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Plus, few Viking skeletons are in good shape. After 1000 years in the soil, the bones are degraded, or missing. In cremation burials, the bones were burned, then crushed. Yet archaeologists still sex these graves. How?

Yet there is a sense of osseous overload. By the time you get to Marcos Raya's imaginative series of Mexican portraits, inspired by Day of the Dead folk art, with skeletons superimposed on each family member, you have seen bones forged from brass, papier mch and laser-cut paper.

Bones From Beyond The Grave Download

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Death gets a more informative treatment across town, at the Museum of London's fascinating Doctors, Dissection and Resurrection Men. If real-estate tycoons are the primary beneficiaries of London's redevelopment boom, archaeologists come in a solid second; they often gain access to long-buried historical sites when new construction peels back a layer of the city's past. (Nature last year published the genome of the bacterium responsible for the Black Death, collected from bones excavated by Museum archaeologists in a fourteenth-century plague pit.)

In 2006, Museum of London archaeologists unveiled a nearly 200-year-old cemetery adjacent to the Royal London Hospital in Whitechapel. Their excavation revealed graves containing jumbles of bones from many people, as well as the odd turtle and cow, showing signs of amputation and dissection.

Layers of sediment and fine cave dust from the ceiling eventually covered the grave completely. Over the millennia, dozens of other groups camped in the shelter, building fires, cooking food, and making tools. In the process, they unwittingly left their camp debris over the grave far below.

As shown in the drawing and photograph at right, excavators uncovered the skeletal remains from a shallow, rock-covered, pit in the center of the shelter. Both lay in flexed position on their left sides, with heads at the south end of the grave and feet to the north. The adult faced the back of the shelter (westward), and the juvenile faced the back of the adult, with head positioned slightly forward. The arms of both individuals were drawn up, their hands apparently placed near, or in front of, their faces.

Nineteen limestone slabs had been laid over the two, leaving only the heads exposed. The weight of this stone covering, along with pressure from tons of overburden, had crushed and broken many of the bones, yet the skeletons were nearly complete. The skulls, though cracked, were not crushed.

Special items were found within the grave, a number of them having been placed, tightly clustered, under or touching the head of the man. Perhaps originally encased in a sack or fiber bag, the cache may have served to cushion his head. Among the items were three modified turtle shells; two deer antler butts; two thin sandstone grinding stones with slight use-wear; a square fragment of fine red ocher; a crude chipped-stone biface; and a long, slender deer bone, perhaps intended as a tool. The three turtle shells, from which the fused ribs and vertebrae had been scraped, had been carefully arranged to form an enclosure: the bottom shell was upside down, and the other two lay nested within each other in the opposite direction. The stone and antler items had been identified for many years as part of a flint knapping kit. New analysis by Peggi Jodry and others at the Smithsonian's National Museum of Natural History Department of Anthropology Laboratory and reported in Owsley and Jantz 2014 has led to fascinating new interpretations. The biface apparently was intended as a core for the extraction of small, sharp flakes for cutting, whereas the antler materials showed signs of rotational grinding and polish, suggesting their use as a pestle.

Also screened from the grave fill was a variety of cultural material including snail shells, chert flakes, turtle bones and turtle skull fragments, portions of worked deer antler, including a portion of a shaft straightener, and fragments of bird, rodent, snake, frog, fish, and deer bone. Whether any of these items were intentionally placed within the grave is not known.

Science has a macabre side. Archaeologists and forensic scientists routinely uncover evidence of all sorts of past horrors: Bones gnawed by prehistoric cannibals, the graves of murdered infants, as well as the gruesome transformations that time and decomposition bring, such as bones wrapped in death wax. And don't forget zombie insects, nature's own undead; the neurology of decapitation and near-death experiences. Here's a selection of some of our most delightfully morbid stories, listed in no particular order.

Scientists also learned that Homo naledi had fire as well the kinds of animals they ate based on the location of bones found in the cave and the chambers adjacent to them, Berger said, adding that researchers knew nothing about the behavior of the species before the discovery. They may have even been placing artifacts in graves with the bodies.

Trampling, although it is obviously not exclusive to open environments, is an important modification in these deposits, which is caused by friction between sedimentary particles and bones. Trampled bones may present striations on their surfaces that can blend in with pre-existing striae, such as cut marks, and even contribute to obliterating any previous marks (Behrensmeyer et al., 1986; Olsen & Shipman, 1988). Several studies have tried to establish valid criteria for differentiating trampling marks from cut marks (Andrews & Cook, 1985; Behrensmeyer et al., 1986; Olsen & Shipman, 1988; Domnguez-Rodrigo et al., 2009a; Courtenay et al., 2019, 2020a, b); however, the high morphological variability of trampling marks (Behrensmeyer et al., 1986; Domnguez-Rodrigo et al., 2009a), the existence of posterior processes that may have further altered the bone surfaces and modifications (Pineda et al., 2014, 2019), and the fact that criteria usually employed to correctly identify trampling marks and differentiate it from cut marks are less objective than originally considered (Domnguez-Rodrigo et al., 2017; Domnguez-Rodrigo, Saladi, et al., 2019) mean that these criteria are still being revised today.

The preservation of remains deposited on river or flood plains, or lake or delta shores, is also affected by the action of flowing water, where internal erosive processes threaten the preservation of the remains (Butzer, 1982). Water flow can cause spatial taphonomic associations of objects, since they tend to segregate from their original positions and form new associations related to their density, weight, and shape, giving rise to lagged or dragged assemblages (Behrensmeyer, 1975; Petraglia & Potts, 1994; Aslan & Behrensmeyer, 1986; Pante & Blumenschine, 2010; Giusti & Arzarello, 2016; Domnguez-Rodrigo et al., 2018). The influence of flowing water can be identified in assemblages through the rounding and polishing of bone edges and surfaces, sometimes completely altering the original morphology of the bones (Shipman & Rose, 1983a, b; Behrensmeyer et al., 1989; Fernndez-Jalvo & Andrews, 2003; Gaudzinski-Windheuser et al., 2010; Rabinovich et al., 2012), and even modifying and obliterating pre-existing modifications (Behrensmeyer et al., 1989; Gaudzinski-Windheuser et al., 2010; Pineda et al., 2019; Rabinovich et al., 2012; Shipman & Rose, 1983b).

Other biochemical agents, like fungi or bacteria, can also affect osteological assemblages. In the open air, the most common indication of taphonomic processes is root-etching. Produced by the action of fungi (Mychorrizae) and bacteria (Rhizobium), it is evidence of the absorption and transfer of phosphorus from the bones to the roots (Fernndez-Jalvo, 1992) and indicative of an environment conducive to plant growth (Lyman, 1994). This process generally produces vermiculation, dendritic grooves characteristic of root growth, which contribute to the dissolution of bone surfaces. These are usually easy to distinguish from anthropic cut marks (Andrews, 1990; Lyman, 1994), although they can be confused with the tooth marks produced by carnivores (Domnguez-Rodrigo & Barba, 2006, 2007a). Vermiculation can affect remains either prior to or during the burial phase (Cook, 1986; Lyman, 1994), although it usually affects buried remains (Fernndez-Jalvo & Marn-Monfort, 2008) and requires relatively long exposure times (Cook, 1986; Fernndez-Jalvo & Marn-Monfort, 2008).

The poor preservation of the bone surfaces could be responsible for the almost total absence of taphonomic evidence of the anthropic processing of the fauna in the different pits. Anthropic breakage has been identified in four limb bones showing clear percussion marks at La Mina, level II.2 (a humerus from a bovid and a humerus, a femur, and a metatarsal from a deer), and two more have been recovered from el EF1 (two shafts of a medium-sized animal) (Pineda et al., 2017b). This evidence accounts for less than 1% of the total, and is absent in the other levels.

Carnivore activity has been documented at both La Mina and El Forn, with modifications affecting around 10% of the sample over the different levels studied. The majority of these modifications are documented as scores and pits on the bone surfaces. A comparison with metric data from current samples identifies the intervention of at least one large carnivore as having modified the assemblages. Other types of modification have also been documented, including the furrowing of limb bone epiphyses, pitting, and bones affected by gastric acids. The intensity of these modifications, which include the complete destruction of mammoth and rhinoceros epiphyses, is indicative of hyenas as modifying agents (Haynes & Klimowicz, 2015). In line with this, hyena coprolites have also been identified in all the assemblages, in particular the latrine identified in La Mina level II.3.

The only detailed stratigraphy of the site was logged during the time when Howell was excavating, and involves a N-S section through the site (Butzer, 1965). According to Santonja et al. (2014), the majority of the materials recovered in the different excavation phases at Torralba come from a 1-m thick deposit comprising gray sands interspersed with angular and sub-angular carbonate gravel facies. The most recent chronology dates Torralba as late Middle Pleistocene, around 200 Ka (Santonja et al., 2014). 006ab0faaa