The Miss World Organization owns and manages the annual Miss World Finals, a competition that has grown into one of the world's biggest.[37] Since its launch in 1951, the Miss World organisation has raised more than 1 billion for children's charities[38] that help disabled and underprivileged children.[39] Miss World is franchised in more than 100 countries.[40][41]

Despite the increasing international profile the boycott was garnering in the world press, the contest proceeded in Nigeria after being rescheduled to avoid taking place during Ramadan, with many prominent nations sending delegates. Osmel Sousa of Venezuela, one of the world's most influential national directors, said, "there is no question about it [the participation of Miss Venezuela in the contest]." But the trouble did not end there. A ThisDay (Lagos, Nigeria) newspaper editorial suggesting that Muhammad would probably have chosen one of his wives from among the contestants had he been alive to see it resulted in inter-religious riots that started on 22 November in which over 200 people were killed in the city of Kaduna and many houses of worship were burned by religious zealots.[51] Because of these riots, the 2002 pageant was moved to London, following widely circulated reports that Canada's and Korea's representatives had withdrawn from the contest and returned to their respective countries out of safety concerns. A fatwa urging the beheading of the woman who wrote the offending words, Isioma Daniel, was issued in Nigeria, but was declared null and void by the relevant Saudi Arabian authorities.[52][53][54][55] Upon the pageant's return to Britain, many of the boycotting contestants chose to attend, including Miss Norway, Kathrine Srland, who was ironically tipped in the last few days as the favourite for the crown she had previously boycotted.[56][57][58][59][60]


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Anastasia Lin, Miss World Canada, was not given a visa to travel in China and hence missed the official deadline of 20 November 2015 for entry to the 2015 pageant, and was declared persona non grata by the Chinese Embassy in Ottawa for openly criticizing China's human rights violations. The Miss World Organization later allowed her to compete at Miss World 2016.[63][64]

The edition was originally scheduled for the end of 2020 but postponed indefinitely due to the global COVID-19 pandemic.[65] On 8 March 2021, the date was set for 16 December 2021.[66] The threat of the Omicron variant had already been detected in some parts of the world during the pre-pageant activities, as the disease started swept across the island. On 14 December, Miss World Indonesia Carla Yules tested positive for COVID-19. As a precaution, her roommate Miss World India Manasa Varanasi and five others were classified as suspected cases. Miss World Organization chair Julia Morley confirmed that the delegates were isolated and quarantined and would not be onstage for the final show if they did not produce a negative PCR test.[67][68][69][70] On 15 December, the Puerto Rico Department of Health confirmed 17 positive cases for COVID-19 related to the Miss World pageant activities, including contestants and technical personnel.[71][72][73] On 16 December, it was announced that Miss World Malaysia Lavanya Sivaji had tested positive for COVID-19.[70] She was required to be isolated for 10 days and not permitted onstage during the finals. The finale, originally slated for 16 December, was postponed.[74] During a 16 December Puerto Rico Department of Health press conference, epidemiologist Melissa Marzn confirmed 15 staff and 23 contestant positive cases associated with Miss World. She added that pageant organizers, not the island's authorities, decided to postpone.[75] The rescheduled 70th Miss World pageant took place on 16 March 2022, at Puerto Rico's Jos Miguel Agrelot Coliseum.[76][77][78]

The 2000 violence in Kaduna took place in two mainwaves-sometimes referred to as "Sharia 1" and "Sharia 2" - a first wave fromFebruary 21 to 25, with further killings in March, followed by a second wavefrom May 22 to 23. In reaction to the prospect of the introduction of Shariainto Kaduna Sate, the Kaduna branch of the Christian Association of Nigeria(CAN) organized a public protest on February 21. Then the situationdegenerated: Muslim youths clashed with the Christian protestors, and fightingbetween Christians and Muslims spiraled out of control, with massive violenceand destruction on both sides. An accurate, total death toll has never beenascertained, and as is typical in these situations, government and policeofficials were keen to play down the figures. A judicial commission of inquiryset up by the Kaduna state government reported that at least 1,295 people hadbeen killed, while an unspecified additional number were buried unidentified,and others were declared missing;[10]however, this number refers only to those killed in February and does notinclude the several hundred people reported killed in May.[11] All the people Human Rights Watch interviewed in connection with the 2002 riotsbelieved that the number of people killed in the 2000 riots far exceeded thefigure of 2,000 and was likely to be closer to 5,000. A Nigerian journalist whocovered the November 2002 Kaduna riots described them as "child's play comparedto what happened in 2000."[12] The 2000 violence in Kaduna had repercussions elsewhere in the country,particularly in the southeast, as predominantly Christian ethnic groups, suchas the Igbo, took revenge for the killings of Christians in Kaduna and turnedagainst Muslim populations in their areas.

Local residents immediately reported the matter to the localauthorities and to the police station at Kabala Doki, and witnesses gavestatements. As Kenneth was well-known in the area, on November 23 a group ofabout ten residents took the initiative to take him to the police station. TheDivisional Police Officer (DPO) handed Kenneth over to the office of theCommissioner of Police. However, the Commissioner did not detain him and hewas allowed to walk free. When residents complained again to the policestation and expressed concern about the tension caused by Kenneth's release,their complaints were dismissed by the investigating police officer, who toldone of them: "What is your problem with Kenneth? He's released on bail."[59] The complainants were later told that the case had been transferred from thedivisional police station to the Kaduna state headquarters.

Local residents sent written complaints to the Commissionerof Police in Kaduna State and to federal level police and government officialsin Abuja. In December, the police in Abuja appeared to be investigating thecase and it was reported that the Kaduna police received orders to arrestKenneth and the policemen involved in the killings. However, subsequently, oneof the complainants was informed by sources in the police and the stategovernment that the state governor had instructed the police not to pursue thecase for fear that these or similar prosecutions would harm his prospects inthe forthcoming elections.[60] Local sources later reported that Kenneth was arrested and released on severaloccasions, but was never prosecuted. None of the other soldiers or policemeninvolved in these killings were charged either.[61] The police superintendent who had been in the group which killed the eight menwas seen in the area some days after the event.

According to complaints made to the police, a group ofaround thirty policemen, including some mobile policemen, forced their way intothe house of an Islamic schoolteacher in Kabala Doki, on the evening ofNovember 21, shot dead an Islamic student and injured several others, one ofwhom was only ten years old. Witnesses identified one of the policemen as theclerk from Kabala Doki police station. A number of students were sleeping inthree shops in the compound, where the teacher housed them. According to acomplaint submitted to the Commissioner of Police, the policemen shot at thedoor of the first shop and broke it open, then shot dead one of the students,Babangida, aged eighteen. They beat several other students. They then forcedtheir way into the second shop and shot a fifteen-year-old student, AbubakarSule Alaramma, injuring him on the thigh. They then entered the third shop andbeat several students there; one of them suffered a fractured arm. In the mainhouse, they found Mallam Sule Alaramma, the Islamic school teacher, and clubbedhim on the head.[69]

A committee set up by the Kaduna State government to assessthe amount of damage has since reported that 109 churches, thirty-nine mosquesand hundreds of other buildings were destroyed during the violence.[91] In April 2003, it was reported that the federal government had released "anundisclosed amount of money for the rehabilitation of churches and mosquesburnt or vandalized" during the November riots and that the Kaduna Stategovernment had appealed to the federal government to increase the amountprovided.[92] However, in May, the Kaduna State chapter of the Christian Association ofNigeria (CAN) launched an appeal for funds to rebuild churches destroyed in theviolence, complaining that none of the financial compensation promised by thestate government since 2000 had been received[93] - a statementbacked up by complaints from many other organizations and individuals, bothChristians and Muslims, who told Human Rights Watch that they had receivednothing in way of compensation for loss of life and destruction of property inthe 2000 riots, let alone the 2002 riots. The federal government had rejecteda recommendation for compensation put forward by the commission of inquiry intothe 2000 violence set up by the Kaduna State government.[94]

In the immediate aftermath of the violence, there were callsfrom nongovernmental organizations and others for the Kaduna state governmentto set up a panel of inquiry. In similar situations of inter-communal andother violence in Nigeria, it has become almost standard practice for thegovernment to set up a panel or commission of inquiry; this was the case, forexample, following the February 2000 riots in Kaduna, the Zangon-Kataf riots of1992, and many other instances of violence in other states of Nigeria. However, in many cases, such initiatives have amounted to nothing more than atoken exercise on the part of the government to demonstrate that it is takingthe matter seriously; even when the members of such panels have carried outthorough and impartial investigations and produced detailed reports, the resultsof their inquiries have rarely been published. Even when they have beenpublished, in the form of government white papers, they appear to have hadlittle impact on the situation; few of their recommendations have beenimplemented and their findings have rarely led to prosecutions.[95] In the case of the November 2002 riots, the Kaduna State governor statedexplicitly that he had no intention of setting up a panel of inquiry, but thatinstead, those responsible for the violence would be charged and triedpromptly. ff782bc1db

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