Secrets De Femmes 1986 ~REPACK~

Rape and other forms of men's sexual exploitation and abuse of women was one of the primary focuses of Russell's research and writings. In her book, The Politics of Rape (1975), Russell suggested that rape was a display of socially defined perceptions of masculinity instead of deviant social behavior. Her other books in this area are Rape in Marriage (1982), Sexual Exploitation: Rape, Child Sexual Abuse, and Workplace Harassment (1984). In 1986, Russell published The Secret Trauma: Incest in the Lives of Girls and Women (1986). It was one of the first scientific research studies of incestuous sexual abuse to be published. For it she received the C.Wright Mills Award in 1986. In 1993, she edited an anthology on pornography, Making Violence Sexy: Feminist Views on Pornography. Her 1994 book, Against Pornography: The Evidence of Harm, which includes 100 pornographic photos, was a study establishing how pornography encourages men to rape and leads to increased incidents of rape.

Second, feminist philosophy of biology considers the gendered natureof foundational concepts in biology, philosophy of biology andphilosophy of science, such as reductionism (see section 4.2),determinism (see section 4.1) and the nature of objectivity (see theentry on feminist epistemology and philosophy of science).As I will discuss below, some feminist philosophers of biology contendthat gendered social values are not only intertwined with particulartheories or knowledge claims, but can also support and be supported bythese foundational concepts (Fehr 2004, Longino 1990). Sincethese concepts are of central concern in non-feminist philosophy ofbiology and philosophy of science more generally, there is ampleopportunity for feminist and non-feminist philosophy of biology tobecome more closely related. There is also significantfeminist work regarding scientific objectivity that is at leastpartially motivated by the presence and power of unacknowledgedgendered assumptions, including androcentrism and sexism, in biologicalsciences ranging from genetics and cell biology, to sociobiology (forexample Keller 1985, Longino 1990, 2002, Haraway 1989, Harding1986).

Secrets De Femmes 1986

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The traditional theoretical perspective on sexual selectiondescribed above is an elegant model. However, it relies on severalassumptions in order to be applicable to actual cases. Hrdy(1986) has described three broad categories of assumptions needed tosuccessfully apply this model to real situations. The firstassumption is that male investment in the production of offspringis small relative to female investment. Ruth Hubbard(1990) points out that the challenge here is determining theappropriate way to characterize and measure investment. Eggs arelarger than sperm. So, if one simply considers gamete size, maleinvestment is smaller. However, males do not use a microscopiceyedropper to dispense one sperm at a time. Hubbard questionswhether investment ought to be measured at the level of the individualgamete. When one includes the total amount of energy and resources thatare need to produce sperm and semen, the energy required to develop andmaintain secondary sexual characteristics (differences between thesexes that are not directly linked to the reproductive system), thecosts of male-male competition, the costs that males of many speciesinvest in defending a territory, and the effort that the males of somespecies put into parental care, male costs may turn out to be higherthan researchers have historically expected. These male costs maybe further increased if one measures them over an individual'slifetime as opposed to a single reproductive event. It isimportant for researchers to justify their characterization of whatcounts as investment.

Broadly speaking, sociobiology, which arises out of work inpopulation genetics, population ecology and ethology, is theevolutionary study of human and non-human social behavior.Sociobiologists postulate that some behaviors are traits, just likeheight or hair color, that are subject to evolution by naturalselection. Ideally, to show that a behavior is an evolutionaryadaptation, researchers must demonstrate that (1) the behavior isheritable, (2) there is or was behavioral variability among individualsin a population, and (3) that differential reproduction, caused by thepresence of the behavior in question, led to an increase in thefrequency of individuals tending to exhibit that behavior in apopulation. Since researchers cannot go back in time to directlyobserve the evolution of current behaviors, they most often rely onindirect evidence. Sociobiology is most often associated with E.O.Wilson, either his more general work exemplified in his bookSociobiology a New Synthesis (1975) or On HumanNature (1978), which focuses on human sociobiology. There isfeminist work in sociobiology such as Sarah Hrdy's work onmother-infant relations (1981/1999, 1986).

Androcentrism. Historically female primates werestudied only in their interactions with males or with infants.Women primatologists (see Haraway 1989) and sociobiologists (Hrdy 1986)who carefully observed females, as well as other members of primategroups, discovered new information that overthrew previously heldbeliefs regarding dominance hierarchies, mate selection, andfemale-female competition by focusing on female-femaleinteractions.

Problematic choice of comparison species. The dataone can gather and the conclusions one can draw about human behavioralevolution from non-human primates are highly dependent on the primatespecies to which one attends. For example, in mid-20th centuryprimatology researchers chose species for study, such as savannababoons, which had social structures that seemed similar tohumans. In the 1970's feminist primatologists wereinstrumental in convincing the scientific community that chimpanzeeswere a more appropriate species for modeling key transitions in humanevolution. This switch in model organism was supported bymolecular phylogenetic, comparative anatomical, and paleontologicaldata, but it was also a strategic feminist move, as chimpanzees arematrifocal creatures with complex social lives. This facilitateda research focus on mothering, which was consistent with the focus onmaternal thinking and social motherhood in that period of westernfeminism (Haraway 1989). There are at least two kinds ofrecommendations that arise here. First, if one is focusing onremoving bias, then one should take care not to falsely generalizeacross the diversity that can be found among primate species (Hrdy1986). Second, one needs to take responsibility for one'schoice of model organism, because it will have an impact on the kindsof knowledge that one can produce (Haraway 1989).

This collection comes from that of the Louvre Museum, transferred in 1986 to the Muse d'Orsay, itself partly heir to that of the Muse du Luxembourg. The Muse d'Orsay's collection has since been enriched by numerous acquisitions that have been included in the museum's own inventory since 2014.

The massive and complex topic of women in French history has gone through many interpretations. This guide is not about French feminism as represented by feminist philosophers and academics such as Simone de Beauvoir, Hlne Cixous, Bracha Ettinger, Luce Irigaray, Julia Kristeva or Monique Wittig. It is about the evolution of feminism as represented by independent women throughout the various eras of French history. While it includes scholarship and scholarly sources in the bibliographies, the guide is ultimately a generalized survey of remarkable individuals of varying occupation and status who instruct our understanding of the modern feminist movement. This guide is a resource for not only the individuals themselves, but their works, and those chronicling their achievements and lives. Feminist author Titiou Lecoq's work Les grandes oublies: Pourquoi l'Histoire a effac les femmes (image, right) asks why women are so often erased from history, and attempts to bring back the names of these forgotten greats.

During the sixteenth century, medical men across Europe began to reveal the secrets of generation in their vernacular treatises. Working primarily from Greek and Latin translations, they often deployed figurative speech, ostensibly to help their uninitiated lay readers envision the body's hidden parts and processes. Ambroise Pare, for example, described the neck of the womb, or cervix, as "wrinkled with many crests, like the upper part of a Dogs mouth" (90); while Thomas Bartholin imagined that it "gapes to receive the Yard, as a Beast gapes for its Food" (70). Such anatomical figures, of course, did nothing to clarify the truth about bodies. What they can reveal, however, are patterns of images that expose how rhetoric and ideology inform one another: "metaphors acted not only to explain function (or dysfunction) and structure," Jonathan Sawday observes of these early modern texts, "but to constrain the body within the overarching organization of patriarchal authority" (226). The descriptions above are a familiar case in point: the end of the vaginal passage becomes a devouring mouth, a beast in need of taming. The yard, in contrast, consistently appears as the "virile member" (Crooke 210), manly by virtue of its figured opposition to such feral bodies: as The Compleat Midwifes Practice asserts, "it is not of a bony substance, as in dogs, wolphs or foxes" (16).

Choosing an appropriate time frame for sexual harassment items iscentral to the development of valid and reliable measures. Some researcherssuggest that measures of violence against women should be lifetime ratesbecause annual rates of violence can obscure the extent of the violence(e.g., Smith, 1994). Yet, due to recall problems, others maintain thatlifetime rates are generally less reliable than annual rates (Arvey andCavanaugh, 1995; Skogan, 1986). (9) Still others maintain that specific datemarkers in survey questions can encourage respondents to think about theirexperiences with sexual harassment in relation to specific contexts, timeperiods and relationships (Sparks et al., 1977). be457b7860