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In November 2008, a partially preserved skull, as well as teeth and the lower jaw, belonging to L., the holotype specimen MUSM 1676, were discovered in the coastal desert of Peru in the sediments of the Pisco Formation, 35 km (22 mi) southwest of the city of Ica.[1][2] Klaas Post, a researcher for the Natural History Museum Rotterdam in the Netherlands, stumbled across them on the final day of a field trip.[3][4] The fossils were prepared in Lima, and are now part of the collection of the Museum of Natural History, Lima of National University of San Marcos.[3][5]

In 2019, palaeontologist Romala Govender reported the discovery of two large sperm whale teeth from Pliocene deposits near the Hondeklip Bay village of Namaqualand in South Africa. The pair of teeth, which are stored in the Iziko South African Museum and cataloged as SAM-PQHB-433 and SAM-PQHB-1519, measure 325.12 millimetres (13 in) and 301.2 millimetres (12 in) in height, respectively, the latter having its crown missing. Both teeth have open pulp cavities, indicating that both whales were young. The teeth are very similar in shape and size to the mandibular teeth of the L. melvillei holotype, and were identified as cf. Livyatan. Like the Beaumaris specimen, the South African teeth are dated to around 5 mya.[10]

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An alternate theory is that sperm whales, including Livyatan, can alter the temperature of the wax in the organ to aid in buoyancy. Lowering the temperature increases the density to have it act as a weight for deep-sea diving, and raising the temperature decreases the density to have it pull the whale to the surface.[1][3][8]

The South African teeth attributed as cf. Livyatan are from the Avontuur Member of the Alexander Bay Formation near the village of Hondeklip Bay, Namaqualand, which is also dated to around 5 mya in the Pliocene. The Hondeklip Bay locality enjoys a rich heritage of marine fossils, whose diversity may have been thanks to the initiation of the Benguela Upwelling during the late Miocene, which likely provided large populations of phytoplankton traveling the cold nutrient-rich waters. Cetaceans are the most abundant fauna in the bay, although remains tend to be difficult to conclusively identify. Included are three species of balaenopterids including two undetermined species and one identified as cf. Plesiobalaenoptera, an ancient grey whale (cf. Eschrichtius sp.), an undetermined balaenid, an unidentified dolphin, and another undetermined species of macroraptorial sperm whale. Other localities of similar age on the South African west coast have also yielded many additional species of balaenopterids and sperm whales as well as ten species of beaked whales. Large sperm whale teeth of up to around 20 cm (8 in) in length are common in Hondeklip Bay, indicating a high presence of large sperm whales like Livyatan in the area. The locality has also a high presence of sharks indicated by a large abundance of shark teeth; however, most of these teeth have not been identified. Megalodon teeth have been found in the bay, and evidence from bite marks in whale bones indicate the additional presence of the great white shark, shortfin mako and broad-toothed mako. Other marine fauna known in Hondeklip Bay include pinnipeds such as Homiphoca capensis, bony fish and rays.[10][39][40]

Recent research emphasizes explosive volcanism as the largest driver of short-term global climate variability. This happens when sulfur dioxide gas, a major constituent in volcanic emissions, is transformed in the atmosphere to highly reflective sulfate aerosols that shield the earth from solar radiation, resulting in cooler air temperatures. When the volcanic plume of large eruptions reaches the stratosphere, sulfate aerosols remaining in the atmosphere for months to years can lead to pronounced, long-term cooling at global scales. Because they are highly soluble, sulfate aerosols from smaller eruptions where the volcanic plume only extends into the troposphere are quickly removed by precipitation, leading to relatively small, localized cooling. Ancient sources noted local eruptions of smaller volcanoes like Etna or Vesuvius during our period, but such activity was not significant enough to drive global effects.8

Technological improvements for ice core analyses have led to a rapid increase in the number of high-resolution volcanic fallout records for Roman antiquity. Ice cores from Greenland and Antarctica suggest that explosive volcanism during the final three centuries b.c.e. was somewhat low relative to the last 2,500 years, at least until early 43 b.c.e. These records indicate that none of the twenty-five largest eruptions of the past 2,500 years, and only three of the forty largest eruptions, occurred between 300 and 44 b.c.e. Two larger eruptions occurred in 430 and 426 b.c.e., and others clustered between 168 and 158 b.c.e.9

These records indicate one of the largest eruptions of the past 2,500 years early in 43 b.c.e., which was followed by elevated atmospheric sulfate for nearly three years. Geochemical fingerprinting of volcanic tephra preserved in the ice shows that the source was a massive eruption of the Okmok volcano in Alaska. Atmospheric modelling (Community Earth System Model, cesm, version 1.2.2) of the event suggested pronounced cooling in 43/2 b.c.e. throughout the Northern Hemisphere, with annual average temperatures as much as 5C cooler. These model results were consistent with global evidence from tree rings and speleothems, which suggested that 43 and 42 b.c.e. were among the coldest of the last 2,500 years. The cesm simulations indicated substantial climate effects in the area of Roman activity, including average summer and fall temperatures that were 4.5C colder in 43 b.c.e. and 2C colder in winter and spring in 42 b.c.e. Although precipitation is notoriously difficult to simulate, results suggested that 43 b.c.e. summer precipitation was 50 to 120% above normal in southern Europe, with autumn precipitation up to 400% above normal in some regions. Josephus and Appian recorded extreme weather, famine, and epidemic disease from early 43 to late 42 b.c.e.10

Integrating global climate signals with paleoenvironmental data at regional and local scales gives a fuller picture of historical climate. Local paleoenvironmental archives from the Mediterranean offer a typically lower level of resolution and precision than global climate archives, and this is especially true for data relevant to the events of Roman expansion. For example, although alpine glacial ice from Colle Gnifetti at the border between Italy and Switzerland provides geographically proximate information, published records only cover the last 1,000 years. Additionally, the absence of tree ring chronologies extending through the Roman period means the highly resolved dendrological indices of precipitation and temperature achieved for other parts of Europe are unavailable for Italy. Furthermore, although there are abundant pollen records for Italy, discussed below, this material cannot be taken to reflect climate change except in a highly complex manner.11

Bioarchaeological work on carpological remains or wood artifacts from wells, votive deposits, tombs, ships, domestic and other spaces used for food preparation, consumption, or storage has revealed that new food items reached Italian consumers during the late years of the republic. In addition to native plants used for food (like grape, olive, fig, walnut, hazelnut, chestnut, and dogwood), there were exotic species (peach, date palm, melon, lemon, cedar, coriander, cumin, and sesame). Often associated with elite consumers, however, these foodstuffs likely had less impact on agricultural choices or land use patterns.25

Plant and animal remains from archaeological sites have shown that main species of staple crops and livestock in the Republican Period were essentially the same as in the Bronze Age: cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, hulled and naked wheats, barley, millet, emmer, fava beans, peas, and lentils. A diverse repertoire of plants continued to be cultivated, and no major change in crop choice was associated with Roman expansion (there was a decrease in hulled wheat, but the representation of free-threshing wheat in the archaeological record remained largely unchanged). Diversity in crop types allowed for more than one annual harvest and guarded against seasonal variations in temperature or rainfall; crop rotation and/or bare fallowing helped to maintain or improve soil productivity. Much about the practices of arable agriculture remains obscure, and future work might explore regional or temporal differences in approaches to similar crops.26

Zooarchaeological evidence suggests several waves of change in the productive use of core species. First, increases in livestock body size were documented as early as the transition from the Bronze to Iron Age with continued increases over the first millennium b.c.e. and into the Imperial Period. Second, the relative importance of the main types of livestock shifted. Pig production expanded dramatically in central Italy and the southern Po plain, and by the final centuries b.c.e., poultry farming was more widely adopted. Species abundance patterns resembling later imperial strategies appear to emerge in the second to first centuries b.c.e. Zooarchaeologists have repeatedly correlated these developments with changes in socioeconomic organization, particularly urbanization and demographic growth, greater connectivity, and increased focus on surplus production (Fig. 7). Expansion in the production of pigs and poultry in particular points to interest in flexible, fast-maturing food that could be raised in a variety of environments throughout the year. This reconfiguration of animal production created a supply for urban markets of meat that could be produced without arable land.27

Great attention has been paid to the emergence in republican Italy of elite villas presumed to have drawn upon newly available slave labor-forces. The villa economy was limited to regions such as the suburb around Rome or parts of Etruria, where villas often occupied well-watered and arable sites. Their appearance thus rarely implied expansion onto marginal land but more often represented the enlargement of pre-existing settlement in response to changing markets.28 17dc91bb1f