Housing in Vancouver, 2006-2021:
A Brief Exploration
Claire Lin, Annika Van Vlack, Hui Wong | INFO 419 Final Project | Fall 2022
Claire Lin, Annika Van Vlack, Hui Wong | INFO 419 Final Project | Fall 2022
Whenever Vancouver's designation as one of the most expensive cities in North America is discussed, talk of the cost of housing is never far behind. Questions about affordable housing and vacant homes are frequently reprised, often with the assumption that the situation has been worsening over recent years and will only continue to get worse. This discussion is made even more complicated by the fact that a potentially impending recession could both cause serious financial harm to the average Vancouverite and cause the housing market to bounce back to affordable rates.
But what do the numbers have to say about Vancouver housing? Created from publicly available census data from 2006 to 2021, the following data visualizations offer a glimpse into the patterns, trends, and (dis)continuities in Vancouver’s housing landscape across space and time. What we present is an opportunity for exploration that may help paint a more comprehensive, arms-length picture of where Vancouver stands today, based on where Vancouver has been.
Data is, of course, fickle; it is contextual and there are many factors that go unseen. Therefore, what we present should not be taken as conclusive arguments for or against any one point. Instead, we aim to convey the idea that data can help facilitate a more holistic understanding of something as complex, contentious, and critical as housing in Vancouver.
Notes:
All calculations for inflation were performed using the Bank of Canada Inflation Calculator)
The 2011 data we present is a synthesis of census data and the National Household Survey (NHS).
The 2011 census collected minimal information about income, cost of living, etc.; the NHS, which did collect this information, does not offer information on a neighbourhood scale. Therefore, 2011 data concerning neighbourhood-specific income information should be considered null.
While the cost of dwellings has been steadily increasing in census years since (at least) 2011*, the median rental has remained relatively accessible to the median household. Of course, further complexity exists. For example, multiple-income two-parent or multigenerational households may earn above the median income, but they are also more likely to need larger dwellings which cost more than the median dwelling. The visualizations below offer some more nuance.
*Data not available for 2006
As evidenced above, the median dwelling is inaccessible to the average one-person household. However, while the gulf has grown wider over the past fifteen years, this increase is relatively small. In short, while it's a luxury to live alone in Vancouver in 2022, that's nothing new.
However, the situation has improved for one-parent households, with 2021 marking the first census year where the median rental was accessible to the median one-parent household.
In the visualization below, toggle between years to see how the frequency of dwelling types in Vancouver has changed over time.
But a monolithic view of Vancouver does not tell the whole story. A view informed by space, as well as time, reveals different neighbourhoods' varied experiences of economic and social change.
Explore the visualization above by moving the “Year” slider in the middle right, and note how the relative attributes change in every neighborhood. For example, Vancouver’s downtown has had the highest relative increase from 2006-2016, while, for comparison, Kerrisdale has seen a decrease in population.
Consider the above choropleth map. Darker blue neighborhoods had higher average after-tax income by neighbourhood in 2016, while lighter blue neighbourhoods had lower incomes.
Hover over a neighbourhood to view its population. Downtown, as well as having a high population, has an average after-tax income of $6000 more than the Vancouver average. On the other hand, Renfrew-Collingwood, the second most populous neighbourhood, has an average after-tax income $15,000 under the Vancouver average. Explore hovering over each neighbourhood to see how each area’s average income changed between 2006 and 2016 (adjusted for inflation).
The top map in the above dashboard codes saturation to the number of "high density" households (i.e. households with 4 or more people). The dark grey circles are size-coded to represent population. Note that Downtown has few high-density households but a large population; this may suggest that much of Vancouver’s downtown is composed of individuals who can afford living with fewer people or by themselves. Finances aside, it also conveys that Downtown dwellings are generally smaller and higher density than elsewhere in Vancouver.
The second map in the above dashboard codes average household size to shade of blue and size of square symbol to income. While income seems relatively disaggregated from income, it does seem heavily related to density, with more southerly and easterly neighbourhoods further from Downtown seeing higher average household sizes.
The below dashboard presents data on Vancouverites in non-family households. Downtown and the West End had high numbers of non-family households. Between 2006 and 2016, Downtown experienced a marked increase in both income and number of non-family households.
None of this is intended to minimize personal or communal experiences of gentrification, exclusion, or inequity within the Vancouver housing landscape. We readily admit the potential narrative gaps in what we present. For example, perhaps the median income in Vancouver has increased not because pay has been justly increased to match inflation and the rising cost of living, but because lower-income residents have been fully priced out of Vancouver proper - the only area examined here. If our geographic scope had included the entire Vancouver Census Metropolitan Area instead of just the city of Vancouver, our findings may have been different.
What we have presented is an attempt to situate the current discussion around Vancouver housing within its temporal and spatial context. The takeaway should not be to dismiss calls for more affordable housing or better wages as unfounded, but rather to acknowledge that these issues are not new, nor are they uniformly experienced across the city.