After the fall of Rome, no single state or government united the people who lived on the European continent. Instead, the Catholic Church became the most powerful institution of the medieval period. Kings, queens and other leaders derived much of their power from their alliances with and protection of the Church.
Another way to show devotion to the Church was to build grand cathedrals and other ecclesiastical structures such as monasteries. Cathedrals were the largest buildings in medieval Europe, and they could be found at the center of towns and cities across the continent.
The Worlds Of Medieval Europe
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The Ancient to the Modern World: Medieval Europe 1 downloadable PDF resource enables students to develop their historical knowledge and understanding of Medieval Europe. The units of work provide a basis for identifying European geographical locations and the time frame for the medieval era. Feudalism, fealty and the main social classes are discussed, as well as the significant influence of Charlemagne and the Catholic Church. Skills are developed through interpreting primary sources, studying change, continuity, and locating and categorising information.
Meg Leja specializes in the political and cultural history of late antique and medieval Europe. Her research interests range widely across gender history, religious studies, reception and manuscript studies, and the history of science. Her first book, Embodying the Soul: Medicine and Religion in Carolingian Europe, published with the University of Pennsylvania Press in 2022, explores changing perceptions of the body and the value of medical knowledge in the early medieval period. Drawing out points of symmetry between the extant ninth-century medical corpus and other forms of Carolingian literature, it examines how intellectuals and anonymous scribes wrestled with the theological ambiguities of intervening on the body and tied practices of self-care to evolving ideas of individual responsibility. Her current research projects deal with visionary literature in the Carolingian realm, the scope of Latin medical material before the twelfth century, and legal conceptions of necessity and exemption in the early Middle Ages.
Leja teaches survey courses on early medieval Europe and pre-modern medicine as well as a variety of thematic courses on healthcare and gender, death and disease, religion and culture in late antiquity, the Carolingian Empire, and Mediterranean environmental history.
World History: Ancient and Medieval Eras by ABC-CLIO presents a fascinating survey of the civilizations, dynasties, and empires of the ancient and medieval worlds, allowing students to expand their understanding of the present in the context of the distant past.
World History: Ancient and Medieval Eras provides students and educators with a fascinating survey of the civilizations, dynasties, and empires of the ancient and medieval worlds. With depth and breadth of coverage, this database allows students to relate the events of the distant past to ongoing developments in human history, exploring each chapter of ancient and medieval history through the lenses of culture, politics, religion, technology, and conflict.
There is a paucity of surviving texts from ancient and medieval times that can shed light on the early development of spine surgery. Nevertheless, the author reviews many of the available books and fragments and discusses early developments in the field of spine surgery from the point of view of physicians' personalities, general themes, and actual surgical practices. For purposes of an overview and to highlight changing trends in spine surgery, he divides the paper into four eras of medicine: 1) Egyptian and Babylonian; 2) Greek and early Byzantine; 3) Arabic; and 4) medieval.
The Violence Research Centre at Cambridge University (UK) just unveiled a new data-visualization project that maps murders in medieval London. Across a city of about 80,000 people at the time, the map shows 142 known homicides committed between 1300-1340 CE, with data taken from so-called "Coroners' Rolls" (legal records of investigations into the cause of someone's death).
But that isn't really a fair characterization of the period. The Middle Ages wasn't as violent as we often think it was and the conclusion that the Centre's director reaches here have far more to do with common assumptions about the period than the actual experience of medieval life. In fact, saying that medievals "would quickly have wiped each other out" tells us something important about the lies we tell ourselves about the world we live in today.
The idea that the Middle Ages was a spectacularly violent time might seem like a fair conclusion to draw, given what most people know about the time period. We tend to think of the European Middle Ages as a particularly violent time and place. It's now such a commonplace that it's almost a cultural norm. Fantasy video games such as The Witcher, TV shows like Game of Thrones, movies like Braveheart, and books such as the Broken Empire series promote the myth of rampant violence, using a background of knights and castles to link their fictional worlds in our minds to the Middle Ages. And academics can be as guilty as anyone else when making sweeping generalizations about violence over time. Historian Johan Huizinga famously wrote in 1921 that "so violent and motley was life [in the Middle Ages], that it bore the mixed smell of blood and roses." Much more recently, psychologist Steven Pinker charted a decline in violence from pre-modernity to today (though that book has now been rightly critiqued as deeply problematic).
In some ways, the "medieval murder map" seems to confirm those suspicions. Look at all the murders, plotted all at once on the map. But let's think for a moment about the data set presented by this mapping project. We, of course, realize that data matters mostly in how it's understood. Sometimes the same data set can both confirm and refute our assumptions about a problem. In the case of this "murder map," we should think about what 142 documented murders in a city of about 80,000 people over a 40-year period really means. According to the US Department of Justice, homicides in Roanoke, VA, a city of comparable size to London in 1300 CE, were higher (306 total) across a shorter time-span (30 years, 1985-2014). More generally, Prof. Warren Brown in his book Violence in Medieval Europe analyzed a trove of historical data on violence across England, but then compared them with similar statistics from the US and EU. He concluded that "counterintuitive as it might seem... thirteenth-century England as a whole was not significantly more violent than the US or EU around the turn of the twenty-first century... [W]hile much of the US or EU experiences far less violence than much of thirteenth-century England, some city dwellers... endure about the same level [and sometimes higher]." So, does this confound our expectations or do we choose another similarly-sized city that confirms a higher medieval murder rate?
We understandably focus on the "blood" in that sentence but what of the roses? The rest of that same paragraph explains. After the "blood and roses" Huizinga writes that medievals "always oscillate between the fear of hell and the most naive joy, between cruelty and tenderness, between harsh asceticism and insane attachment to the delights of this world, between hatred and goodness, always running to extremes." He's describing a paradox, people who can't easily be categorized. In other words, we must remember that we're talking about real people living real lives. People in the European Middle Ages experienced and perpetrated violence, but they experienced and created joy and wonder too. The exact ratio of one to the other likely depended on a specific person, in a specific place, at a specific time.
The Centre's data visualization project promises to be a useful teaching and research tool but we always have to be careful about making sweeping generalizations from such a small source base, analyzed by non-specialists. This is particularly true when dealing with the Middle Ages because the period carries with it so much invisible baggage. When we talk about the "medieval" we're often talking about ourselves. Talking about the medieval allows us "to deal with potentially uncomfortable issues at a safe distance... Something we call 'medieval' is always a bad thing, a relic of an older time, something we haven't yet - but inevitably will - evolve beyond." In this thinking, the medieval was violent because the modern is not. But we know that's not the case.
Abstract: This essay explains different patterns demonstrating how medieval Europe was situated in global visions of the world. Concerning medieval concepts of integration, entanglements, and migrations, three different perspectives are highlighted: (1) Europe was considered, together with Asia and Africa, to be an integral part of the whole world and covered a quarter of its surface. (2) Medieval sources contributed to Europe becoming a destination of immigration of peoples, cultures, and religions of Asian roots. (3) In the second half of the fifteenth century, previous memories of origin changed. The article outlines conflicting opinions about whether European peoples were shaped by migrations or by remaining on their own patch of soil. Just when Europeans began to conquer the world, they realised the geographical limitations of their continent. At the same time, however, they stylised Europe as an exceptional queen ruling the world.
The present article aims to provide some critical input to the history of entanglements and migrations from the perspective of medieval history. It came into being through various research forays into the constant swings between integration and disintegration in the cultures of medieval Europe. A priority programme conducted by Michael Borgolte and myself for the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (German Research Council) provided the opportunity to work with a team of junior and experienced scholars and to do away with the traditional framings presented by national histories and the established disciplinary cultures. In the end we recognised the necessity of no longer explaining European history in terms of the integration of European factors, but of placing Europe into the nexus of the world. 589ccfa754
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