Although the book ostensibly covers both the Truman and Eisenhower Administrations up to 1956, it focuses primarily on the 1940s. Grose argues that President Truman had apparently been implementing covert operations behind the Iron Curtain long before the terms "rollback" and "liberation" came into vogue under Eisenhower and the Republicans (pp 193-195). In a dilemma somewhat similar to Richard Nixon's in his television debates with John F. Kennedy in 1960, Truman Administration officials could not adequately defend themselves when accused by the Republicans in the 1952 election campaign of being too soft on communism by advocating "mere" containment. To do so would mean revealing classified information.

A clandestine organization (the "Office of Policy Coordination," or OPC) was authorized by National Security Directive 10/2 on June 18, 1948 (p. 104). The OPC's purpose was to direct a wide range of subversive and outright paramilitary operations, including "guerrilla units, sabotage forces, ...and localized rebellions behind the Iron Curtain." (p. 98). The OPC was sandwiched between the CIA and State Department, providing high-level Executive Branch officials plausible deniability. Grose quotes from an uncensored text of one of Kennan's internal memoranda:

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"In contrast to CIA operations, involving the American government directly with underground activities, this project would [involve]...deeply concealed official control of clandestine operations so that governmental control cannot be shown. General direction and financial support would come from the Government; guidance and funds would pass to a private American organization...composed of private citizens.....; these organizations through their field offices in Europe and Asia, would establish contact with the various national underground representatives in free countries and through these intermediaries pass on ...guidance to the resistance movements behind the iron curtain."[1]

As Grose points out, these psychological warfare projects began to look more promising to U.S. policymakers in the light of repeated paramilitary failures. One of the first test cases for Rollback was Albania. Beginning in November 1948, U.S. intelligence officials, collaborating closely with Great Britain's secret "Russia Committee," planned to send saboteurs and resistance agents into Albania by boat. The men tried to "recruit villagers they encountered in the wilds, skirmished with communist security units who just happened to be on the scene, and eventually turned back to their escape routes." Four of the infiltration agents were killed, and a fifth disappeared without a trace. (158-9) As one American case officer, Robert Low, gloomily surmised in retrospect, "there was a leak somewhere....The communists just knew too much about these people we were sending in" (159).

To be sure, many of these failures can be blamed on the Soviet mole, Harold ("Kim") Philby, whose position as liaison between the British and American embassies enabled him to do twice as much damage. Yet, as Grose reveals, Philby had not known about other U.S. covert operations in the Baltic States, which nevertheless also failed (p.163).

Most information is still scant due to its classification as military secret, but some can be traced in the media, especially during the Miloevi tenure and the role played in the break-up of SFRY (e.g. Operation Labrador [1] and Operation Opera orientalis). 0852c4b9a8

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