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The key to the question of revolution in South Africa was, and remains, the potential power of the black working class. That is the only force which will be capable, once massively organised and roused consciously to the task, of dividing the whites, of arming itself for power, and leading all the oppressed people to the overthrow of apartheid and capitalism.

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Throughout the remainder of the 1960s and into the 1970s, the whole of the black working class, and with them all the oppressed, were virtually defenceless against the unchecked attacks of the bosses and the state.

They reveal that every real step forward in this struggle depends on the mobilisation and organisation of the working class. They show that this class, and no other, has the potential force to drive the ruling class into retreat, to weaken and divide the ranks of its supporters, to unite all the black oppressed and draw to their side exploited sections of whites, and ultimately to overwhelm the state.

In The new black middle class in South Africa, Roger Southall offers us what he terms as a modest aim to making some contribution to the greater understanding of contemporary South African society. The book was originally inspired by Southall's rereading of Leo Kuper's An African Bourgeoisie: Race, class and politics in South Africa. Intending to replicate Kuper's analysis of portraying the black middle class of the time with intimacy and deep understanding, whilst sympathetically depicting the "the pathos in their position" (p. vii). But, times had changed so much that a replication would not work, so a very different plan of analysis was embarked upon to examine the black middle classes composition and character.

Southall's interest in the composition and character of the black middle class (BMC) was sparked by the need for social scientists to complicate and correct the picture of the black middle class being crafted by the advertising industry (p. xiv). Furthermore, Southall argues that an analysis of the BMC has been largely pushed to the margins of South African society, and analyses of the BMC are needed as globalisation and democratisation impacts them (p. xvi). Southall contends that, "there is no clean divide here [his analysis] between 'structure' and 'agency'; rather, there is a complex interaction which is reshaping both the black middle class itself and the environment in which it is located" (p. xvi).

At the book's launch hosted by the Wits Institute for Social and Economic Research (WISER) in early 2016, Professor Hlonipha Mokoena in a jocular manner remarked, "If you're looking for juicy detail about the black middle class, this is not the book". Having now read the book, I am inclined to agree with her. Southall has largely focused on "structure" with sparse regard to empirical lived experiences of the BMC's "precious positionality" (p. 164), thus, rendering a stiff book. The books overall mantra is that, "If we want to understand the location and identity of the black middle class, we need to relate it to the two major sources of power in contemporary South African society; the post-apartheid state and the large corporations that dominate the economy" (p. 159).

A reading of the book makes one question the accessibility and utility of the book. It reads as a detailed impact report. An anthology of stand-alone academic journal articles which tangentially speak to each other. It is a book about the new black middle class, but I have strong doubts that not more than a handful of the book's subjects would read beyond the first chapter. It is an academic thesis masqueraded as an accessible book for public consumption. Below I provide a review and highlight aspects of interest.

To jump ahead, in the concluding chapter Southall provides a "lived experience" definition of the black middle class, "[I]t sees itself as 'black' in reaction to the historical political and economic oppression by whites, and in resentment at what it perceives as continuing white dominance of the economy", he says (p. 240).

Chapter two provides a broad history of the black middle class, examining the African petty bourgeoisie whose status was dictated not only by its standard of living, but by its education, literacy, lifestyle, political authority and its orientation towards material improvement and individual betterment (p. 25). Southall contends that while their counterparts in kholwa communities continued to enjoy relative privilege among the rural African population, a recognisable black elite took shape in urban areas, its position reinforced by individual's ability to acquire certificates or letters of exemption from the provisions of 'native laws' (p. 28). The black elite were subject to legalised racial barriers that blocked their upward mobility. The South African Natives National Congress (later to become the ANC) was largely drawn from the emergent black petty bourgeoisie, and steadily these bourgeoisies were radicalised, to use Phil Bonners (1980) term. They were radicalised as they noticed that racial subordination affected them equally with the black masses.

In chapter three Southall examines the composition of the black middle class. Apart from broad consensus that the black middle class is 'growing fast' there is little agreement about its size, shape and structure (p. 42).

The Human Science Research Council (HSRC) in 2004 calculated the BMC to amounting to around 2.5 million people. UCT's Unilever Institute for Strategic Marketing in 2013 estimated it to being 3.6 million. Definitions of 'middle class' vary widely reflecting different theoretical traditions and purposes, not only whether the approach is broadly Marxist or Weberian, but whether research is being conducted for reasons of social analysis, policy or marketing (p. 42). The Black Diamond approach and the Living Standards Measures (LSM), despite their descriptive value, tend to feed a popular notion of the black middle class as essentially shallow, showy, and materialistic (p. 47).

Chapter four then examines the National Party reform policies which aimed to grant black people with residential rights in urban areas with unrestricted freedom to work in any white urban areas, improve salaries and join registered trade unions (p. 66). Yet, black advancement took place only as whites moved upwards into more skilled and better paid jobs (p. 67). It was only after democratisation that real transformation and upward mobility happened, as by 2008 the composition of the public service was 78% black African. As the National Planning Commission (NPC) was later to observe; affirmative action within the public service clearly played a major role in the growth of the black middle class (p. 77), whilst equity employment is far less advanced in the private sector. Two decades into democracy, the black middle class has outnumbered the white middle class. But its economic foundations are precarious and it remains heavily dependent on the ANC's party-state (p. 92).

In chapter five Southall charts forward with the Weberian term, "life chances" which are heavily depended upon education and qualification (p. 97). Southall further examines trends in levels of education amongst the black middle class and sparse complexities with regards to those that attended former model-C schools. Facts and figures on the number of black students doubled since the early 1990s and black students migrating to former white universities, and the legacy of resource distribution.

Chapter six examines various occupations that the black middle class occupy, as "it is the jobs people obtain and the roles they fulfil in the division of labour in society that largely determine their income, ranking and status" (p. 125). Southall then examines a few; black state managers who by 2011 accounted for 74% of public service managers, whilst black corporate managers haven't increased that much due to various factors, some stating lack of qualified black people, but some black corporate managers are preferring employment in the public sphere as its viewed as more culturally welcoming and offering better prospects of advancement (p. 132). Most interesting are the 'job hoppers' as they move jobs in order to take control of their own careers, advancing from one employer to another in order to build their repertoire of skills and competence (p. 135). Another segment being the professionals and semi-professionals with professionals such as CA's only 20% are black, "it does not only take ability and determination to gain entry to the profession, but requires access to considerable resources" (p. 139).

Chapter seven examines the social life of the BMC, dovetailing on the popular focus as in a previously racially segregated society, this aspect and its visibility is fairly new. The BMC have been characterised in pejorative ways, as their wealth is often seen as a product of corruption and political connection, rather than of the virtues of hard work, responsibility and integrity so often associated with being middle class (p. 163). The chapter is telling of the entire book's thrust; "many dimensions such as leisure activities are therefore left aside in favour of the more fundamental issues of consumption and debt, changing residential patterns, and what is termed the 'precarious positionality' of the black middle class" (p. 164).

The capacity to spend embodies social agency; wealth represents success; and black consumerism has become associated with a realisation of citizenship (p. 170). Citing a Statistics South Africa September 2010 - August 2011 survey, two subgroups of the middle class were distinguished, namely the emerging and the more established middle class, arguing that the more the black people became established within the middle class, the less they spend conspicuously (p. 175). As asset ownership rises, conspicuous consumption decreases, because the need to signal economic status declines (p. 176). 17dc91bb1f