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Townsmen's concept runs deep, especially for a game that's built around a single gameplay screen--namely, a pastoral hillside view of the valley in which you build your town--and a handful of menus. This valley is your canvas, the townsmen your brushes, and a handful of resources your paints. Your job is to make the correct economic decisions and turn your sleepy two-bit burg into a bustling metropolis, complete with traffic congestion, ludicrously high rents, and a snotty underground "scene."

A study of the economic assimilation of rural migrants in the context of rural migrants moving together with their fellow townsmen has broad exploratory value. Migrant assimilation is an important topic in migration research, which refers to the time and extent to which migrants can integrate economically and culturally into the host society (Alba and Nee, 1997). Two main theories explain the assimilation process of migrants in international migration research: the straight-line assimilation theory and the segmented assimilation theory. The linear assimilation theory suggests that migrant assimilation is a natural and inevitable process (Nagel, 2002; Rumbaut, 1997). In this process, migrants from different countries work overtime to gradually reject the culture of their origin, accept the local culture of their new country and eventually converge with natives regarding economic opportunities (Portes and Rumbaut, 2006; Castles, 2002). Studies of immigration in the United States have shown that the assimilation process of migrant children and children of migrants becomes more difficult due to the diversity of racial and ethnic backgrounds, differences in socioeconomic status, and immigration policy constraints (Zhou, 1997a). Large-scale immigration, structural shifts in the hourglass economy, the emergence of new racist and anti-migrant sentiments, inequalities in the public education system, and media stereotypes of minorities make the assimilation process more difficult and outcomes more uncertain for second-generation migrants after 1965 (Zhou, 1997b). Therefore, the single assimilation path described by linear assimilation theory was difficult to describe and explain the new migrant problem, and in this context, segmented assimilation theory was developed (Portes and Zhou, 1993).

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The human capital theory provides a theoretical basis for studying mobility phenomena with fellow townsmen and ethnic agglomeration. It has been argued that migrants are more economically rewarded for engaging in the ethnic economy or working for the same ethnic employer (Zhang and Xie, 2013b). Ethnic agglomeration provides migrants with relatively equal economic opportunities and higher employment income (Castles, 2002; Portes and Rumbaut, 2006; Damm, 2009). Many studies have confirmed that migrant agglomerations create different levels of human capital spillovers depending on the quality of human capital within the community (Ye, 2021). Ethnic agglomeration not only provides migrants with social support and solidarity but also provides migrant employers and self-employed individuals with informal access to resources such as labor, capital, and markets to engage in economic activities (Portes and Bach, 1985; Zhang and Xie, 2013a, 2013b). In addition, agglomeration economies provide migrants with employment opportunities beyond the secondary labor market and protection from discrimination in the external labor market (Light, 1984; Semyonov, 1988).

Table 1 shows the results of descriptive statistical analysis about rural migrants who move with their townsmen and rural migrants who are not in terms of each characteristic variable. It can be seen from the data in the table that the average logarithmic wages of rural migrants who move with their townsmen is 8.164, which is higher than that of rural migrants who move without their townsmen at 8.012. The mean difference test shows that this difference is significant at the significance level of 1%. The median logarithmic wages of rural migrants who move with their townsmen is 8.161, which is higher than the median logarithmic wages of rural migrants who move without their townsmen at 8.001. This indicates that there is indeed a significant difference in wages between the two groups of rural migrants.

Regarding other variables, rural migrants who move with their townsmen have fewer years of education than rural migrants who do not move with their townsmen. Their work experience is more abundant than rural migrants who do not move with their townsmen. Regarding gender, the proportion of rural male migrants who move with their townsmen is about 10 percentage points higher than that of rural migrants who do not move with their townsmen. The proportion of married rural migrants is about 20 percentage points lower than that of rural migrants who do not move with the same townsmen. Regarding political identity, the proportion of party members in the two groups is low and not much different. From the industry perspective, rural migrants who move with their townsmen have the highest proportion in the secondary industry, while rural migrants who do not move with their townsmen account for the highest proportion in the service industry. From the perspective of occupation, consumer services and blue-collar occupations are the most important occupations of the two groups, of which rural migrants who move with their townsmen are mainly blue-collar occupations, and rural migrants who are not move with their townsmen are mainly consumer services occupations. From the ownership perspective, the employment enterprises in both groups are mainly private enterprises, accounting for 70%, but the proportion of rural migrants who move with their townsmen is slightly higher than that of rural migrants who are not. The proportion of rural migrants who do not move with the same townsmen is higher in state-owned enterprises. From the perspective of inflow regions, the eastern region is the most important inflow region of the two groups, followed by the western region, and the central and northeastern regions account for a relatively low proportion.

The previous analysis shows that the movement of the same townsmen will significantly increase the wages of rural migrants, so why can the flow with the same townsmen increase the wages of rural migrants, and what is the mechanism behind it? Next, this paper will analyze the impact mechanism of rural mobility on the wages of rural migrants from the perspective of information search and wage negotiation.

Considering that the mobility of rural migrants from the same county may be affected by different occupations, this paper analyzes the heterogeneity of the impact of the movement of rural migrants in different occupations on the wages of rural migrants. The results of Table 7 show that in business services, consumer services, and blue-collar occupations, mobility with fellow townsmen can play a role in increasing the wages of rural migrants. However, in the white-collar occupation, the impact of mobility with fellow townsmen on the wages of rural migrants is not statistically significant. The possible reason is that white-collar occupations mainly include the heads of state organs, CCP, mass organizations, state-owned enterprises and institutions, professional and technical personnel, civil servants, clerks, and related personnel in China. The occupational requirements of such occupations are generally higher, and the recruitment of employees is mainly through an open and strict selection mechanism. Thus, the impact of fellow townsmen on the wages of these occupations is very small. However, occupations such as housekeeping, cleaning, courier, construction, etc., have relatively low requirements. Compared with rural migrants who are not moving with fellow townsmen, there is a more obvious phenomenon of ethnic agglomeration and acquaintance introduction (Zhang and Xu, 2011; Huang, 2013; Lian and Li, 2019). The hometown association expands the collection of individual information and resources, which can compensate for the lack of individual bargaining power caused by the low level of human capital (Chen, 2019).

Table 8 further demonstrates the heterogeneity of ownership and generations. For rural migrants working in foreign-capital enterprises, mobility with fellow townsmen has not significantly increased their wages. However, for state-owned and private enterprises, the movement with fellow townsmen will significantly increase the wages of rural migrants, especially in private enterprises; this positive impact is more prominent. This may be due to the prevalence of employees being recommended by acquaintances or employed by employer-selected groups in private enterprises (Chen, 2001). From the perspective of intergenerational differencesFootnote 8, mobility with fellow townsmen significantly positively impacts the wages of the two generations of rural migrants. However, compared with the new generation of rural migrants, the effect of mobility with fellow townsmen on the wages of the older rural migrants is more obvious. The older generation of rural migrants in the city still continues their traditional circle of communication centered on blood and geography (Li, 2013), while the new generation of rural migrants is disconnected from traditional rural social relations, and their values are more self-centered (Zhang and Jiang, 2016). And their ability and integration into the city are more potent than those of the older generation of rural migrants. The proportion of white-collar rural migrants is also higher than that of the older generation of rural migrants, so the impact of mobility with fellow townsmen on the wages of rural migrants is weaker than that of the older generation of rural migrants.

This paper further examines the impact of rural migrants moving with other different groups among fellow townsmen on their wages. Table 9 shows the specific results. As seen from Table 9, moving with parents, children, or spouses has not significantly increased the wages of rural migrants. This may be because rural migrants often prefer stable jobs for family care. When they are on the move with their spouses, parents, or children, and the salary level of stable jobs is generally lower than that of poorly stable employment, so rural migrants prefer to obtain a relatively stable job at the expense of part of their wages (Li et al., 2018). ff782bc1db