On The Inertia Of Institutional Education And The Evolution Of Technology And Integration

Institutions are the humanly devised constraints that structure human interaction. They are made up of formal constraints (rules, laws, constitutions), informal constraints (norms of behavior, conventions, and self imposed codes of conduct), and their enforcement characteristics. Together they define the incentive structure of societies and specifically economies. Institutions and the technology employed determine the transaction and transformation costs that add up to the costs of production. It was Ronald Coase (1960) who made the crucial connection between institutions, transaction costs, and neo-classical theory. The neo-classical result of efficient markets only obtains when it is costless to transact. Only under the conditions of costless bargaining will the actors reach the solution that maximizes aggregate income regardless of the institutional arrangements. When it is costly to transact then institutions matter. And it is costly to transact. Wallis and North (1986) demonstrated in an empirical study that 45 percent of U.S. GNP was devoted to the transaction sector in 1970. Efficient markets are created in the real world when competition is strong enough via arbitrage and efficient information feedback to approximate the Coase zero transaction cost conditions and the parties can realize the gains from trade inherent in the neo-classical argument.

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It is the interaction between institutions and organizations that shapes the institutional evolution of an economy. If institutions are the rules of the game, organizations and their entrepreneurs are the players.

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3. It is adaptive rather than allocative efficiency which is the key to long run growth. Successful political/economic systems have evolved flexible institutional structures that can survive the shocks and changes that are a part of successful evolution. But these systems have been a product of long gestation. We do not know how to create adaptive efficiency in the short run.

Adaptation and mitigation are constrained by the inertia of global and regional trends in economic development, GHG emissions, resource consumption, infrastructure and settlement patterns, institutional behaviour and technology (tag_hash_108_______________________________). Such inertia may limit the capacity to reduce GHG emissions, remain below particular climate thresholds or avoid adverse impacts (Table 4.1). Some constraints may be overcome through new technologies, financial resources, increased institutional effectiveness and governance or changes in social and cultural attitudes and behaviours. {WGII SPM C-1, WGIII SPM.3, SPM.4.2, Table SPM.2}

Institutional dimensions of adaptation governance, including the integration of adaptation into planning and decision-making, play a key role in promoting the transition from planning to implementation of adaptation (tag_hash_109_______________________________). The most commonly emphasized institutional barriers or enablers for adaptation planning and implementation are: 1) multilevel institutional co-ordination between different political and administrative levels in society; 2) key actors, advocates and champions initiating, mainstreaming and sustaining momentum for climate adaptation; 3) horizontal interplay between sectors, actors and policies operating at similar administrative levels; 4) political dimensions in planning and implementation; and 5) coordination between formal governmental, administrative agencies and private sectors and stakeholders to increase efficiency, representation and support for climate adaptation measures. {WGII 15.2, 15.5, 16.3, Box 15-1}

Many adaptation efforts also critically rely on diffusion and transfer of technologies and management practices, but their effective use depends on a suitable institutional, regulatory, social and cultural context (high confidence). Adaptation technologies are often familiar and already applied elsewhere. However, the success of technology transfer may involve not only the provision of finance and information, but also strengthening of policy and regulatory environments and capacities to absorb, employ and improve technologies appropriate to local circumstances. {WGII 15.4}

Plain-language interview systems to gather information and generate complex forms exist for tax filings, mortgage applications, and benefits administration. Court filings have lagged behind these applications because of institutional history, inertia, and fragmentation, which makes individual-jurisdiction solutions cost-prohibitive. This is a solvable problem.

Karpen I. O., & Kleinaltenkamp, M. 2018. Coordinating resource integration and value co-creation through institutional arrangements: A phenomenological perspective. In S. Vargo, & R. Lusch (Eds.). The Sage Handbook of Service-Dominant Logic (pp. 284-298). Sage, London.

Four distinct co-evolutionary feedback loops were identified. First was citizens acting as a catalyst, second was local government leadership, third was business related and the fourth was vertical with resources from national government. The systems analysis also indicated that urban sustainability transitions become self-reinforcing when a) triggers present an opportunity for different actors to build momentum towards new sustainability policies and experimentation; b) horizontal linkages with business are formed based on working towards shared visions of change and increasing business opportunities; and c) vertical linkages are established that contribute resources and political support. Although there have been discussions in the past about the causal architecture of failure (see Homer-Dixon et al. 2015), this paper has investigated the emergence of positive inertia.

There are lots of reasons to think that small groups can be the catalyst for change, and our own experiences suggest that they are especially good at stimulating activity, enthusiasm, and optimism, all of which are necessary (but not sufficient) to address the challenges of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion at our institutions of higher education. But what infrastructure do universities have to protect institutional inertia? Committees.

Governmental organizations can often be resistant or glacially slow to change along with social and technological transformation. Even when evidence of malfunction is clear this form of institutional inertia can persist.[18] Political scientist Francis Fukuyama has asserted that humans imbue intrinsic value on the rules they enact and follow, especially in the larger societal institutions that create order and stability. Despite rapid social change and increasing institutional problems, the value placed on an institution and its rules can mask how well an institution is functioning as well as how that institution could be improved.[19] The inability to change an institutional mindset is supported by the theory of punctuated equilibrium, long periods of deleterious governmental policies punctuated by moments of civil unrest. After decades of economic decline the United Kingdom's referendum to leave to EU was seen as an example of the dramatic movement after a long period of governmental inertia.[18]

A review of 27 firms integrating the use of big data analytics found cognitive inertia to hamper the widespread implementation, with managers from sectors that did not focus on digital technology seeing the change as unnecessary and cost prohibitive.[30]

The technology is important, but the people dimension (organization, operating model, processes, and culture) is usually the determining factor. Organizational inertia from deeply rooted behaviors is a big impediment.

This narrative review considers the evolution of methods for extracting kinematic information from images, observing how technology has progressed from laborious manual approaches to optoelectronic marker-based systems. The motion analysis systems which are currently most widely used in sports biomechanics and rehabilitation do not allow kinematic data to be collected automatically without the attachment of markers, controlled conditions and/or extensive processing times. These limitations can obstruct the routine use of motion capture in normal training or rehabilitation environments, and there is a clear desire for the development of automatic markerless systems. Such technology is emerging, often driven by the needs of the entertainment industry, and utilising many of the latest trends in computer vision and machine learning. However, the accuracy and practicality of these systems has yet to be fully scrutinised, meaning such markerless systems are not currently in widespread use within biomechanics.

Biomechanical tools have developed considerably from manual annotation of images to marker-based optical trackers, inertial sensor-based systems and markerless systems using sophisticated human body models, computer vision and machine learning algorithms. The aim of this review is to cover some of the history of the development and use of motion analysis methods within sports and biomechanics, highlighting the limitations of existing systems. The state-of-the-art technologies from computer vision and machine learning, which have started to emerge within the biomechanics community, are introduced. This review considers how these new technologies could revolutionise the fields of sports biomechanics and rehabilitation by broadening the applications of motion analysis to include everyday training or competition environments.

Organizational innovation is a multifaceted phenomenon. The extensive literature in organization studies has advanced our understanding of the effects of organizational structure on the ability of organizations to learn, create knowledge and generate technological innovation. We know relatively less, however, about how internal organizational dynamics and actor learning interact with technological and environmental forces to shape organizational evolution. It remains unclear how and under what conditions organizations shift from one structural archetype to another, and the role of technological innovation in driving the process of organizational change is also obscure. The bulk of the existing research has tended to focus on how technology and market forces shape organizational outcomes and treat organizations primarily as a vehicle or facilitator of innovation, rather than focussing on the process of organizational innovation itself. For example, we tend to assume that technological innovation triggers organizational change because it shifts the competitive environment and forces organizations to adapt to the new set of demands. This deterministic view neglects the possibility that differences in organizational interpretations of, and responses to, external stimuli can affect the outcomes of organizational change. Treating the organization as an interpretation and learning system (e.g. Daft and Weick, 1994; Greve and Taylor, 2000) directs our attention to the important role of internal organizational dynamics, actor cognition and behaviour in shaping the external environment and outcomes of organizational change. A promising direction for future research would be to take greater account of endogenous organizational forces such as capacity for learning, values, interests and culture in shaping organizational change and innovation. be457b7860