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Politicians are people who are politically active, especially in party politics. Political positions range from local governments to state governments to federal governments to international governments.[1][2] All government leaders are considered politicians.[3][4]

Once elected, the politician has to deal with government officers and government employees working for them. Historically, there has been a subtle conflict between the long-term goals of each side.[11] In patronage-based systems, such as the United States in the 19th century, winning politicians replace the government officers and government employees not protected under the government services rules with their supporters. It was the "spoils system". Government job reform[clarification needed] was initiated to eliminate the corruption of government jobs.[12] However, in many less developed countries, the spoils system remained in full-scale operation as of 1982.[13]

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Mattozzi and Merlo argue that two main career paths are typically followed by politicians in modern democracies. First, is career politicians. They are politicians who rule the government sector until retirement. Second, are the "political careerists". These are politicians who gain a reputation for expertise in ruling certain levels of government such as International Governments, Federal Governments, State Governments and Local Governments, then leave politics and start a new business venture making use of their political contacts.[14]

The personal histories of politicians have been frequently studied, as it is presumed that their experiences and characteristics shape their beliefs and behaviors. There are four pathways by which a politician's biography could influence their leadership style and abilities. The first is that biography may influence one's core beliefs, which are used to shape a worldview. The second is that politicians' skills and competence are influenced by personal experience. The areas of skill and competence can define where they devote resources and attention as a leader. The third pathway is that biographical attributes may define and shape political incentives. A leader's previous profession, for example, could be viewed as of higher importance, causing a disproportionate investment of leadership resources to ensure the growth and health of that profession, including former colleagues. Other examples besides profession include the politician's innate characteristics, such as race or gender. The fourth pathway is how a politician's biography affects their public perception, which can, in turn, affect their leadership style. Female politicians, for example, may use different strategies to attract the same level of respect given to male politicians.[15]

Numerous scholars have studied the characteristics of politicians, comparing those at the local and national levels, and comparing the more liberal or the more conservative ones, and comparing the more successful and less successful in terms of elections.[16] In recent years, special attention has focused on the distinctive career path of women politicians.[17] For example, there are studies of the "Supermadre" model in Latin American politics.[18]

Many critics attack politicians for being out of touch with the public. Areas of friction include how politicians speak, which has been described as being overly formal and filled with many euphemistic and metaphorical expressions and commonly perceived as an attempt to "obscure, mislead, and confuse".[21]

In the popular image, politicians are thought of as clueless, selfish, manipulative, dishonest, incompetent and corrupt, taking money in exchange for goods or services, rather than working for the general public good.[22] Politicians in many countries are regarded as the "most hated professionals".[22]

For years, Ohio politicians in charge of the redistricting process have ignored their duties (and several Supreme Court of Ohio orders) to Ohioans by consistently drawing maps that put their power before our rights.

IPPR argues that while sources show levels of political trust in Britain rose following the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic, this opportunity to rebuild trust may already have been squandered. Now further action is needed to rebuild trust in politicians and the key institutions vital for a thriving and effective democracy.

Our research shows a significant and disturbing decline in public trust in politicians and democracy in the UK. More people than ever are convinced that MPs are primarily looking out for themselves, rather than their country. Rather than taking bold action now to reverse this long-term trend, the government seem to be making things worse.

Politics has always been seen as a dirty business by voters, but there is little doubt that trust in our political class has reached new lows in recent years. Citizens increasingly see British politicians as self-serving rather than wanting to do the best for their country. We see the lowest levels of trust the further away people live from Westminster.

Line graph. The U.S. public's trust in politicians and the American people. In 2021, 55% of Americans have confidence in the American people to make judgments about issues facing the U.S., while 44% have confidence in those who hold office or are running for office.

Gallup's trends on these measures, dating back to 1972 (for politicians) and 1974 (for the American people), reflect a continuing decline in confidence in politicians and voters over the ensuing decades. Americans have been consistently more likely to express trust in voters than in people who hold or are running for public office, but both trends have generally ebbed in the 2000s and again in the 2010s.

Confidence in politicians is down 24 percentage points from its peak in 1974, while confidence in the judgments of the American people is down 31 points from its peak in 1976. Confidence in the American people had never been below 70% between 1974, the first year Gallup measured it, and 2009. It has not returned to that level since, with all but one reading in the past eight years below 60%.

At the beginning of the millennium, Republicans and Democrats expressed similar levels of trust in people who hold and run for political office. But after Barack Obama's election to the White House in 2008, Republicans' confidence in politicians plummeted and has yet to get back to its former level. Gallup has recorded double-digit gaps between the two parties' levels of confidence in most years since, including a 25-point difference between Democrats (64%) and Republicans (39%) in the latest poll -- one of the largest gaps Gallup has found.

Line graph. The U.S. public's trust in American politicians who hold or are running for office, by political affiliation. In 2021, 64% of Democrats, 39% of Republicans and 34% of independents have confidence in politicians to make judgments about issues facing the country.

To find out how the emotions of politicians might rub off on their supporters, he and Dawkins ran an experiment. The duo wrote a series of news stories about a debate on immigration policy between two candidates for an open Congressional seat in Minnesota. Unbeknownst to the study's subjects, neither the candidates nor their debate were real.

For Stapleton, the results carry an important lesson for ordinary voters: When watching the news, people should pay attention to how politicians may try to appeal to or even manipulate emotions to get what they want. But, he added, anger is only part of the picture. In a previous study, he and his colleagues discovered that optimistic people are much more likely to be politically active than pessimists.

New data show politicians have a considerable survival advantage over general populations, based on information from 11 countries and over 57,500 politicians. In some countries this survival advantage is at the highest level for 150 years, and life expectancy at age 45 was found to be around seven years higher for politicians compared to general populations in certain countries.

The study collated information on politicians from Australia, Austria, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Switzerland, the UK, and the USA. For each country, data were available between 1945 and 2014, however the full analysis ranged from 1816 (France) to 2017.

Each politician was matched according to their country, age and gender to the mortality data from the equivalent section of the national population for that period of time. The researchers then compared the number of deaths among the politicians each year with the number expected based on population mortality rates.

Some may suggest that these differences in life expectancy may be due to politicians typically earning salaries well above the average population level (in the UK, the basic annual salary for an MP from 1 April 2022 is 84,144). However, according to the researchers, while this may be part of the reason, these results suggest that other factors must also be at play. This is because income inequality (as measured by the share of overall income belonging to the richest in society) began to rise in the 1980s, but differences in life expectancy began to widen much earlier, before the 1940s.

The researchers suggest that the recent survival gains for politicians may be due to a variety of factors, including differences in standards of health care and lifestyle factors such as smoking and diet. The availability of improved therapies for medical conditions more likely to affect politicians (particularly cardiovascular diseases) may also play a role. They note, for instance, that both President Franklin Roosevelt and Prime Minister Winston Churchill suffered from hypertension and ultimately died of stroke. However, since antihypertensive drugs became widely available in the 1960s, the risk of death from circulatory diseases has decreased significantly.

A considerable body of work in political science is built upon the assumption that politicians are more purposive, strategic decision makers than the citizens who elect them. At the same time, other work suggests that the personality profiles of office seekers and the environment they operate in systematically amplifies certain choice anomalies. These contrasting perspectives persist absent direct evidence on the reasoning characteristics of representatives. We address this gap by administering experimental decision tasks to incumbents in Belgium, Canada, and Israel. We demonstrate that politicians are as or more subject to common choice anomalies when compared to nonpoliticians: they exhibit a stronger tendency to escalate commitment when facing sunk costs, they adhere more to policy choices that are presented as the status-quo, their risk calculus is strongly subject to framing effects, and they exhibit distinct future time discounting preferences. This has obvious implications for our understanding of decision making by elected politicians. e24fc04721