, and the Gulf states.

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Punjabi developed from Prakrit languages and later Apabhraa (Sanskrit: , 'deviated' or 'non-grammatical speech')[24] From 600 BC, Sanskrit developed as the standard literary and administrative language and Prakrit languages evolved into many regional languages in different parts of South Asia. All these languages are called Prakrit languages (Sanskrit: , prkta) collectively. Paishachi, Shauraseni and Gandhari were Prakrit languages, which were spoken in north and north-western South Asia and Punjabi developed from one of these Prakrits. Later in the northern regions of South Asia, these Prakrits gave rise to their ownApabhraa, a descendant of Prakrit.[4][25] Punjabi emerged as an Apabhramsha, a degenerated form of Prakrit, in the 7th century AD and became stable by the 10th century. The earliest writings in Punjabi belong to the Nath Yogi-era from 9th to 14th century.[26] The language of these compositions is morphologically closer to Shauraseni Apbhramsa, though vocabulary and rhythm is surcharged with extreme colloquialism and folklore.[26] The precursor stage of Punjabi between the 10th and 16th centuries is termed 'Old Punjabi', whilst the stage between the 16th and 19th centuries is termed as 'Medieval Punjabi'.[5][6][7][8][9][10]

Modern Punjabi emerged in the 19th century from the Medieval Punjabi stage.[6] Modern Punjabi has two main varieties, Western and Eastern Punjabi, which have many dialects and forms, altogether spoken by over 150 million people. The Majhi dialect, which is transitional between the two main varieties, has been adopted as standard Punjabi in India and Pakistan for education and mass media. The Majhi dialect originated in the Majha region of the Punjab.

Punjabi is also spoken as a minority language in several other countries where Punjabi people have emigrated in large numbers, such as the United States, Australia, the United Kingdom, and Canada.[34]

Standard Punjabi sometimes referred to as Majhi in India or simply Central/Eastern Punjabi, is the most widespread and largest dialect of Punjabi. It is transitional between both Western and Eastern Punjabi and it first developed in the 12th century and gained prominence when Sufi poets such as Shah Hussain, Bulleh Shah among others began to use the Lahore/Amritsar-spoken dialect with infused Persian vocabulary in their works in the Shahmukhi script.[40] Later the Gurmukhi script was developed based on Standard Punjabi by the Sikh Gurus.[41]

The Punjabi variety predominantly spoken in the Indian Punjab, and also by partition migrants and their descendants in Pakistan, is known as "Eastern Punjabi". It includes dialects like Malwai, Doabi, Puadhi and extinct Lubanki.[42]

Adjectives, when declinable, are marked for the gender, number, and case of the nouns they qualify.[71] There is also a T-V distinction.Upon the inflectional case is built a system of particles known as postpositions, which parallel English's prepositions. It is their use with a noun or verb that is what necessitates the noun or verb taking the oblique case, and it is with them that the locus of grammatical function or "case-marking" then lies. The Punjabi verbal system is largely structured around a combination of aspect and tense/mood. Like the nominal system, the Punjabi verb takes a single inflectional suffix, and is often followed by successive layers of elements like auxiliary verbs and postpositions to the right of the lexical base.[72]

In Pakistan, no regional ethnic language has been granted official status at the national level, and as such Punjabi is not an official language at the national level, even though it is the most spoken language in Pakistan. It is, however, the official provincial language of Punjab, Pakistan, the second largest and the most populous province of Pakistan as well as in Islamabad Capital Territory. The only two official languages in Pakistan are Urdu and English.[88]

The English language has absorbed words from cultures the world over. The following is a list of some English words whose origins lie in the Hindi, Urdu or Sanskrit languages spoken in India, Pakistan and other countries. These words have entered English through a variety of routes, but the presence of many dates back to the days of the Raj, when India was occupied by the British.

7. Guru

Originally a Hindu or Sikh spiritual guide, guru entered English in the 17th century, where it now also means any important and respected intellectual guide or mentor. The original word in the Hindi and Sanskrit, also guru, means venerable.

The Oxford Dictionary has a history of adapting to changes in language use, and Indian English is no exception. Indian English is a dialect that has evolved from the English language, incorporating words and phrases from regional languages spoken across the country.

The final chapter summarises the eight major contributions of the book. These are as follows: (a) the need to reconceptualise macro-level power in language policy research, as it is not always normative, (b) the introduction of Categories of Differentiation as a new theoretical tool to analyse language policies, (c) the use of power constellations and internal language arrangements as a covert policy mechanism in EU policies, (d) the balancing act played by language policies in serving the needs and interests of varied stakeholders, (e) the need to recognise that statistics do not always tell the complete story, as one may find privileging of one language over others in states with seemingly perfect policies, (f) the reflection of socio-political changes in texts, (g) the use of modal verbs such shall, may, must to indicate prioritisation of certain languages, and (h) the need to rethink modal verbs, as they are not just auxiliaries, but indicators of power structures.

Data here are based on informant work with two native speaker linguists, Dr. Maruli Butar-Butar and Mr. Liberty P. Sihombing, as well as on Silitonga 1973. (Page numbers by examples below all refer to Silitonga 1973.) I consider here only the Toba spoken in Northern Sumatra. There is a large Toba community in Djakarta (Java) which, on the basis of elicitation from one native speaker, appears to use SVO as the least-marked word order. It is likely that this is due to the influence of Bahasa Indonesia.

The use of passives, which exist in a considerable variety of forms, is extremely common in Toba Batak (see Silitonga 1973, Ch. 11, for discussion). And some verbs can appear only as passive in simple sentences (although the active form shows up in more complex constructions).

I conclude then that active sentences with indefinite objects are clearly among the unmarked sentences in Toba Batak, and that ones with definite objects probably are for certain verbs but not for others.

For the languages in our sample, Malagasy and Batak present no verb agreement at all. All the others have a prefixal subject agreement and some form of suffixal object agreement. In Tzeltal and Otomi the suffixal agreement is with the indirect object rather than the direct object. It is unclear from Hess 1968 whether verbs also inflect for direct object, or whether there is simply a distinction in stem forms for transitive and intransitive verbs. In Baure, object agreement is, according to Baptista and Wallin 1967, optional when the full noun phrase direct object is present, but shows up with pronominal force when the full noun phrase is not present, as in (43):

Otherwise, all the other languages in the sample here are exclusively prepositional. Yet most of the American Indian languages in the sample seem to have very few unanalyzable prepositions. Thus in Tzeltal, ta is just about the only unanalyzable preposition in the corpus; it translates instrumental and locative prepositions in English. Chumash (see Applegate 1972: 431) may have no unanalyzable prepositions at all. Even locatives are normally presented without prepositions, as in example (37), although the verb may take an affix indicating that a locative element is present. The few candidates for prepositions appear to be derived from independently existing nouns or verbs. Finally, in Otomi there again appear to be only a few indigenous prepositions. Many locatives, for example, are presented without overt locative prepositions. And many of the prepositions which do exist are clearly borrowings from Spanish, as Hess (1968: 145) points out.

As regards G-13b, Malagasy, Batak, Otomi, Tzeltal, and Baure have definite articles, while Gilbertese, Fijian, and Chumash do not. In Gilbertese, however, there is a singular article (definite or indefinite) and a plural indefinite article. In Fijian, common nouns carry an article, but it appears to give no semantic information, e.g., definiteness, number, or noun class, concerning the noun. And in Chumash almost all common nouns are constructed with an article, although again no semantic information seems to be indicated by it. Its presence does, however, distinguish nominalized verbs from non-nominalized ones.

By copula I mean a morphophonemically independent element which has the characteristic properties of stative verbs in its language and which functions as the main verb in sentences with nominal predicates, like John is a thief. Malagasy is a typical here: ff782bc1db