Star turned around and charged at me, with a long, angry, distorted, loud cry. Star used Cut! There was a gushing sound that lasted for 30 seconds, and then the screen went black, only showing Star. Letters appeared on the screen saying, "You have done what I told you to do, my lovely Star. Now return to your home."
Come to think of it, Arthur has a point. Why is the woman in black still seeking revenge? It's not like there's anyone still around who directly wronged her. Can it really be called revenge if she's not hurting the people who hurt her.
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It is made all the more horrific because it both disguises and excuses that revenge by casting Black people as pathologically vengeful. The precious horror by which the mainstream media and white pundits have greeted the riots triggered by the police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis is a quintessential example. His murder was an expression of the kind of needless, warrantless, extrajudicial vengeance that has always been the secret code of the US economy and society, a revenge that never refers to itself as such but is as predictable as a clockwork.
There is a long history of preemptive revenge, one that, as theorists including Sadiya Hartman and Ibram X. Kendi have shown, has been exacted in different forms throughout US history: on slave ships, on plantations, on debt-prisoners and leased convicts after abolition, through lynchings, and every day, for centuries, on the streets of American cities. Sometimes this revenge has been enacted by the police, as in Minneapolis, sometimes by their direct predecessors: the gangs of whites marshaled to hunt people who liberated themselves from slavery, or who sewed terror in Black communities in revenge for the abolition of slavery.
Sometimes this revenge is simply the everyday, grinding humiliation and degradation of poverty that, as Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor among others has detailed, disproportionately gnaws at Black life, the pervasive shadow of the prison-industrial complex which Angela Davis and Ruth Gilmore Wilson show sabotages so many Black families, and the constant fear that irrational, vindictive violence, perhaps by police, could descend at any moment. The revenge can be blatant, grinning with impunity or, more often, seems, as Eduardo Bonilla-Silva illustrates, to come from everywhere and nowhere all at once, not confined to the ill intent or purposeful action of any single individual.
In America, insult and injury are two sides of a coin of revanchist white supremacy: all the terrors listed above and more are justified in part by the fear cultivated in white people of what they are told, from a million tiny sources, is the impending, inevitable, irrational revenge of Black people, a theme explored by James Baldwin and others since. As Sylvia Wynter has argued, the global racial order was configured around the subhumanization and beastialization of non-white people who were framed as defficient models of full humanity and particularly predisposed to an excess of all-too human tendencies like revenge.
But a debt must be paid not only for centuries of subjugation and ruination but for gaslighting and defamation: reparations for slavery, for red-lining, for mass incarceration, for the routine murder of Black people by police. These debts, as William A. Darity Jr. and A. Kirsten Mullen make clear, are all long past due. The courts and laws, which we have been told exist to forestall and prevent society from descending into the hell of revenge, have in so many ways revealed themselves to be institutions to defend, perpetuate and mystify the systemic, structural and institutional forms of racial capitalist vengeance that make so many racialized people, especially Black people, disposable and, indeed, make a gruesome spectacle of that disposability.
It is the sideways awareness of these moral and material arrears, lodged at the heart of white America, that then gives rise, as Carol Anderson shows, to its own revenge politics of the absolute worst. Salivating, the avatar and warlord of white revenge, Donald Trump, quickly responded to the uprising with threats to deploy the American military against its domestic population, revealing that Black people have always been seen by his ilk as disposable interlopers, a foreign threat. He was waiting for this moment, and it comes in an election year.
Yes, Trump wants a civil war. Or, more accurately, he wishes to resume open hostilities in a civil war that in some ways, as critics since W.E.B. DuBois have noted, never ended, simply continued by other covert means in normalized, institutionalized, banalized, distributed anti-Black revenge.
The riots, then, should come as no surprise. If they are labeled by so many as spasmodic and inchoate forms of political revenge then it is a revenge steeped within and striking back against the normalized, systemic revenge of racial capitalism centuries in the making.
Beyond the accusation of revenge, these uprisings resonate with the spirit of a righteous avenging: not merely the retributive turning of the tables, but the overturning of them. They aim towards the horizon where the kind of systemic and structural revenge that has been exacted on Black people becomes impossible by and for anyone.
Marvel's Black Panther finally experiences his most resounding defeat yet, and Namor finally gets his long-awaited revenge against the former King of Wakanda. T'Challa and Namor have a long and terrible history as enemies, and while the two have occasionally allied to stop threats that could harm both their kingdoms, the two are enemies more often than not. In Black Panther #14, Namor finally sees a defeated Black Panther at his lowest point...and cannot help but laugh. be457b7860
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