In this chapter we will try to establish a vision for the future of the Holy Land. Acknowledging the many obstacles there are to be overcome, we will nevertheless consider firstly what the ideal solution to the conflict might be and secondly how we as Christians might play a part in helping to bring this about.
THE TWO-STATE SOLUTION
The majority of the world now accepts that recognising and establishment a Palestinian state in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem is the only realistic solution to the present conflict.
According to Colin Chapman:
'The UN Partition Plan of 1947 proposed the partition of Palestine into two states – one Jewish and one Palestinian Arab. The Arabs probably never imagined that they might eventually be allowed – or even called on – to create an Arab state. They were so angry about what they saw as the unfairness of the 1947 Partition Plan and the way it was being imposed on them from outside that they made no preparations for setting up a Palestinian state...
'Having rejected partition, the Palestinians for some years held on to their dream of reclaiming the whole of Palestine. It wasn’t until 1988 that the PLO reversed its previous policy and began to embrace the two-state solution – a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders alongside Israel. A Palestinian state would include the West Bank (or as much of it as Israel was willing to withdraw from) and Gaza. They have always insisted that East Jerusalem would need to be the capital. The Palestinian state would cover 22% of Palestine, leaving Israel with 78% of the land. While Hamas leaders for at least two decades vehemently rejected the two-state solution, in recent years they have appeared to adopt a more pragmatic stance, suggesting that they might be prepared to accept the creation of a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders.'
'Regarding international support for the two-state solution, Ian Black says:
'Ever since the late 1980s there has been broad agreement internationally that the Middle East’s most enduring conflict can only be resolved by creating a Palestinian state alongside Israel'.1
'After the events of October 2023 and the subsequent war in Gaza, world leaders have repeatedly called for the two-state solution to be implemented. There are at least four reasons, however, many believe that this solution is unworkable:
Israel’s continuing occupation of the West Bank since 1967 – with around 700,000 settlers living in 240 settlements – has made it impossible for a viable, contiguous Palestinian state to be created on the West Bank and Gaza.
Palestinians believe that the two-state solution fails to address their basic grievances going back to 1948 and 1967, and cannot provide for the right of return.
While President Biden and other world leaders since the beginning of 2024 have renewed their call for the two-state solution, Israeli leaders have decisively rejected these calls.
Since the settlements on the West Bank could hardly be dismantled, there would be a considerable minority of Jews living within the Palestinian state, who might feel that they had become second-class citizens.'2
Jewish historian, Ilan Pappe says:
'The two-state solution has failed...because it is not practicable anymore given the presence of 700,000 Jewish settlers in the West Bank and the overall shift of the Israeli political system to the right, which will only be intensified by the events of 7 October 2023. It also can’t work because its logical and moral premises are flawed. It applies only to a small part of Palestine (22%) and only to part of the Palestinian people. A genuine solution has to address the problems of the Palestinian refugees and the Palestinian minority inside Israel. This can only be achieved within a one democratic state solution, in which everyone, Palestinian or Israeli, enjoys equal rights and has freedom of movement throughout all of historical Palestine.'3
THE ONE-STATE SOLUTION
According to Colin Chapman:
'Those who argue for a one-state solution...are very aware that this must seem ‘naive, utopian and unattainable’1 because of the animosity and bitterness between the two sides. But they argue that the impossibility of continuing with the status quo and creating two states should force us to consider an alternative – however unrealistic it might seem at first sight.'2
Jonathan Kuttab, a well-known international human rights attorney, who also serves on the Board of Bethlehem Bible College, has written a book called Beyond the Two State Solution in which he offers a vision of a single state that might respect the national aspirations of both peoples.
Click on the image below to download a free pdf copy.
'This is a quick and easy read. Without implying any moral symmetry between the claims of the Zionist and Palestinian national movements, Kuttab rejects both the two-state solution and the current one-state reality and starts what he hopes will be a continuing conversation about what might take its place.
He argues that a new hybrid state providing the minimum needs of both peoples would 'validate the essential elements of both Zionism and Palestinian Nationalism' while rejecting those elements in each 'which degrade or deny the other.'
The book goes on to describe the elements that would hopefully enable the two peoples together to transform the current state, run by and for one people dominating the other, into one in which power and governance is truly shared by the governed, thereby enriching both Jewish and Palestinian life.'4
In The Other Side Of The Wall, Munther Isaac offers his vision of 'a shared land':
'I believe God’s ultimate vision for 'the land' is that it will be, in the words of Patriarch Sabbah, 'like the garden of Eden, a dwelling place for God with humanity, and a homeland for all the children of God.'5 That is why Palestinian Christians reject any exclusive claim to the land. The land belongs to God, and as such, it is a land for all. Palestinian Christian theology has historically understood this premise as the main principle that should be the foundation for any political reality in the Holy Land:
The land belongs to God, not to any nation, ethnicity, or religion.
We all belong to the land - God’s land.
'In light of this, I call for a theology of a shared land, which means that all the dwellers of the land must share it and its resources equally. All should enjoy the same rights, regardless of their ethnicity, nationality, or religion. A shared-land theology emphasizes that there are no 'second-class' citizens in this land. No one is marginalised in God’s vision of the land.
'A shared land is not simply an option; it is the only way forward. Building walls of separation (then arguing about where they were built) and saying, 'This is your territory' and 'This is mine' and insisting that each side stick to its own territory without needing to engage with the other - this cannot bring peace nor is it the biblical vision for peace and restoration.
'Sharing the land is the biblical vision we see in the Hebrew Scriptures and thus must be the prophetic vision of the church in this land and all around the world. The reality on the ground is that of 'walls,' yet what is needed is a vision of 'bridges.' Palestinians and Israelis must think collectively in terms of a common future in which they cooperate with one another, not a divided future in which they are separate. I echo the words of the Kairos Palestine Document: 'Our future and their future are one. Either the cycle of violence that destroys both of us or peace that will benefit both.'6
'Many activists, religious leaders and academics today are calling for some sort of 'one-state solution,' with some variations. Some have talked of a confederate, others of a state with two governments. Let us leave such proposals to the imagination of politicians. Our role is to create visions where such courageous suggestions of peace are accepted. And if the people still choose a two-state solution, and it is important to allow the people to choose, then so be it, as long as it will be based on justice, restitution, and acceptance of the other. Our message should be that, regardless of which political solution is adopted and implemented, the vision and ideals of God’s justice, dignity, freedom, and equality should be realised in the land, indeed in any land.'7
HOW MIGHT THIS HAPPEN?
Like Mouin Rabbani, Munther finds hope that a solution will eventually be found in the student protests happening in American universities and in grassroots movements that are springing up around the world and calling for change. He says:
'Sadly the weapons industry still dominates our world. The culture of 'might is right' still dominates our world. Racism and ideologies of supremacy still dominate our world. We have not learned. This is why the mobilisation of people in the streets, places of worship, and campuses around the world remains essential. These grassroots movements have become a source of hope in a world that seems numb to violence and resigned to accepting the death of children.'8
In an address he was invited to give to students who were not allowed to walk in MIT, Emerson and Harvard university commencements in 2024 due to their participation in Gaza solidarity encampments, he told them:
‘If world leaders and many faith leaders are silent, the streets of the world are not silent. The streets have spoken, and today university students have spoken as well. And the word spoken is that of justice and humanity.
'What is happening in universities in the United States and in many places around the world is truly powerful and unprecedented when it comes to Palestine. Remember: in history, universities always mobilised for change. And, in the past, university students have always been on the right side of history. And they have always been resisted. This is why politicians are trembling in fear because of your movement. The world that sings of freedom of self-expression - we see it trembling and shaking, and they even send security forces to suppress these demonstrations. This is hypocrisy itself, and it is born of fear and the realisation that this is the beginning of the end.
'What you are doing is extremely important! You are on the right side of history. You are the conscience of your country. Keep speaking the truth. Be creative, nonviolent and strong. Keep the righteousness of our cause - that of justice and liberation - in sight and mind. Keep the people of Gaza in your mind and hearts.
'The world today, specifically the Western world, needs your guidance. It needs your values. It needs your courage. This is a world that lacks moral credibility and courage and is controlled by warlords who profit from the death of children. Western politics suffers from moral bankruptcy. But you can be, as you have so often been before, the hope of your peoples and their politicians.'8
Reflecting on this, in his book Christ In The Rubble, Munther writes:
'In a time when decision makers seem content to render Israel exempt from international law, we must speak up, organise and demand justice. Rather than discussing a one-state or two-state solution, we must work on global boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) against Israel. Such actions are not discriminatory but rather function to pressure Israel, an occupying state, to comply with international law. The BDS movement needs grassroots mobilisation. The people must take the lead, as it is clear that most politicians will not, and university students around the world can be an instrumental force in this movement. We cannot achieve justice in Palestine without this true and costly solidarity from the people of the world. Our collective humanity compels us to join in shared work toward ending colonialism and apartheid.
'What is needed is the kind of interfaith solidarity that we witnessed in the struggle against racism and segregation in the civil rights movement and in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. And we are beginning to witness this kind of struggle forming around the world for a free Palestine. When I saw Christians, Jews and Muslims gather together at Bloomsbury Baptist Church in London and at Riverside Church in New York City - hungry for justice and righteousness - it felt like a taste of the kingdom of God.'8
In the next chapter we will consider what we as Christians, together with the global church, can do to support our brothers and sisters in Palestine and to help bring about a just resolution to the conflict.
Notes
Enemies And Neighbours by Ian Black
Whose Promised Land? by Colin Chapman
A Very Short History Of The Israel-Palestine Conflict by Ilan Pappe
https://mondoweiss.net/2021/01/jonathan-kuttabs-one-state-vision
Sawtun Sarikhun Fil Ba'riyya (A voice crying out in the wilderness) by Michael Sabbah in Jerusalem: Latin Seminary, 2008 (author’s translation)
https://www.kairospalestine.ps/index.php/about-kairos/kairos-palestine-document
The Other Side Of The Wall by Munther Isaac
Christ In The Rubble by Munther Isaac