L Mukherjee World History Pdf Free Download !!HOT!!

Professor Mukherjee teaches courses on the history of south asia with a focus on modern India. Some of the courses she offers include: "Introduction to South Asian History since 1757," "History of Modern India," "Women in Modern India," and "Human Rights: Historical Perspectives."

The book is a very interesting work. It deals with the Arabian sea rim region in the seventeenth century. But it is not just a coastal history, it is not just a history of the various East India companies, nor it is just a history of trade. It contains all these--and something more. It reflects the evolving pattern of interaction among the various historical forces of that time. The Arabian sea has been used as a medium of expression. The work attempts to put into perspective the nature of the trading system, the institutions and the organisations involved, and the nature of politics and its influence on trade. In the introduction, the author asserts, "this study is an extended brief for 'globalism', for in exploring and focusing on linkages within and beyond the Arabian seas, it tries to overcome the limits of the area studies approach" (p. 4).

L Mukherjee World History Pdf Free Download

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Chapters 7, 8 and 9 deal respectively with the Portuguese, Dutch and English East India companies. They have been dealt with fairly comprehensively, showing both differences and similarities amongst these companies. This also includes descriptions of settlements, organisational structures, work methods, methods of accounting, relationships with their governments, patterns of trade, institutional corruption, private trade, patronage, ecclesiastical and administrative authorities, the nature of interactions with local trading communities, etc. He starts with an assumption, or rather an assertion: "In Europe the companies were merchants; in Asia they were states" (p. 299), and he gives his own reasons for this. In my view this leads to various methodological and theoretical problems. For example, if these companies indeed had attributes of sovereignty, why did they have to be supplicants to the local rulers even to get permission to trade? Why was it necessary to collaborate with some others? In fact, why should a "sovereign state" start with trade at all? Or why should its only objective be profit from trade? In my own view, a commercial activity is a commercial activity. And it is only myopic to say that commerce is a peaceful activity. This connection between commerce and peace lies only either in theory or in the brochures of the WTO. In reality and in history commerce has never been a "peaceful" activity. In fact commerce exists in tandem with influence and force. At the least we find companies using advertisements--and in a further step we find MNCs using the diplomatic channels of their own countries to get favourable terms. Monopolies have the attribute of force (but no sovereignty). And on the other hand states use trade as their most effective tool for coercion. Can the author think of even a single trading activity that lies outside the continuum of influence/force? The author at other places makes more realistic assertions: "Commerce always being a zero sum game..." (p. 390) and later, "trade had always been linked to the use of force" (p. 429). It would be much better to wrest back sovereignty from the trading companies to where it legitimately belongs. Perhaps, the East India companies should rather be seen as an extended arm of the early modern nation states, without assigning any aspects of sovereignty to them. They had only been "delegated" certain rights. None of the "sovereign rights" (p. 383) exercised by them was original, but only derived, delegated through charters or other legal instruments. And as these European states could not go on an adventure like that of Alexander, the trading companies seemed a better way out. This would also take care of the cautious "may" as regards mercantilism (p. 300).

A very straight question would be: was such a foundation present in Europe? Even as late as the nineteenth century we find Napoleon implementing the "continental system" and the British replying with "orders in council." And I won't be far off the mark if I say that much of the conflict among the European companies in those times had its roots in Europe rather than with either trade or local kingdoms. The author also does not make it clear as to which "law of nations" in Europe he is adverting to. Going by some of Wilson's fourteen points, the world even in the early twentieth century was devoid of "law of nations." An equally pertinent question would be, isn't it true that most of the conflicts that European companies had with the local regimes were caused by the intransigence shown by the companies to the regulations in force in these lands? In my view, this east-west dichotomy as regards rules and rationality is not historically correct. Moreover, if I can take a broader perspective, according to a German thinker, Schmoller, economic phenomena cannot be separated from moral norms and beliefs. There is no society where economic relationships are not subject to customary and legal regulations. And these have to be understood in terms of the moral causes that influence them.

The final chapter is "Concluding Thoughts." Even though the author has in some previous chapters given "conclusions," they were more a summary and discussion of the arguments of other scholars. In this one, the author puts in his own conclusions. Here he is more realistic in his assertions and it would be useful to quote them as they are: "I would go one step further ... and argue instead that there was only one world economy rather than several..." (p. 490); "while it is certainly not true that Europeans dominated the Arabian seas, it is equally untrue to say they were not significant; they were, and increasingly so" (p. 491); "if it did not cause the rise of Europe, the fall of Asia was to a very large extent ... caused by the rise of Europe in Asia" (p. 492); "rather than saying that Europeans and Asians were partners, one might say they were part of the same trade network" (p. 493); "Yet, under cloak of cordial and equitable commercial relationships, the European presence was first and foremost built on a capacity to deploy armed force and on the contained use of force.... The use of violence is thus a critical issue when studying European trade in Arabian seas" (pp. 493-94); "activities of the companies were ... a part of a much larger development: the integration of Arabian seas within the modern world system. The trade flows in the Atlantic, and the sweat and tears of Indians and black slaves on which the commerce was erected was the heartbeat of the conjuncture of the modern world" (p. 495); and "interests of the trade organization became increasingly subordinated to those of the state" (p. 498).

As to the utility of the work to academics, researchers and students, it is a wealth of information culled from original sources. It must however be remembered that this is not a basic book. This is an advanced book and many of the arguments, issues and even facts can be understood only when one has prior understanding of this region. The focus of this book is the Arabian seas, but the issues that the book deals with has to be seen in the larger perspective of various historical forces of that time that had ramifications not only in Europe but also in the American continent and also in the time line of the process of colonisation. The work is based on the original sources derived mostly from the accounts of the European merchants, seafarers, travellers and the records of the European trading companies operating in the region during that time. The book is invaluable for researchers. The book is in its third edition, the original being the author's Ph.D. thesis. Consequently, I find this book, despite its conclusions, to be evolving. And even though Barendse says in the preface, "this approach is sure to conflict with established national schools of historiography and with established methodology of 'area studies'...," I found it amongst the finest studies in world history, being more focused and more comprehensive at the same time, and more realistic, too. And I would agree with the author when he writes in the preface, "I hope that the topic of this book will captivate the mind and imagination of the reader as much as it did mine."

The first book on historiography to adopt a global and comparative perspective on the topic, A Global History of Modern Historiography looks not just at developments in the West but also at the other great historiographical traditions in Asia, the Middle East, and elsewhere around the world over the course of the past two and a half centuries.

This second edition contains fully updated sections on Latin American and African historiography, discussion of the development of global history, environmental history, and feminist and gender history in recent years, and new coverage of Russian historical practices. Beginning in the mid-eighteenth century, the authors analyse historical currents in a changing political, social and cultural context, examining both the adaptation and modification of the Western influence on historiography and how societies outside Europe and America found their own ways in the face of modernization and globalization.

"In this period of rapid and unpredictable globalisation, this new edition enables historical insights and perspective that the usual national or language-based surveys just cannot provide. This is the only truly global history of historical writing, from the eighteenth century onward, and it is an essential source for teaching and research. Once again, Georg Iggers and his colleagues have balanced their breadth of knowledge with a lucid style that is a pleasure to read and a reliable source to cite."

Within humanities departments at universities in the United States and Europe, this new paradigm has manifested through the diminished importance of area studies, which were established during the Cold War to increase knowledge of "cultural spaces" outside of the West. Instead of the homogenizing perspectives sometimes found in area studies, preference has increasingly been given to the perspectives present in global history, where practitioners question the existence of self-contained cultural areas, in order to focus on connections, interactions, or transfer processes between different regions of the world. Thus, the study of migration, exchange of objects, ideas, and concepts, world trade, the relationship between global and local phenomena, etc., reveals that political entities such as nation-states or cultural areas have themselves been the result of global entanglements. Therefore, many global historians view their mission as that of reconstructing long-lasting historical connections that have been cut off by modern historiography, which emerged together with the nation-state at the beginning of the nineteenth century. 1 e24fc04721