Poetry submissions DUE 5/8

Reborn Abroad: The Korean Independence Movement in America

By Brandon Jang

Introduction

One morning, the sun rose from the East, and whether it was the failure of Korea’s institutions, the opportunism of its politicians, or the apathy of its people, that day, a nation of over 500 years simply vanished, and what remained was now subject to the Empire of Japan. But even as the politicians were happily signing away Korea's nationhood, there were those who, out of patriotism and love of their country, pledged to dedicate themselves to setting their ancestral homeland free again. If the history of the Korean people has taught any lesson, it should be that, no matter how incompetent or corrupt the kings and bureaucrats were, the people were always there to keep fighting. Such was the stubbornness of a 4,000-year-old culture that had embedded its roots deep into the soil of that otherwise unremarkable peninsula.

This paper seeks to examine the struggle beyond the confines of that peninsula, abroad in the United States, where Korean refugees, political exiles, and revolutionaries found themselves the torchbearers of their fading nation in a foreign land. Specifically, this paper will focus on the history and legacy of the Korean National Association (KNA), which was crucial in the fight for both the rights of Koreans in the United States, and the independence of Korea from Japan. An additional focus will be the leaders of the KNA and other key historical figures, especially in the ways that their differences led to division and inter-factional rivalry that defined much of the history of both the KNA and the wider independence movement. This will be achieved through using the KNA’s foremost newspaper, the Sinhan Minbo, as a guide on the views, perspectives, and struggles of the KNA. This newspaper, as there is not yet an official English translation, had to be translated by hand, by myself, the author of this paper, with significant difficulty. This was due to the use of older Korean writing and grammatical systems that predated the various orthographical reforms which current-day Hangul is based on. This will also be accompanied with information and analysis from secondary academic sources, including the Encyclopedia of Korean Culture, a cooperative historical and cultural project authored by scholars and academics involved with the Academy of Korean Studies. The Academy was founded in 1978 by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology of the Republic of Korea, for the purpose of researching, preserving, and furthering traditional Korean culture and Korean studies. Through these resources, this paper will aim to contextualize the KNA and the Korean independence movement across the early-to-mid 20th century with the ideological and personal divisions they were defined by, especially amongst its leaders, as well as the common ground in which these disparate factions united themselves.

Photo: 1915 Annual Convention of the KNA at Fort Street Theater in Honolulu, Hawaii

The Birth and Early Years of the Korean National Association

The Korean National Association initially began as a multitude of different Korean communities and organizations, and later grew across the United States as an organization that represented and furthered the interests of Koreans. From its founding, the goals of the KNA were clear: to combine the efforts of the Korean diaspora towards a unified patriotic cause for their homeland, especially in the United States (Kim, 2002, "The Korean Independence Movement in the United States"). The event that would eventually lead to the founding of the KNA was the assassination of former U.S. diplomat Durham Stevens carried out on March 23, 1908 by Jang In-hwan and Jeon Myeong-un. Jang and Jeon’s arrest rallied Korean-American organizations in an attempt to defend their rights and represent them in court. The two largest of these organizations were the Mutual Assistance Society in San Francisco and the United Korean Society in Hawaii, which would merge to become the Korean National Association on February 1, 1909 (Shin, 2025, "Korean National Association"). Nine days later, they established the KNA’s newspaper, the Sinhan Minbo, the establishment of which was proclaimed within their first issue alongside that of the KNA itself (Korean National Association, 2015). But these beginnings as an organization dedicated to protecting and furthering the rights of Koreans in the United States quickly became synchronized with the rising movement for independence from Japan among Koreans.

The following year, on August 22, 1910, Japan annexed Korea with the signing of the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty. This event was precipitated by a long string of events spanning across decades, beginning with the signing of the Treaty of Ganghwa in 1876 that opened Korea’s borders to Japan, and completed with the assertion of Japanese suzerainty over Korea through wars against China and Russia (Kim, 2011, The Quest for Statehood, pp. 16-19). Korean annexation then took place across many stages, and was a slow process of gradually eroding Korean sovereignty and administrative capacities. Both economically and politically, Japan began to exert and reinforce its increasing influence in Korean affairs, instituting reforms and purchasing Korean land, resulting in the eventual loss of the Korean state’s ability to govern itself, this instead being yielded to the Japanese authorities until Korea was completely powerless to defend itself from forced annexation (McKensie, 2011, Korea's Fight for Freedom, pp. 79-103).

Koreans—in Korea and abroad—along with Korean organizations, were outraged by the annexation. The rage and despair of the KNA in particular can be found within the text of the Sinhan Minbo’s issue published almost a month after, on September 21, 1910. The article that was placed at the top of the page was titled, “Shed Your Tears, Korea is Dead,” and began with the sentence, “The sky has fallen, the land rent asunder, and with bloody tears no words can be strung together” (Korean National Association, 2015). The article continues, asserting the history of Koreans as a people, and the legitimacy of both their civilization, nationhood, and right to self governance (Korean National Association, 2015). This comes in contrast to Japanese colonialist claims, that Koreans were uncivilized, and would be better treated under Japanese administration which would supposedly grant them enlightenment. The claims expressed in the newspaper article also reflect the nature of the KNA as being led and composed largely of intellectuals, approaching the issue of colonialism and colonization by educated rebuttals based on historical evidence. This also served a dual purpose of formulating a modern national identity for Koreans with a rich cultural and historical background serving as its foundation, which allowed the KNA and, eventually, the rest of the Korean independence movement to both assert Korean self-governance and national independence from Japan.

Since the founding of the organization and charged by the annexation of Korea by Japan, the KNA grew rapidly, establishing branch offices across North America, Hawaii, Siberia, and Manchuria. In 1912, the KNA convened the All Koreans Conference in San Francisco to establish their central headquarters on November 8, with Ahn Chang-ho and Park Yong-man becoming the chairman and vice chairman of the KNA respectively (Kim, 2002, p. 3). This conference further declared Japan a hostile nation, proclaiming August 29th, the day the annexation of Korea went into effect, a day of national humiliation (Kim, p. 3). This term, “national humiliation”, or “국치” (pronounced guk-chi) in Korean, is connected to the more widespread term, “경술국치” (pronounced Gyeong-sul-guk-chi), meaning “the national humiliation of the Gyeongsul lunisolar year” which continues to be used among Koreans today to refer to the forced annexation of Korea by Japan.

The first test of the KNA’s effectiveness as an organization came on June 13, 1913, when a group of Koreans working on an apricot plantation in California were attacked by locals motivated by anti-Asian sentiment. The Japanese consulate in Los Angeles initially intervened on behalf of what they considered subjects of the empire, but the Korean-American community refused to be represented by Japan. The KNA then successfully convinced Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan, despite Japanese pressure, to officially declare that Koreans were not to be represented by Japan, and instead that the government should refer to the KNA for all Korean-American matters. According to Philip Ahn, son of Ahn Chang-ho, the “decision turned the KNA into a virtual embassy for Korean political exiles and students living in the United States" (Ahn 2010). This was a major event that not only allowed the KNA to establish itself as the foremost representative organization of Korean-Americans, but also led to the government officially recognizing Koreans as separate from Japan, which can be acknowledged as a major victory for both the KNA and the independence movement as a whole.

The March 1st Movement

These early years of the organization were defined by such small and large victories, and the steady expansion of the organization, as well as the early formation of modern nationalist thought among Koreans. However, both the KNA and the overarching movement itself lacked a centralized approach and political ideology, leading to frequent schisms and inter-factional conflict that would define the history of the Korean independence movement (Foster et al., 2003, p. 60). A Declaration of Korean Independence was read aloud by the demonstrators across Korea, and was also distributed across the United States with the help of the Korean National Association (The New York Times, 1919). The Japanese colonial authorities did not take lightly to this effort, and suppressed the movement by force, resulting in the death of 7,645 Koreans, and the injuring of over 45,000 (Foster et al., p. 62).

Photo: Peaceful Demonstrations for Korean Independence in Seoul, March 1st, 1919

Photo: Leaders, Including Ahn Chang-ho (center) at the Establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in 1919

The violent suppression of the March 1st Movement galvanized Koreans and Korean independence organizations abroad, culminating in the formation of the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai a month later on April 9th of 1919 (Kim, 2011, p. 46). Meanwhile, in the United States, the KNA planned, but ultimately failed to send a delegation to the Paris Peace Conference, instead choosing to hold a rally in San Francisco, and establish a Korean Information Office led by Philip Jaisohn (Kim, 2002, p. 4). Later, the First Korean Conference, led by Syngman Rhee and Philip Jaisohn and consisting of roughly 150 representatives of 27 organizations across North America, convened in Philadelphia from the 14th to the 16th of April (p. 5). According to Kim Han-kyo, professor emeritus of the University of Cincinnati, “...[o]n the last day, the conferees marched, waving the Korean as well as the American flags, through the streets to Independence Hall and conducted an impressive ceremony that included the reading of the Korean Declaration of Independence by Rhee in the same room where the American Declaration had been signed.” This was a demonstration of Korean-Americans’ fervor and enthusiasm for the cause of independence, and their solidarity with the activists and martyrs of the March 1st Movement in their homeland.

In particular, the position of the Korean National Association can be observed in the March 13 issue of the Sinhan Minbo, which documents the March 1st Movement. On its first page, the issue features a long article at the center of the page which serves as a manifesto for Korean independence, along with a series of bolded headings distinctively more numerous than in other issues of the newspaper, one of which reads, “Long live Korean independence! – May God help us" (Korean National Association, 2001) The phrase “long live Korean independence”, or “대한독립 만세” in Korean (pronounced dae-han-dok-rip man-se), in particular is the same phrase chanted by independence activists during the March 1st Movement in Korea, and later by Koreans after Korean independence was achieved in 1945. The phrase later became the contemporary “long live the Republic of Korea”, or “대한민국 만세” in Korean (pronounced dae-han-min-guk man-se) after the Republic of Korea’s establishment. In general, drawing from the pages of the issue, and the frequent repetition of the phrase “long live Korean independence,” the text reflects an air of enthusiasm, and a sort of pledge to continue the spirit and struggle for Korean independence that arose amongst the people on March 1st, 1919. This drive for independence activism within the KNA defined the early 1920s for the organization, and until the mid-1920s, the KNA continued to grow their operations and involve themselves in the international effort for Korean independence. This optimistic sentiment and passion would find a revival in the 1930s and 40s with the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War and the War in the Pacific.

Key Figures of the KNA

Photo: Ahn Chang-ho in the 1920s

Ahn Chang-ho

Ahn Chang-ho, often referred to by his art name, Dosan, was born on November 9, 1878, in Kangso County in Pyeongan Province of the Kingdom of Joseon and in his youth, he studied in a missionary school, where he became a Christian. Ahn, an advocate for strengthening Korea and maintaining Korea’s sovereignty in his time as an activist there, chose to immigrate to the United States in 1902, where he founded a series of organizations that would eventually become the Korean National Association. Though he was not present for the KNA’s official founding in 1909, he later became chairman of the KNA in 1912, and returned to Korea in 1905 after he learned of the signing of the Eulsa Treaty which made Korea a protectorate of Japan. He continued to advocate for Korean independence and national sovereignty, and worked to establish many schools, organizations, and businesses. In 1909, he was arrested for alleged connections to the assassination of Ito Hirobumi by Ahn Jung-geun, later finding refuge in China a year after, and then returning to the United States in 1911 (Kim, 2002, pp. 10-16).

Ahn’s philosophy was based on education and individual development, allowing the Korean people to develop as a whole by producing intellectuals and leaders that would fight for independence and prepare the Korean people to inherit a self-governing, independent state. The schools and institutions he established were developed for this precise purpose: to allow the fostering of patriotism and capable leaders of high character. In this manner, Ahn’s contribution to Korean independence was not only through direct political action, but also through a much more indirect approach of cultivating Koreans as a people, thereby ensuring their survival under and after colonial occupation, as well as that of Korean culture.

Immediately following the March 1st movement, Ahn moved to Shanghai to participate in the foundation of the Korean Provisional Government, and served as both its Minister of the Interior and Prime Minister. Ahn was arrested and tortured several times during his career in activism (Kim, 2002, pp. 10-16) and was arrested once again in 1932, in connection to the Hongkou Park Incident, where several officials of the Japanese government and military were injured and killed by a bomb thrown by Korean independence activist Yun Bong-gil. Ahn was arrested for the last time by Japanese police alongside other independence activists and intellectuals in Seoul, and released later that year in December due to illness, where he was transferred to the Keijo Imperial University Hospital. Three months later, on the 10th of March 1938, he passed away while receiving medical care due to liver cirrhosis (Sohn, 2014).

Many of the institutions that Ahn established have survived today, and his belief in education and democratic values were inherited by the Republic of Korea following Korean independence in 1945. Ahn today remains one of the most famous independence activists among Koreans, and is praised across nearly the entirety of the Korean political spectrum, something that is often rare for independence activists. His children, Ralph, Philip, and Susan, would fight in the Second World War in the U.S. military, with Susan becoming the first female gunnery officer in the U.S. Navy, and then working for U.S. intelligence in the Cold War. Today, Ahn Chang-ho’s name continues lives on as a symbol of the struggle for independence among Koreans, immortalized with a park in Seoul, Dosan Park, bearing his art name Dosan, and a class of submarines in the Republic of Korea’s navy being named after him.

Park Yong-man

Park Yong-man was born on July 2, 1881 as the only son to a yangban family that was historically rooted in military service, however was orphaned at an early age and was raised mostly by his uncle (Kim, 2002, p. 16). He later studied abroad in Japan, returning to Korea in 1897 to become an activist for a peasant’s rights movement that resulted in his being arrested twice, and while imprisoned, Park met Syngman Rhee, whom he quickly befriended (p. 17). He was released in 1904 and moved to the United States, arriving in San Francisco that same year and then relocating to Nebraska to find employment in railroad construction (p. 17). In 1906, he enrolled in the Hastings College, where he received a degree for political science (Shin, 2025), and three years later, established the Young Korean Military School at a farm in Kearny, Nebraska, where students partook in farm work and were educated in military training, etiquette, American history, and the English and Korean languages (Kim 2002, p. 17). At this time, Park was also active as a journalist, and later became a writer for the Sinhan Minbo in 1911, publishing an essay titled “On a Universal Draft System”, as well as a book titled A Reference for Soldiers (Shin, 2025). After his move he moved to Hawaii in 1912, Park could realize his vision outlined in “On a Universal Draft System” in the form of the Korean Military Corporation, a paramilitary organization dedicated to Korean independence by armed struggle, and the Korean Military Academy, where he included A Reference for Soldiers as part of the military training curriculum (Kim, 2002, p. 17).

Park’s philosophy on Korean independence was rooted in its achievement through armed conflict. He firmly believed that in order to create and secure a new Korean nation, Koreans had to both militarize and develop themselves intellectually to participate as soldiers in a great war of liberation (Shin, 2025).This contrasted heavily with the views of Syngman Rhee, who believed in national independence by convincing nations such as the United States to press for Korean independence, and found the prospect of armed liberation both distasteful and futile, which led to a schism between the two. Park’s military organization would later be disbanded in 1917 due to pressures from the Japanese government and financial difficulties (Kim, 2002, p. 18).

Photo: Park Yong-man

Following the March 1st Movement, Park established a new military school called the Korean Independence League, which continued to function after Park joined the U.S. Siberian Expeditionary Forces as an intelligence officer in the Russian Civil War, which he joined to further combat Japanese colonialism in North Asia (Kim, p. 18). Meanwhile, the formation of the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai led to Park’s appointment as Foreign Minister, however at the time, the Provisional Government was led by Syngman Rhee as its president, leading to Park only being involved for a short period in 1920, following the conclusion of his duties in Siberia (Kim, p. 18). Documentation of Park’s later years following this event is sparse (Kim, p. 18), however he was eventually assassinated in Beijing on the 17th of October, 1928, by Lee Hae-myeong, a member of the far-left independence organization, the Heroic Corps (Shin, 2025). Though events are vaguely and unreliably documented, there was a rumor that Park had allegedly collaborated with the Japanese government in combating left-wing and communist Korean independence activists during his time in Siberia, which led to his assassination (Kim, 2002, p. 18).

Park, compared to Ahn Chang-ho and Syngman Rhee, created a less consequential impact on both the independence movement as a whole, and the later Republic of Korea. His works did not make a similarly widespread impact as his counterparts, and contrary to his desire to achieve Korean independence through a war of liberation by Koreans, Korea was liberated by the effort of the Allied Powers, which defeated the Empire of Japan in World War II. While Park’s philosophy is regarded today largely as idealistic, it is still regarded as an important contribution to the independence movement, despite the lack of its material manifestation. Scholars today focus less on the actual success of Park’s ideals, and more on his broader contribution to the Korean independence movement, as well as his willingness to dedicate his life and career towards Korean independence.

Photo: Syngman Rhee in 1939

Syngman Rhee

Syngman Rhee was born Lee Seung-man on the 26th of March, 1875, as the third son to a family that was distantly related to the ruling royal family, belonging to the same clan (Park, 2025). His education came to an abrupt halt when the traditional Confucian examination system was abolished in 1894 (Park), and in the following year, he enrolled in the Baeje school, a western-style institution established by an American Methodist missionary, where he excelled in his studies (Kim, 2002, p. 7). In 1896, he joined a youth organization within the school called the Mutual Friendship Society, and became a writer for the organization’s newspaper (Park, 2025). After graduating in 1898, he joined the progressive Independence Club, which advocated for the rapid westernization and modernization of Korea, and Rhee began a career of radical political activism until he was arrested the following year under charges of treason and imprisoned for over five years (Park). During his imprisonment, he became a Christian, and wrote a book titled The Spirit of Independence (Kim, 2002, p. 7). Following his release in 1904, he moved to the United States, while in 1905, he was baptized, and later met President Theodore Roosevelt with the help of Secretary of War William Howard Taft in an attempt to convince the United States to defend Korean independence, though this effort failed (Park, 2025). In 1907, Rhee received a bachelor’s degree at George Washington University and a Master’s degree at Harvard University, and later in 1910, received a PhD from Princeton after authoring a paper titled “Neutrality as influenced by the United States,” and joined the Korean National Association that same year (Park). With the help of Park Yong-man, he moved his operations to Hawaii in February of 1913, however, quickly developed a rivalry with Park as Rhee’s influence grew in the Korean-American community (Kim, 2002, p. 8).

Rhee’s core philosophy was centered around the use of diplomacy and propaganda to rally the major Western powers against Japan to push for Korean independence, which came directly at odds with Park’s ideals of a direct war of liberation against Japan and the creation of a powerful and unified army for Korean independence (Kim, p. 8). In mid-1915, when the KNA convened to discuss the allocation of resources, the tension between Rhee and Park reached an irreversible level, as Park’s vision required significant investment that Rhee found unacceptable and unlikely to meaningfully succeed. This led to both sides accusing one of other of embezzlement and corruption, causing numerous physical altercations between both factions, prompting police intervention and even the use of official legal procedures to settle their disputes (p. 8).

The March 1st Movement allowed Rhee to move beyond local influence in Hawaii, and become a prominent figure of the global movement for Korean independence. In Shanghai, he became the President of the Korean Provisional Government in September of 1919, though he began using the title of president of the Republic of Korea since June, which did not officially exist at the time, which brought him into minor conflict with Ahn Chang-ho (Park, 2025). Rhee’s selection as president is speculated to have stemmed from both his political and educational background, as well as his residency in America and meeting with Theodore Roosevelt (Kim, 2002, pp. 8-9). Rhee then attempted to present the case for Korean independence alongside others such as Philip Jaisohn, another Korean independence activist, to the Washington Disarmament Conference in 1921, however failed and returned to Hawaii in September of the following year (Park, 2025). In 1924, he founded the Comrade Society, a separate group from the KNA after he and his faction were isolated and rejected by the rest of the association, following a proposal by Rhee to transfer all independence efforts to the provisional government, and refocus the KNA towards Korean affairs in the United States (Park). In 1925, Rhee was impeached by the provisional government for dereliction of duty and abandonment of his office in Shanghai, in a process that was rushed and incomplete, likely pushed for by his political opponents (Kim, 2002, p. 9).

Rhee continued his efforts for Korean independence long after however, presenting a case for Korean independence to the League of Nations in 1932, which convened to discuss Japan’s invasion of Manchuria, though this effort failed as well (Kim, p. 9). In early 1941, he published a book, Japan Inside Out, which warned the United States of an impending conflict with the Empire of Japan, which was made manifest in the bombing of Pearl Harbor on December 7th of that year (Park, 2025). During the war, he continued to lobby the U.S. government for Korean independence, establishing the Korean-American Council, and worked with the U.S. military to coordinate efforts with armed Korean independence groups (Park). His presence in D.C. and efforts with the U.S. government paid off, as he later became the first president of the Republic of Korea following liberation in 1945, and would lead South Korea during the Korean War.

Among the three major figures, Rhee is likely the most familiar among Koreans today, though mostly due to his presidency and not his efforts in the independence movement. He is a controversial figure due to various atrocities committed during his dictatorial presidency, such as the Bodo League massacre and his performance during the Korean War. His presidency receives mixed opinions even among the Korean right-wing, as many criticize his competency and leadership, which falls short compared to that of, for example, Park Chung-hee, who is considered among the Korean right as the president that was responsible for Korea’s economic growth, despite his dictatorial policies. Despite this, Rhee’s impact on today’s Republic of Korea is significant, as he is responsible for the anti-communist and capitalist nature of Korean politics and economics, as well as the prominence of Protestantism in the Korean population.

Photo: Syngman Rhee and Douglas MacArthur at the Inaugural Ceremony of the Republic of Korea

The Second World War & Liberation

The 1930s and the beginning of the Second World War marked the beginning of a new and closing chapter of the Korean National Association and the Korean independence movement. In 1937, the KNA relocated their headquarters to Los Angeles due to the growth and prominence of the local Korean-American community there compared to San Francisco (Office of Historic Offices, 2018). The outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese war and the looming expectation of war between Japan and the United States caused the KNA and other organizations such as Rhee’s Comrade Society to put aside their differences and form the United Korean Committee (UKC), which across World War II sought to lobby on behalf of Koreans and press for Korean independence to the U.S. government (Kim, 2002, p. 6).

One of the most important efforts of the UKC was their push to distinguish Koreans and Japanese, so that Koreans would not be affected by the Japanese internment policies of the U.S. government throughout the duration of the Pacific War. Jacob Kyung Dunn, Diplomatic Committee Chairman Secretary of the United Korean Committee, wrote to Military Governor Delos Emmons stating that Korean-Americans were loyal American citizens, and dedicated to fighting against Japan, and should not be treated as Japanese (Kim, 2003, p. 86). The broader sentiment among Korean-Americans also seemed to support the distinguishing of Koreans from Japanese, as well as some support for Japanese internment itself. One Korean-American expressed his frustration with his equal treatment with the Japanese by his employer, stating in a newspaper article, “Why should the alien Koreans be classified as enemies and let them pass the taint to their children, when they hate the J*ps and taught their children to hate the J*ps?” (Macmillian, 1985). However, despite the U.S. government issuing orders to distinguish between Koreans and Japanese people, local discrimination and internment of Koreans still occurred, especially in the case of Hawaii, where martial law allowed the military governor free rein on war-related policies (Hong, 2024).

Photo: The Ahn Siblings (Sons and Daughter of Ahn Chang-ho) in their Service Uniforms During WWII

After liberation on the 15th of August 1945, the Sinhan Minbo released an issue on the 26th of that month. Across the first page, articles such as the abolition of national humiliation memorial day and the surrender of Japanese troops celebrate the end of the war and the liberation of Korea from Japanese colonial occupation (Korean National Association, 2001). The article at the top of the third page is titled “Washing Away National Humiliation, the Sinhan Minbo has Completed its Mission”, celebrating the achievement of Korean independence (Korean National Association). The article itself ends with a hopeful sentence, “...In conclusion, I address this message to our loyal comrades and fellow Koreans abroad: Let us strive even harder to achieve ultimate success!" (Korean National Association). The Sinhan Minbo and the Korean National Association continued to operate until the latter’s dissolution in 1988, supporting the Republic of Korea and furthering religious and educational activities in the United States, however, with Korean liberation and the establishment of the Republic of Korea, the KNA’s over 35-year-long primary mission had been fulfilled.

Photo: The Taegeukgi (the National Flag of Korea) Raised on Namsan Mountain, Seoul, 25 August 1945

Conclusion

The history of the KNA serves as a major part of the entire Korean independence movement, contributing to the eventual liberation of Korea by helping to lobby governments and support the Korean Provisional Government. Despite the conflicts between its leaders, Ahn Chang-ho, Park Yong-man, and Syngman Rhee, as well as the various factions within the organization that plagued its early history, the KNA never swayed from its founding purpose: to continue the struggle for Korean independence from abroad and represent the Korean people. The KNA itself and its lobbying efforts were pivotal in both defending the rights of Koreans in a foreign land, and also resurrecting Korean nationhood. In general, the KNA, alongside the Korean Provisional Government, could be stated as one of the two most important organizations that helped to shape the future Republic of Korea, which today continues to hold on to the KNA’s democratic, religious, and Western-oriented roots.

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Syngman Rhee and Douglas MacArthur. August 15, 1948. Photograph. Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Syngman_Rhee_and_Douglas_MacArthur.jpg.

Taegukgi on the Namsan Mountain. August 25, 1945. Photograph. Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Taegukgi_on_the_Namsan_Mountain.JPG.

The New York Times. “Korea Proclaims Independence; ‘Chosen’ as Japanese Dub Province, Declares Its People Free, Defies Old Order of Brute Force .” The New York Times, June 15, 1919. www.nytimes.com/1919/06/15/archives/korea-

proclaims-independence-chosen-as-japanese-dub-province.html.

U.S. Naval History and Heritage Command Photograph. Ahn Siblings World War II. April 6, 2010. Photograph. Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Ahn_Siblings_World_War_II.jpg.

University of Missouri. “WWII Propaganda: The Influence of Racism // Campus Writing Program.” University of Missouri, March 30, 2012. cwp.missouri.edu/2012/wwii-propaganda-the-influence-of-racism/.

May 19, 2026

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