Operation 7 Latino Download

With the help of the Mexican government, which sought the return of Mexican nationals to alleviate a labor shortage, Border Patrol agents and local officials used military techniques and engaged in a coordinated, tactical operation to remove the immigrants. Along the way, they used widespread racial stereotypes to justify their sometimes brutal treatment of immigrants. Inside the United States, anti-Mexican sentiment was pervasive, and harsh portrayals of Mexican immigrants as dirty, disease-bearing and irresponsible were the norm.

When Eisenhower took over, his immigration commissioner unveiled "Operation Wetback," a short-lived, military-style operation that the government estimated to have rounded up more than 1 million people.

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The program began on September 27, 1942, when the first braceros were admitted into the United States under this agreement with Mexico.[14] The program called for braceros to be guaranteed wages, housing, food, and exemption from military service.[15] However, even though this was the agreement promised by the United States, workers were denied for multiple reasons and were not given proper paperwork to work in America.[16][page needed] The Bracero Program would not have a consistent implementation or direction during its 22-year duration.[17] The program itself can be classified into three main phases. The first between 1942 and 1946 saw heavy input from the Mexican government in regard to the operations of the Bracero Program.[17] The second phase was between 1947 and 1954 when the policy shifted from mass legalization of illegal immigrants to mass repatriation of said immigrants.[17] The El Paso incident would begin discussion of establishing a labor pool versus dealing with the "illegal invasion" of these immigrants.[17] In certain cases, undocumented workers found by INS agents would be legalized as Braceros instead of deported. The final phase lasted from 1955 to 1964 and thus saw the end of the Bracero Program.[17] The paradoxical nature of wanting a source of labor in the form of Mexican immigrants but distaste for the immigrants by the population would persist here.[17]

In June, command teams of 12 Border Patrol agents, buses, planes, and temporary processing stations began locating, processing, and deporting Mexicans who had illegally entered the United States. A total of 750 immigration and border patrol officers and investigators; 300 jeeps, cars and buses; and seven airplanes were allocated for the operation.[35] Teams were focused on quick processing, as planes were able to coordinate with ground efforts and quickly deport people into Mexico.[36] Those deported were handed off to Mexican officials, who in turn moved them into central Mexico where there were many labor opportunities.[37] A total of 25% of these Mexicans were deported on crammed boats that have been compared to slave ships.[2] While the operation included the cities of Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Chicago, its main targets were border areas in Texas and California.[36]

During the entirety of the Operation, border recruitment of illegal workers by American growers continued, due largely to the low cost of illegal labor, and the desire of growers to avoid the bureaucratic obstacles of the Bracero program. The continuation of illegal immigration, despite the efforts of Operation Wetback, along with public outcry over many US citizens removed, was largely responsible for the failure of the program.[41] Because of these factors, operation Wetback lost funding.[2]

While the Cuban-American Santos is a Spanish-language host, he's also listened to by young Hispanics, which the campaign considers crucial, mirroring the intersectional way it aims to integrate the Latino vote program into other facets of the operation and the multi-layered approach it believes must be taken in engaging Hispanics.

"The biggest mistake is to treat the community as one block," Praeli said, stressing that Latino operations will be part of every facet of the general election campaign. With women voters, the campaign has done events aimed at Latinas, like Latina-to-Latina phone banking and when it comes to reaching young people, the campaign is aiming to connect its youth outreach led by Sarah Audelo, who is Latina, to its Hispanic engagement because 44% of Latino voters are under the age of 35 and 25% of so-called millennials are Hispanic.

Although regulations outlining the operational guidelines for street vendors have yet to be developed, Nevada state Senator, Fabian Doate says he is confident this bill will contribute to their overall success.

The QR code visa is part of an honor-system scheme that asks recipients to voluntarily report to a Mexican immigration office in a particular city by a specified date, ostensibly to apply for and await a more permanent Mexican residency card, copies of the visas show. With this tactic, the government ensured that no huge caravan or Del Rio migrant camp could form that would draw media attention and cause political damage to either the Mexican or American government, or open diplomatic rifts. (A first early Mexican government ant operation in September went awry for lack of sufficient diffusion and caused the Del Rio migrant camp.)

During a post-ant-operation field trip to Tapachula, the Center for Immigration Studies found a less crowded, much-relieved city. But the federal tools of immigration enforcement had returned to the very same pretenses of blocking forward immigrant movement at Tapachula.

Last year was witness to three police operations against gangs in Catalonia, targeting the Latin Kings, the Mara Salvatrucha (MS13), and the Bloods. Coming after a period of intense immigration from Latin America and attempts by authorities to engage some of the gangs by treating them as cultural youth movements, they may provide the necessary perspective to reflect on the extent to which gangs are present, their roles and deeds, including criminal activities, and the future direction policy may take. While providing data of interest to the comparative researcher, such an overview can also be of interest to practitioners, given Catalonia's strategic location at a key geographical juncture in South-Western Europe.[i] Since December 2011, the Mossos d'Esquadra (Catalan police force) have carried out five large-scale anti-gang operations, involving the arrest of 102 alleged members.[ii] The purpose of this paper is to briefly describe the mentioned three operations, as well as recent current policy shift following the perceived failure of the move to turn the Latin Kings and the etas into legal youth associations.

Thus, while efforts to promote the social inclusion of existing and potential members remain in place, we can observe a hardening of attitudes, with greater stress on police operations. This is not necessarily seen as a failure of the original policy, with some voices stressing that it enabled the collection of intelligence.[lix]

This paper is just an overview of the most significant police operations against Latino gangs in 2014 Catalonia, their current presence, and the policy shift away from the initial attempt at legalization and engagement, spearheaded by the Barcelona City Council and implemented by the Generalitat. It should not be taken as a comprehensive survey. Issues not dealt with here but significant for research on this topic include the social and family dynamics among immigrant communities, the impact of prison and other punitive institutions on gang members, and the possible interaction between Latino gangs and Islamist organizations.

The spring of 2014 saw three major counter-gang police operations take place in Catalonia, exposing the range of criminal activities by some Latino gangs. While this did not come as a surprise, the details to have emerged confirmed widespread views about their internal dynamics, including the most common weapons and the extensive resort to violence against their own members and those of rival groups, as well as the most significant forms of criminality they engage in. While the Catalan Government remains committed to a comprehensive approach to gang violence, featuring not only police investigations but also social and educational measures, law enforcement is likely to remain central to the public response to this form of organized violence. Catalonia's key geographical location means translates into extensive opportunities for organized crime to flourish, and therefore an additional responsibility to prevent it from taking root and having a negative impact on nearby territories.

The U.S. and Spanish special operations forces practiced a wide variety of skills during this exercise, including training in long-range marksmanship, crew-served weapons familiarization, mission planning, close-quarter battle, breaching operations, military operations in urban terrain, rappelling and other critical combat and unconventional warfare skills.

H.R. 2134 would establish a Commission to study and report on the potential creation of a museum, the availability and cost of collections to be acquired and housed in the museum, possible locations, the organizational structure from which the museum should operate, and how to engage the American Latino Community in the development and design of a museum. The Commission would consist of 23 voting and non-voting members appointed by the President and Congressional leadership. H.R. 2134 would require that the Commission convene a national conference on the museum no later than 9 months after the date of enactment of the Act and submit recommendations for a legislative plan to create and construct the museum based on the findings of its study no later than 18 months after the date of enactment of the Act. The bill would require the Secretary of the Interior to provide administrative services, facilities, and funds necessary for the operation of the Commission.

We have concerns about the bill and suggest several amendments. First, we suggest that the Commission examine the cost of constructing, operating, and maintaining the museum in its report. These considerations are vital to the success of a museum. Second, we are concerned that the time frames set forth in the bill for convening the conference and submitting the recommendations are unachievable, and we suggest they be reevaluated. Third, we suggest that the bill be amended to provide greater detail about the operation of the Commission. In particular, the bill does not specify whether the Commission is subject to the Federal Advisory Committee Act, the method by which the chairman is selected, the meeting location, and the number of members that constitute a quorum. Finally, we have some additional concerns about the bill requiring that the Secretary of the Interior provide administrative services, facilities, and funds necessary for the operation of the Commission. We suggest, alternatively, that the General Services Administration (GSA) provide such administrative support, since it is our understanding that the GSA has an office set up to provide such services for other Commissions. Regardless of which agency is given this role, we request that the bill be amended to add language stating that the administrative support is contingent on available funds appropriated for this purpose. We also would recommend that the bill be amended to state that these funds be made available to both the agency providing the administrative support and the Commission prior to any meetings of the Commission. 17dc91bb1f