Download Urban Voter List 2022

For the 2020 Census, an urban area will comprise a densely settled core of census blocks that meet minimum housing unit density and/or population density requirements. This includes adjacent territory containing non-residential urban land uses. To qualify as an urban area, the territory identified according to criteria must encompass at least 2,000 housing units or have a population of at least 5,000.

Additionally, the 2020 Census Tabulation Block TIGER/Line Shapefiles contain urban and rural information. There are currently two ways to access the 2020 Census Tabulation Block TIGER/Line Shapefiles:

DOWNLOAD 🔥 https://urluso.com/2y68JT 🔥

Drop off/Drop-off voters: People who vote in a given election but not in a subsequent election. The term commonly refers to people who vote in a presidential election but not in the next midterm. It can also apply to any set of elections.

Validated voters/Verified voter: Citizens who told us in a post-election survey that they voted in the 2022 general elections and have a record for voting in a commercial voter file. (The two terms are interchangeable).

Voter file: A list of adults that includes information such as whether a person is registered to vote, which elections they have voted in, whether they voted in person or by mail, and additional data. Voter files do not say who a voter cast a ballot for. Federal law requires states to maintain electronic voter files, and businesses assemble these files to create a nationwide list of adults along with their voter information.

In the 2022 midterm elections, there were familiar patterns in voting preferences among subgroups. Younger voters, Black voters and those living in urban areas continued to support Democratic candidates while older, White and rural voters backed Republicans.

In 2018, men were roughly evenly divided between Democratic and Republican candidates. In the 2022 midterms, 54% of men cast ballots for GOP candidates, while 44% preferred Democrats. Republicans also gained support from a higher share of women compared with previous elections: 48% of women voters cast ballots for GOP candidates in 2022 while 51% favored Democrats. In 2018, 40% voted for Republicans while 58% supported Democrats. These shifts in margins largely reflect differential turnout, rather than shifting preferences.

As in previous elections, White voters continued to favor GOP candidates. In the 2022 midterms, 57% of White voters cast ballots for GOP candidates compared with 41% who supported Democrats. This 16 percentage point difference is about as wide as it was in 2020 (12 points) and wider than in 2018 (6 points). These changes also are largely attributable to turnout differences.

Black voters continued to support Democrats by overwhelming margins: 93% voted for Democrats in the midterms while 5% supported Republicans. This is similar to levels of support in 2020, 2018 and 2016. As in previous elections, in 2022, Black men and Black women supported Democrats at comparable levels.

While Hispanic voters continued to favor Democrats over Republicans, a higher share of Hispanic voters supported GOP candidates in the 2022 election compared with in 2018. In November, 60% of Hispanic voters cast ballots for Democrats compared with 39% who supported Republicans. This 21-point margin is smaller than in 2018, when 72% of Hispanic voters favored Democrats and 25% supported Republicans.

In November, voters with a college degree or more formal education cast ballots for Democratic candidates by a double-digit margin (56% voted for Democrats, 43% supported Republicans). And among voters with no college degree, preferences were nearly the reverse (57% supported GOP candidates vs. 42% for Democratic candidates). But compared with their performance in 2020, 2018 and 2016, Democrats performed worse in 2022 among those with a college degree. At the same time, a higher share of voters without college degrees also supported GOP candidates in 2022.

For example, among the 18% of college-educated 2018 voters who did not turn out to vote in 2022, 62% supported a Democratic candidate for House four years ago while 34% supported a Republican candidate. Among 2018 voters with no college degree, 25% did not turn out in 2022. Among those in this group, 64% had supported Democrats, while 32% had backed Republicans in 2018.

Among White voters with no college degree, Republicans benefited from slightly higher rates of defection from Democratic candidates among those who voted in both elections. The GOP also made gains due to a larger share of those who sat out in 2018 election turning out to vote for Republican candidates in 2022.

Republican and Democratic candidates achieved similar levels of party loyalty in the 2022 midterms, with 96% of Democrats and Democratic-leaning voters supporting a Democratic candidate in November and 94% of Republicans and Republican-leaning voters supporting Republicans.

Voters who do not identify with either party were divided in their preferences: 49% reported voting for a Democratic candidate in the 2022 midterms, while 47% supported Republicans. In 2018, voters in this group were more likely to favor Democratic candidates (55%) than Republicans (40%).

Among urban voters, lower turnout among voters who were favorable to Democrats in 2018 resulted in a slightly better performance for the GOP compared with four years prior: 31% of urban voters who cast ballots for Democrats in 2018 did not turn out in 2022, while 22% of urban voters who turned out for Republicans in 2018 sat out the 2022 midterms.

Additionally, while few rural voters switched allegiances between the two elections, this was more prevalent among those who supported Democrats in 2018 (5% of whom switched their support to a GOP candidate in 2022) than among those who had supported Republicans four years earlier (just 1% of whom voted for Democrats in 2022). Rural voters who supported Democrats in 2018 stayed home at higher rates in 2022 compared with those cast ballots for GOP candidates (29% vs. 14%).

Suburban voters who turned out in 2022 were divided: 50% supported Democratic candidates for the House in November while 48% supported Republicans. In 2018, 52% of suburban voters favored Democrats, while 45% broke for Republicans. Both parties managed to hold on to suburban voters who had voted in 2018: 5% of those who supported a Democrat in 2018 switched to back a GOP candidate in 2022, while 4% of those who supported a Republican in 2018 switched to a Democratic candidate four years later.

Voters in 2022 sorted along religious lines in familiar ways compared with previous elections. Protestant voters continued to prefer the GOP by nearly two-to-one: 64% supported Republican candidates in November compared with 34% who supported Democrats. Among Protestants overall, GOP candidates improved their performance compared with 2018 by mobilizing some who did not turn out in 2018.

More than eight-in-ten Republican voters in 2022 (85%) were White, non-Hispanic, down slightly (from 88%) compared with the 2018 midterms. Nearly identical shares of Democratic voters in 2022 (64%) and 2018 (65%) were White.

Among Republican voters, shifts have been much more modest in recent years. Roughly half of Republican voters in 2022 (53%) reported living in suburban communities, while 36% reported living in rural communities and 11% in urban areas. These shares were nearly identical to the shares of Republican voters living in suburban (53%), rural (35%) and urban (12%) communities in 2016.

By contrast, a majority of Republican voters in 2022 had no college degree (63%); a smaller share had a college degree or more (37%). This is similar to the shares of Republican voters with and without a college degree in 2018.

White voters without college degrees made up a majority (54%) of Republican voters in 2022, compared with 27% of Democratic voters. Yet the share of Republican voters who are members of this group was down 4 points compared with the 2020 presidential election.

The electorate was somewhat older in 2022, on average, than in other recent elections, with 64% of validated voters ages 50 and older. And while the Democratic voting coalition was once again younger than the Republican coalition, both parties relied slightly more on the ballots of older voters than they have in other recent elections.

White evangelical Protestant voters made up about a third of the Republican voting coalition in 2022, while accounting for just 5% of Democratic voters. And while Black Protestants continue to represent a more substantial share of Democratic voters than Republican voters (12% vs. 1%), the share of Republican voters who are Protestant and have a racial or ethnic background other than Black or White grew slightly in 2022 (to 8%, up from 5% in the previous three election cycles).

Note (July 2023): A new report about the 2022 validated voters used slightly revised 2020 estimates. There was nothing inaccurate about the 2020 results, but we chose to use a slightly different survey weighting approach that increases the precision of our estimates. None of the substantive findings from the 2020 report have been impacted. See the 2022 methodology for more detail.

Pew Research Center conducted this study to understand how Americans voted in 2020 and how their turnout and vote choices differed from 2016 and 2018. For this analysis, we surveyed U.S. adults online and verified their turnout in the three general elections using commercial voter files that aggregate official state turnout records. Panelists for whom a record of voting was located are considered validated voters; all others are presumed not to have voted.

Both Trump and Biden were able to bring new voters into the political process in 2020. The 19% of 2020 voters who did not vote in 2016 or 2018 split roughly evenly between the two candidates (49% Biden vs. 47% Trump). However, as with voters overall, there was a substantial age divide within this group. Among those under age 30 who voted in 2020 but not in either of the two previous elections, Biden led 59% to 33%, while Trump won among new or irregular voters ages 30 and older by 55% to 42%. Younger voters also made up an outsize share of these voters: Those under age 30 made up 38% of new or irregular 2020 voters, though they represented just 15% of all 2020 voters. 17dc91bb1f