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The bomb exploded close to the route of a police patrol, police official Mohammad Adnan said. It was not immediately clear if the incident was the result of a suicide attack or a bomb planted nearby, he added.

Traumatic brain injury (TBI) arising from blast exposure during war is common, and frequently complicated by psychiatric morbidity. There is controversy as to whether mild TBI from blast is different from other causes of mild TBI. Anxiety and affective disorders such as Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and depression are common accompaniments of blast injury with a significant overlap in the diagnostic features of PTSD with post-concussive syndrome (PCS). This review focuses on this overlap and the effects of mild TBI due to bomb blast. Mild TBI may have been over diagnosed by late retrospective review of returned servicemen and women using imprecise criteria. There is therefore a requirement for clear and careful documentation by health professionals of a TBI due to bomb blast shortly after the event so that the diagnosis of TBI can be made with confidence. There is a need for the early recognition of symptoms of PCS, PTSD and depression and early multi-disciplinary interventions focussed on expected return to duties. There also needs to be a continued emphasis on the de-stigmatization of psychological conditions in military personnel returning from deployment.

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Computed tomography angiography images of a patient with arterial injuries due to bomb fragment. a-b Volume-rendered three-dimensional reconstruction and coronal MIP images showing pseudoaneurysm (arrows) and bomb fragment (arrowheads) in the profunda femoris artery. There is no bone fracture in this patient

The force of the device, hidden under a bench at the eastern end of the corridor outside the chamber, blew off the door to the office of Democratic Leader Robert C. Byrd. The blast also punched a potentially lethal hole in a wall partition sending a shower of pulverized brick, plaster, and glass into the Republican cloakroom. Although the explosion caused no structural damage to the Capitol, it shattered mirrors, chandeliers, and furniture. Officials calculated damages of $250,000.

Following a five-year investigation, federal agents arrested six members of the so-called Resistance Conspiracy in May 1988 and charged them with bombings of the Capitol, Ft. McNair, and the Washington Navy Yard. In 1990, a federal judge sentenced Marilyn Buck, Laura Whitehorn, and Linda Evans to lengthy prison terms for conspiracy and malicious destruction of government property. The court dropped charges against three co-defendants, already serving extended prison sentences for related crimes.

The 1983 bombing marked the beginning of tightened security measures throughout the Capitol. The area outside the Senate Chamber, previously open to the public, was permanently closed. Congressional officials instituted a system of staff identification cards and added metal detectors to building entrances to supplement those placed at chamber gallery doors following a 1971 Capitol bombing.

Later news accounts and investigations reconstructed the events of that day. The simultaneous bombings in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam had been meticulously planned. After the 1983 bombings of the Marines barracks and U.S. Embassy Beirut, the Secretary of State commissioned a report on how the bombings occurred and what could be done to prevent them in the future. The Inman Report called for significant redesign of embassy buildings to include a number of security measures such as setbacks and blast resistance, and created the Diplomatic Security Service. Since the associated costs were huge, the Department ranked threats and countermeasures, and prioritized locations to implement the improvements. Terrorists have funding constraints too, and their interest turned from the newly fortified compounds to less well-protected locations. Unfortunately, the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi was one of the latter.

This was the scene when the attackers drove their pickup truck into the parking lot. The driver and passengers insisted that they had a special delivery for the embassy loading dock. Indeed they did: hundreds of pounds of explosives. When the guards refused to allow them in, as they were trained to do since the truck was not authorized to enter, the attackers began shooting and threw a grenade. The drop arm remained locked with its padlock as the guards dove and ran for cover. The frustrated terrorists then triggered the bomb in the rear parking lot instead of beneath the embassy as planned.

Meanwhile, an enormous wave of people poured through the ruptured perimeter from the street and into the embassy. Some were looters; others were heroes. Energetic and optimistic, Kenyans are used to looking out for each other and many of them helped evacuate bombing victims. The neighboring Ubuntu House had completely collapsed and many members of the public moved as much concrete and debris as they could with their bare hands and later, pieces of debris repurposed as pry bars and shovels.

The terrorist attacks on the U.S. Embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam led to several security improvements. The Department of State quickly deployed the first closed circuit television video cassette recorders, along with safes to protect them from blasts, to embassies and consulates. Other technical security equipment soon followed, such as an Imminent Danger Notification System (IDNS) and the first generation of explosives detectors. Then in 1999, Congress passed the Secure Embassy Construction and Counterterrorism Act (SECCA), which set measures that still protect us today, including the creation of a new Foreign Service specialty, our Security Technical Specialist colleagues.

One of the vital lessons learned from the East Africa bombings is that those who wish us harm are always strategizing and adapting, which means that we must also evolve and improve our people, policies and systems to stay one step ahead.

The East Africa bombings affected attitudes throughout the State Department, with a heightened sense of security awareness. DSS regional security officers were granted increased authority and responsibility, for the first time reporting directly to ambassadors or chiefs of mission. The change elevated RSOs to being security advisors for embassy leadership.

Mathew made his way to the nearby Kenyatta International Convention Centre, which included numerous government offices and served as an information hub. In an era before wide use of cell phones, email, or the Internet, radio and TV stations were critical for learning immediate information, and the Kenyatta Centre had televisions. Mathew and his colleagues were able to get information from media reports, as well as learn about the bombing in Tanzania.

The 16th Street Baptist was a large and prominent church located downtown, just blocks from Birmingham's commercial district and City Hall. Just before 11 o'clock on September 15, 1963, instead of rising to begin prayers, the congregation was knocked to the ground. As a bomb exploded under the steps of the church, they sought safety under the pews and shielded each other from falling debris.

Upon learning of the bombing at the Church, Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. sent a telegram to Alabama Governor George Wallace, a staunch and vocal segregationist, stating bluntly: 'The blood of our little children is on your hands." The brutal attack and the deaths of the four little girls shocked the nation and drew international attention to the violent struggle for civil rights in Birmingham. Many whites were as outraged by the incident as blacks and offered services and condolences to the families. Over, 8,000 people attended the girls' funeral service at Reverend John Porter's Sixth Avenue Baptist Church.

The deaths of the four girls was followed two months later by the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, causing an outpouring of national grief, galvanizing the civil rights movement and ensuring the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.

Due to the success of the Birmingham Campaign, on May 10, 1963, the city agreed to desegregate lunch counters, restrooms, drinking fountains, and fitting rooms, to hire African Americans in stores as salesmen and clerks, and to release the jailed demonstrators. White segregationists opposed desegregation, however, and violence continued to plague the city.

On May 11th, a bomb destroyed the Gaston Motel where Martin Luther King, Jr. had been staying and another damaged the house of King's brother, A. D. King. NAACP attorney Arthur Shores' house was fire bombed on August 20th and September 4th in retaliation for his attempts to help integrate the Birmingham public schools. On September 9th, President John F. Kennedy took control of the Alabama National Guard, which Governor Wallace was using to block court-ordered desegregation of public schools in Birmingham. Around that time Robert Chambliss, who would later be named as a suspect in the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing, foreshadowed the violence to come when he told his niece, "Just wait until Sunday morning and they'll beg us to let them segregate."

The FBI office in Birmingham launched an immediate investigation. In a 1965 memo to J. Edgar Hoover, FBI agents named four men as primary suspects for the bombing - Thomas Blanton, Robert Chambliss, Bobby Frank Cherry, and Herman Cash. All four men were members of Birmingham's Cahaba River Group, a splinter group of the Eastview Klavern #13 chapter of the Ku Klux Klan. Eastview Klavern #13 was considered one of the most violent groups in the South and was responsible for the 1961 attacks on the Freedom Riders at the Trailways bus station in Birmingham.

The investigation ended in 1968 with no indictments. According to the FBI, although they had identified the four suspects, witnesses were reluctant to talk and physical evidence was lacking. In addition, information from FBI surveillances was not admissible in court. Hoover chose not to approve arrests, stating, "The chance of prosecution in state or federal court is remote." Although Chambliss was convicted on an explosives charge, no charges were filed in the 1960s for the bombing of the church.

In 1971, Alabama Attorney General Bill Baxley reopened the case, requesting evidence from the FBI and building trust with witnesses who had been reluctant to testify. Investigators discovered that, while the FBI had accumulated evidence against the bombers, under orders from Hoover they had not disclosed the evidence to county prosecutors. Robert Chambliss was convicted of murder on November 14, 1977; however, it would be decades before the other suspects were tried for their crimes. In 2000, the FBI assisted Alabama state authorities in bringing charges against the remaining suspects. On May 1, 2001, Thomas Blanton was convicted and sentenced to life in prison. In 2002, Bobby Frank Cherry was convicted as well. His boasts that he was the one who planted the bomb next to the church wall helped send Cherry to prison for life. Herman Cash died in 1994 having never been prosecuted for the murders of the four girls.

A project through the African American Civil Rights Grant Program, which works to document, interpret, and preserve the sites and stories related to the African American struggle to gain equal rights, is funding ongoing rehabilitation work at the 16th Street Baptist Church. 006ab0faaa