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Beasley was the lead defendant in a widespread corruption case that provided insight into a system of businessmen bribing pension trustees for their vote on investments that were supposed to raise money for retiree benefits. Instead, two Detroit pension funds lost more than $95 million in corrupt deals.

Official documents show that Brown is suing Merrill Lynch, Bank of America, and his financial advisor Michelle Marquez. He claims to have been a client from 2004 and 2017 during which time she handled his income from playing in the NBA, as well as invested and traded stocked under his consent. The problem is that Marquez was allegedly trading and investing Brown's money into various stocks and projects without being granted permission from the former center. Brown also alleges that Marquez opened various bank accounts under his name as well where she would deposit the money for investing purposes.

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The Internal Revenue Service is investigating the Kilpatricks' real estate deals and is trying to track down everyone who gave money to the disgraced former mayor from 1992 to 2008, the year he resigned amid the text-message scandal.

Rougeot opposes the Denver Basic Income Project that gives a universal basic income to qualifying unhoused residents. The city committed $2 million for the project. Instead, he would use that money to fund more mental health and drug treatment services.

But in other cases, if a judge decides a defendant does not pose a public safety or willful flight risk, then the defendant would be released without being required to post any money. Additional amendments have helped to spell out how this process would work.

Days earlier, in Washington, then-candidate George W. Bush helped collect $21 million in soft money from a small number of donors for the Republican Party. But on Wednesday, President Bush quietly signed into law the death warrant for soft money collected by the political parties. The new campaign finance law bans national parties from collecting soft money. The ban begins in November. Starting then, contributions to the parties will be limited to $2,000 per donor. From a headquarters near the Capitol Building, Terry McAuliffe runs the Democratic National Committee.

I knew this thing was going to happen, so we have been working very hard here to build a small donor base to the party. It took the DNC 20 years, from 1980 to 2000, to get 400,000 direct mail donors. Just last year we went from 400,000 to 850,000 just in one year. Our e-mail addresses in one year have gone from 70,000 to 780,000, so we have been working very hard in here. We're going to make up that $100 million, we're going to do it with federal money, and we're going to do it with small donors.

Upstairs in the same building, political operatives for Republicans in the House of Representatives geared up for this year's congressional races. Unlike the democrats, Republicans long have maintained a list of donors who can afford to contribute up to the new $2,000 limit that arrives next November. But congressional committee legal counsel Don McGahn says such contributions, known as hard money, won't fill the gap left by the ban on unlimited soft money.

That supposes that we've been sandbagging on our fundraising, that somehow there is all this hard money out there that we haven't raised, and now that you've banned soft, we're going to miraculously find new money. I don't think there is new hard money out there. We simply will not have the same kind of funds that we currently have. And we will not be able to get the Republican message out in a way that we have in the past handful of elections, at least. It certainly will cause irreparable harm to the party committees, and that's Republicans and democrats.

Who this legislation favors are average Americans that don't have the ability to go out and give $1 million in one day as a soft money contribution, as we've seen under the current system. I think this is a system that will favor the party that most nimbly and quickly understands that you're rewarded for involving people and the grassroots as part of your political party, and not become, as the parties are essentially right now, soft money Laundromats.

The political parties also use the large, unregulated contributions to help fund their congressional candidates, so the coming soft money ban will cut off a potential source of campaign revenue. To help congressional candidates compensate, the new law doubles the $1,000 limit on contributions the candidates collect on their own. Maryland Democratic Congressman Albert Wynn opposed the soft money ban because it could hurt the party's efforts to increase minority voter participation. He says increasing the contribution limit for congressional candidates also has a downside.

Well, it puts a premium on individual contributors who can contribute large amounts of money, up to $2,000. This bill certainly hasn't helped the poor, the working class individuals. It's probably reduced their clout. It's increased significantly the clout of the professional cadre in this country.

But contrary to the low profile he usually displays at home, Wynn has been attracting a great deal of attention back in Congress. He's head of the campaign finance task force for the Congressional Black Caucus. And as most democrats prepare to throw their support tomorrow behind a bill to ban unlimited, unregulated soft money contributions to political parties, Wynn is leading the opposition.

Soft money has been used by the two major political parties primarily to produce and broadcast so-called issue or attack ads against opposition candidates. During the 2000 elections, the two parties combined to spend nearly $500 million of soft money. And they continue to raise money at a record pace as they take aim at next year's elections.

We are concerned with the national African-American, Hispanic minority vote, the vote of women, the vote of low-income communities. We believe it's important to invest more money to get that vote out.

Soft money is the reason that we don't have prescription drug coverage as part of the Medicare program. Soft money is the reason that when we had a Conference Committee on reasonable gun safety legislation, it died after one meeting.

It's why voter participation is going down in America. The reason why working families aren't as active and involved in grassroots parties is because they look at it and they say, they don't need me. The big money interests are deciding what the political parties do. It's disenfranchising the base of what should be the base of the Democratic Party.

In short, the Shays-Meehan campaign finance reform bill would ban all soft money contributions to national political parties currently made by corporations, unions and individuals; bar corporations and unions from broadcasting issue ads mentioning a federal candidate 60 days before an election; and require special interest groups that do run ads to disclose their expenditures and contributors. The Shays-Meehan bill passed the House by large margins in 1998 and '99, but both times the effort stalled in the Senate. However, in April, the Senate finally approved the soft money ban in a similar bill by Senators McCain and Feingold. But the Senate's action now has members in the House reevaluating their support.

And those questions are being raised primarily by members of the Black and Hispanic caucuses, worried that a total ban on soft money would hurt minority voter participation. The two groups comprise 56 Democrats, almost all of whom, including Albert Wynn, voted for campaign finance reform in the past. Most members haven't yet announced how they'll vote tomorrow.

Ohio's Bob Ney is chairman of the House Administration Committee and has crafted an alternative campaign finance reform bill, which has the backing of most Republicans. Under Ney's proposal, individual soft money contributions to national political parties would be capped at $75,000 a year; the parties would be allowed to use that money for voter registration and get-out-the- vote activities, but not to broadcast issue ads; and there would be no restrictions on corporations and unions broadcasting issue ads.

We think it's important that there be money for a get out the vote effort, voter education, voter mobilization. And so we've said, instead of an outright ban of soft money, we should restrict it, regulate it, allow limited contributions of $75,000 per contributor, fully disclosed, and restricted in terms of how it can be used. The parties could not use this money for attack ads or criticizing the other party or other candidates, but only for legitimate get out the vote efforts. ff782bc1db