Land Acknowledgement: The land on which we gather is the unceded territory of the Awaswas-speaking Uypi Tribe. The Amah Mutsun Tribal Band, comprised of the descendants of indigenous people taken to missions Santa Cruz and San Juan Bautista during Spanish colonization of the Central Coast, is today working hard to restore traditional stewardship practices on these lands and heal from historical trauma. I am grateful for this land, the learning that takes place on it, and to those who have taken care of it and continue to take care of it. Click here to support the Amah Mutsun Tribal Band and campaign to protect Juristac.
Project Sentinel (PS) is a non-profit organization which was originally founded as a private housing justice agency in 1976. Project Sentinel has three branches: mortgage, fair housing, and tenant-landlord, which in sum pursue their mission: "To develop and promote fairness and equality of housing for all persons and to advocate peaceful resolution of disputes for community welfare and harmony." To this end, PS provides mediation in the tenant-landlord department, hosts educational seminars for the community and new homeowners, and tests for housing discrimination - both for government audits and for individual complaints. PS serves across 8 counties and cities, covering over 3.5 million residents, in Northern California as of 2022.
Image credit: Project Sentinel website, 2023
Micro-level issues in the workplace dominated the scope of my interactions, where work with the local communities was pushed back until government audits for funding were completed. My research questions are: What are the critical connections that drive purpose and agency in non-profits? What are the new paradigms for transformation in a post-COVID world?
Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, known as the Fair Housing Act which was passed and adopted in 1968, prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, and national origin in federally assisted housing programs.
Image credit: Berkeley Blogs, 2018
Fair housing law has expanded to categories such as gender, familial status, and most recently income type (such as Section-8). However, the requirements to pursue such cases in legal context are strict. If the property is owned privately, organizations working with fair housing law have little say. If the racism is not shown to be personally mediated (e.g., a man personally yells slurs at his tenant), the case may be hard to pursue. Further, if the scope is too wide (e.g., management evicts all tenants they dislike on the basis of needing the space), individual clients who may be facing discrimination have no case because it cannot be traced to their specific category. Ultimately, segregation & discrimination has persisted despite anti-discrimination and fair housing laws, which has been evident not only through brute housing data, but also in the experiential data of working with PS.
Image credit: Othering & Belonging Institute, Berkeley, CA, 2018
For Project Sentinel, remote work poses a serious issue due to their wide scope; how can the fair housing branch staff of 20+ serve a population of millions? The community and workers are both scattered, including community that are often in the margins, which often details struggles with online interface and transportation. Further, there has been a worker mass exodus in Project Sentinel. Many workers, including both of the staff attorneys, both of the Civil Rights Investigations Coordinators (CRICs, who audit for discrimination to provide evidence for client cases and government contracts), the outreach coordinator, and fair housing coordinators (who manage cases near their area), have left in the last year. With no infrastructure to train workers for existing positions but the work material each person has left behind, and in one case the guidance of a previous CRIC, PS has struggled to manage their already disproportionate case load. One new fair housing coordinator denotes a case load of ~50+. Consequently, workplace infrastructure becomes critical for the survival of housing discrimination testing - and fair housing - in Northern California.
Throughout my field study, I witnessed the role of the government in connection to civil service nonprofits. I found that my organization was beholden to government contracts for funding, which pushed aside client-based cases and connection to the community. PS struggled in its low political economic valuation by the state as shown through financial support, which extended inaction on housing injustice, and pushed blame onto the nonprofit where it was due for the government. Wolch's The Shadow State highlights these complex power dynamics in the civil-market-society triangle, as well as the ways the state can achieve socioeconomic objectives through their use of nonprofits. The Shadow State thus provides a rationalization for the function of PS within a larger socio-economic context, so that we can better understand the pressures on the worker.
A key finding in my field work was the treatment of legal restraints as total agency in helping clients. PS seeks clients that fit within the fair housing model, whose cases will most likely succeed and then subsequently close. Reification is the treatment of abstract models as concrete, in which a Marxist interpretation is the treatment of social relations as commodities; cases become metrics for funding from the government, and social relationships with the community become commodities of the State. Advocating for the housing of the community, in effect, becomes an abstract process where the peculiarities of each client and situation are compared to the given truth of an abstract model of the 'perfect fair housing case'. Newer workers, after the mass exodus, have expressed frustration that the toolkit of PS and the scope of 'fair housing' is so small.
Anti-discrimination laws have been in effect for many years, but the persistence of discrimination - notably racism and gender discrimination - shown a fundamental flaw unaddressed by dominant contemporary models. Tuck's research argues against damage-centered models. Such models imply a theory of change that damage must be displayed and reinforced to achieve gains, and which also reduces a community to 'broken and conquered' (Tuck, 2009, 416). In application to legal framework, and corroborated by Dean Spade's analysis of critical trans politics, laws must center desire by envisioning an equitable society and encouraging inclusive practices, rather than simply condemning the worst of the personally mediated.
The quantum model of transformative action, authored by Margaret Wheatley, theorizes that change is stabilized at a lower level, and indicates a focus on the local/micro which patterns across the mass as a whole. Working at Project Sentinel, the widespread inter/intra-personal disarray I witnessed was made sense of using theories such as the Shadow State and principles of reification, but the quantum model of change is what brought empowerment in a time where the vast stressors were paralyzing.
In my research, I found that personal meaning making was a core tenant that drove agency in PS. One worker exemplified that they worked cases so hard because they work cases how they would want their case to be worked - "that's my personality." This reality presents insight to the complex motivations of creating social change. Helping workers connect to what drives them in justice work is a key tenet in building sustainable action.
In order for critical connections to be formed, and complex meaning to be shared across workers, I believe a reformation in remote infrastructure is necessary. We must adapt remote infrastructure to mirror natural tendencies of interaction. One example might be randomized opportunities for partnership, simulating 'water-cooler talk', which may drive casual talk that can build community and provide sparks of solutions for potentially distant cases. However, as a whole, functional systems are created through common meaning and collaboration in the local style of the community members themselves. Societal models and leadership models may bring to light pressures not readily apparent, yet each organization and/or community must do the work of designing a system that works for them, through building the atomic relationships that will comprise a larger order.
While working at Project Sentinel, I found myself among a group of highly motivated, intelligent, and often overqualified peoples with a passion for nonprofit and justice work. In praxis, I found that many principles such as Wolch's Shadow State and Marxist analysis of state capitalism rang true - but that my coworker's multiplicity and complex personhood subverted reductionism within the nonprofit community. Working in spite of feeling burnt out, one worker detailed how in the midst of the pandemic, they would drive out to deliver packages to clients unfamiliar with internet interfaces. In another interview, one new worker shared that some of their proudest moments have been when they're told that the way they interact with their clients has 'restored [the client's] dignity'.
Another critical connection I witnessed was PS networking with federal representatives. By building good relations with government entities, PS was able to better understand the guidelines for contract cases, and work collaboratively to build audits that provide new and useful information for the communities they serve. Is this an example of reproducing power dynamics between the state and the citizen? In truth - I do not know. What I have learned, however, is that each relationship to any given part of a community is much more valuable than is immediately apparent. I have affirmed through praxis that we must actively recruit imagination, because critical theory without the ability to creatively transform our future is often a means without an end.
In my ethnographic research, I witnessed the ways in which the government turns qualitative housing issues into quantitative categorizations through nonprofits, which reproduce our systems of inequality and generally explain the ineffectiveness of contemporary anti-discrimination policy. However, through praxis I have reflected on my own reduction of the non-profit community through theory, and found the relationship dynamics in the non-profit workplace to be diverse and vibrant. In this way, I place the importance of local-level relationships and desire-centered frameworks, which are key to creating effectual and significant organizational structure in the paradigms of a post-COVID world.
Disclaimer: The micro-level focus on the non-profit workplace is not meant to perpetuate toxic work culture by purporting to solve social justice issues by creating more efficient work solutions. The focus is a representation of my work as an intern under the CRIC role and is intended to convey my findings within the non-profit work context - the micro-level in which I was included. Therefore, I center my findings in the workplace to extrapolate larger theories in conjunction with the interviews I have done with the workers at PS, and hope that my analysis works to build community wealth, create critical connection, and direct us towards desire-centric transformative opportunities for our workplace and community. Thank you for your time.