Born in Bradford, Yorkshire. His mother died the same year he was born.
At 16 Priestley left school rather than continue to University and became a Junior Clerk at a local company.
In 1914 at the start of WWI, Priestley joined the army aged 20.
A victim of a gas attack in the war, he served on the front-line in France, and left the army in 1919.
After the war, he attended Cambridge University to read (take a degree in) Modern History.
In 1921 he moved to London with his wife to become a freelance writer and playwright.
In 1939 at the start of WWII he wrote for BBC Radio but his programmes were cancelled because they were too critical of the government.
At the end of WWII, he supported the Labour Government’s creation of the NHS.
He had a reputation for being an aggressive Socialist, he was, in fact, in his own words, a “shy and timid man”.
After WWII ended in 1945, a socialist Labour government was elected in Britain. Their main policy was the creation of the NHS (National Health Service) and the Welfare State. The concept of the NHS is that everyone, regardless of class or wealth, pays taxes which pay for doctors, nurses, midwives, ambulances, hospitals, etc., so that health services are free at the point of use. (Its annual budget is around £122 billion). The NHS is an example of socialism in the UK and was supported by J.B. Priestley.
Priestley had suffered in his life and feared that society would continue to perpetrate the same suffering and mistakes unless people seized the opportunity to change. The end of the Second World War gave him an opportunity. The backdrop of two brutal world wars which had caused unbearable hardship across the world, to both soldiers and civilians, forced people to think differently. The old ways were comfortable for many, but the new ideas promised a better way of life for so many more.
Article written by: Alison Cullingford
Published: 7 Sep 2017
Alison Cullingford explores how J B Priestley's childhood in Bradford and experiences during two world wars shaped his socialist beliefs and fuelled the anger of his play An Inspector Calls, a work that revolves around ideas of social responsibility and guilt.
An Inspector Calls poses troubling questions: how can people live together? To what extent are individuals responsible for others? Gareth Lloyd Evans described the play as ‘perhaps the clearest expression made by Priestley of his belief that “no man is an island” – the theme is guilt and social responsibility’.[1] This article explores how and why J B Priestley came to this belief.[2]
‘Substantial and heavily comfortable’: Bradford before the War
Priestley was born in 1894 in Bradford, in Yorkshire’s West Riding. Bradford was an industrial town soon to become a city (in 1897), which had grown very quickly around the wool and dyeing industries. Young ‘Jack’ Priestley himself found work in the wool trade, as a junior clerk with Helm and Company, whose offices were in the (now demolished) Swan Arcade.
Jack found this work dull, but otherwise, for a youngster who enjoyed sport, landscape, literature, music, art and socialising, Bradford had much to offer. In his novel Bright Day, he looked back from the austerity of 1946 to a golden age of freedom, plenty, hospitality, conviviality, generosity, solid comfort and strong community, where, at Christmas,
brass bands played and choirs sang in the streets; you went not to one friend’s house but to a dozen; acres of rich pound cake and mince-pies were washed down by cataracts of old beer and port, whisky and rum; the air was fragrant and thick with cigar smoke, as if the very mill chimneys had taken to puffing them.[3]
The bright young lad realised even then, though, that Bradford was not perfect. Working and living conditions had improved from the hellish days of the 1840s, when cholera and starvation were serious threats, but many still lived in poverty. Priestley’s political views were heavily influenced by the West Riding’s strong Nonconformist socialist traditions, embodied by the Bradford Pioneer newspaper and epitomised by his schoolteacher father, Jonathan.
Jack also noticed that the city’s respectable folk could be smug, even hypocritical: ‘badly-divided men’ were pompously religious on Sundays, but on Saturday nights ‘coarsely raffish’,[4] ill-using young women. In When We Are Married (1937), Priestley made great comedy of turning the world of three respectable couples upside down when it emerged that they had not been legally married. An Inspector Calls also shattered the world of such a family, this time, however, revealing the true social and political consequences of the selfishness of the Birlings and others like them.
The First World War: men thrown away for nothing
This world was itself shattered by the Great War, which broke out in August 1914. Twenty-year-old Jack, drawn to prove himself, went alone to Halifax to volunteer for the Duke of Wellington’s West Riding Regiment. He served in the British Army for five years, as a private and lance-corporal, and, much later, as an officer with the Devonshires.
Despite being buried alive by a trench mortar explosion and gassed, Priestley survived relatively unscathed physically; but the experience of war changed him forever. He bore witness to the horrors of the front and his realisation of the implications of social inequalities that went far beyond what he had seen in his home city. As he wrote in his memoir, Margin Released (1962):
The British command specialised in throwing men away for nothing. The tradition of an officer class, defying both imagination and common sense, killed most of my friends as surely as if those cavalry generals had come out of the chateaux with polo mallets and beaten their brains out. Call this class prejudice if you like, so long as you remember … that I went into that war without any such prejudice, free of any class feeling. No doubt I came out of it with a chip on my shoulder; a big, heavy chip, probably some friend’s thigh-bone.[5]
Bradford could never be the same for Priestley after the war: so many of his friends had been killed, many of them in the 'Bradford Pals' battalions destroyed at the Battle of the Somme. After a venture into academia, taking his degree at the University of Cambridge, he decided to focus on writing and moved to London. The 1920s were years of hard work to make a living. We have the sense that he had a kind of survivor's guilt: he had to make something of his life when so many better men had been killed.
His 1929 bestseller, The Good Companions, gave him the financial security to experiment with new literary forms. Priestley turned to drama with great success: he was to re-use the thriller form of his first effort, Dangerous Corner, in An Inspector Calls.
Celebrity also gave him a platform to share his increasing social concerns. In English Journey (1934), he described what he saw when travelling around England by motor coach: the remnants of old rural England, the shocking deprivation of the declining industrial cities and the glamour of the modern Americanised world of arterial roads and cinemas. Of the ‘grimy desolation’ of ‘Rusty Lane’ in West Bromwich, he said:
There ought to be no more of those lunches and dinners, at which political and financial and industrial gentlemen congratulate one another, until something is done about Rusty Lane and West Bromwich. While they exist in their present foul shape, it is idle to congratulate ourselves about anything.[6]
Priestley confronted his own wartime past at a regimental reunion in Bradford. He was outraged to learn that some of his fellow veterans were too poor to afford evening clothes to attend the event. They had given their health, their futures, everything they had, for a society that did not care. This righteous anger would be seen again in An Inspector Calls.
The staggering power of broadcasting
During the Second World War, Priestley’s fame rose to new heights, largely thanks to his BBC radio broadcasts, the 'Postscripts'. In his first Postscript, of 5 June 1940, he helped create the narrative of the Dunkirk evacuation as mythic victory, paying tribute to the frivolous little steamers which saved so many lives. Throughout that momentous summer and early autumn, Priestley continued these weekly broadcasts, boosting morale through homely, often funny, reflections, musing, for example, on a pie which survived the bombing of Bradford and some happy ducks in a pond.
Priestley took an active part in a debate that went on in Britain throughout the war: was it appropriate to discuss what should happen afterwards, and if so, what should that be? He used the Postscripts to influence opinion on this issue, calling for a better, fairer society after this war was over. Carefully gauging what might be acceptable to broadcast, Priestley used everyday examples likely to be familiar to his listeners to make his points. His most outspoken Postscript, of 6 October 1940, uses the problem of the ‘idle rich’ occupying scarce hotel rooms from which bombed-out families could benefit to make the point that:
We are floundering between two stools. One of them is our old acquaintance labelled ‘Every man for himself, and the devil take the hindmost’, which can’t really represent us, or why should young men, for whom you and I have done little or nothing, tear up and down the sky in their Spitfires to protect us, or why should our whole community pledge itself to fight until Europe is freed? The other stool … has some lettering round it that hints that free men could combine, without losing what’s essential to their free development, to see that each gives according to his ability, and receives according to his need.[7]
It is often stated that the then Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, had Priestley ‘taken off the air’ as a result of this sort of discussion, and for using the Postscripts as a platform for sharing his views on building a better world post-war. Certainly, Priestley’s radio talks worried many politicians and journalists; the end of the Postscripts was, however, at least in part his own decision and the hand of the Prime Minister cannot be definitely traced in it.[8]
A new and vital democracy?
Away from the airwaves, Priestley could be much more candid about his views. Out of the People (1941) came out of his role as chairman of the 1941 Committee, a group of writers and politicians whose statement ‘We Must Win’ called for a declaration of national ‘ideas and objectives after the war’. In Out of the People, Priestley outlined the need for a ‘new and vital democracy’, an end to the waste and unfairness of social inequalities, a world in which everyone was responsible for others. The upheaval of war was shattering old systems and bringing people together to work for a common goal. Why not build on this, rather than going back to old failed systems as had happened after the previous war?
Priestley’s Postscripts and other broadcasting and writing certainly played their part in encouraging people to think about the shape post-war society should take, and thus helped pave the way for Clement Attlee’s Labour Party to sweep to power in the general election of July 1945. The Labour mandate was to create a ‘welfare state’ and a national health service, eliminating the shocking poverty observed by Priestley and so many other reporters.
However, the new government was not quite what Priestley had in mind. He disliked the centralised planning and bureaucracy that became synonymous with state socialism in the 20th century. Indeed, he stood unsuccessfully as an independent candidate in the 1945 election!
A Russian journey
An Inspector Calls was born out of this tumultuous wartime debate about society, though Priestley had first thought of using a mysterious inspector years before. He had then mentioned the idea to a theatrical director, Michael MacOwen, who reminded him about it during the autumn of 1944. Priestley was enthused by the idea, found it in his ‘little black notebook’, and quickly wrote a playscript based around it.
No suitable theatre was available in London, so in May 1945 Priestley sent the script to his Russian translator to see if there was any interest (his work was already popular in the Soviet Union). An Inspector Calls was thus first seen in productions by the Kamerny Theatre and the Leningrad Theatre in Moscow, followed by a European tour ending at the Old Vic in London.
Priestley and his wife Jane later travelled to the USSR, as guests of the Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries; he wrote about his experiences for the Sunday Express, his articles being reprinted in the pamphlet ‘Russian Journey’. Priestley found the Russian people highly congenial and wrote sympathetically about a country that had recently been Britain’s wartime ally. Later he was to realise more about the nature of the regime.
The play embodies Priestley’s reasons for calling for the ‘new and vital democracy’ by showing the personal consequences of a selfish society, and the future that would result if lessons were not learned about being ‘responsible for each other’: ‘If men will not learn that lesson, then they will be taught it in blood and fire and anguish’. This future might be the Great War which Priestley’s 1945 audiences knew was just two years ahead for his 1912 protagonists, or it might be a terrible revolution yet to come: his Russian audiences had seen just that when the frustrations of an unequal society had led to violent revolution and terrible suffering.
Such ambiguities Priestley leaves in the play, along with its origins in his own past and his deepest beliefs, allowing it to work for audiences worldwide ever since, despite its historical origins in a complacent 1912 and his bleak yet hopeful 1945.
Living conditions for many working class families in Britain in 1912 were appalling.
As a result of low wages, hundreds of people would be forced to rent cheap, overcrowded housing.
Infectious diseases, like typhoid and tuberculosis, were an ever-present threat and many young children died.
Sanitation was basic, with many families having to share one outside toilet.
It is very typical for the upper class, at this time, to “save face”. Public image is everything. The upper and middle classes rarely admit to personal problems, preferring to give (usually false) excuses, pass the blame to someone else, or simply use their money and influence to make the problem go away. It is unthinkable for anyone to publicly question the motives, opinions, or reasoning of the upper classes, even when they are wrong. Build up a deliberate distance between themselves and the working class, despite living in the same town as a means to reinforce their social distinctions.
For example, Eva turned to Mrs. Birling’s charity because she refused to accept stolen money from Eric. This is a moral decision which seems unrealistic to Mrs. Birling, who has very little regard for members of the working class. When this turns out to be true – that Eric has stolen £50 from his father’s business accounts – Mr. Birling says, “Until every penny of that money you stole is repaid, you’ll work for nothing.” This emphasises the disparity in the treatment of the different classes: Eric who has stolen a large sum of money is chastised and told to work for forgiveness, while Eva, who wanted a small raise (equivalent to 50p a week) was sacked.
Mr Birling: If you don’t come down sharply on some of these people, they’d soon be asking for the earth.
Inspector: They might. But after all, it’s better to ask for the earth than to take it.
Even though Eric admits to stealing money in front of a police inspector, nobody suggests that he should be arrested. In fact, his father is most concerned with “covering it up” rather than see the person responsible be held accountable in the eyes of the law.
Mr Birling: “I’ve got to cover this up as soon as I can.”
At the end of the play, Sheila and Eric display a completely changed attitude toward the poor and their own family. They understand the consequence of their actions and firmly believe they should change their ways. According to Mr. Birling they represent the “famous younger generation who know it all”, who are now looked down on by their elders who are set in their ways and fearful of change. At the end of the play, though they have done horrible things, Sheila and Eric have “learned their lesson” and they have stopped listening to their parents, choosing instead to stand up for what is right.
Sheila: “That’s just what I feel… and it’s what they don’t seem to understand.”
There is now a new division within this family: new generation vs. older generation. Unfortunately, not all of the younger generation are “on the same side”. Gerald, a member of the upper class, instead sides with the older Birlings and believes that there is no need for change. His unchanged attitude may be explained by a fear of losing his position, wealth, or privilege.
Gerald: “Everything’s all right now Sheila…What about this ring?”
Like the older Birlings, he remains untroubled by the events of the night, believing that all the “evidence” is a hoax and there no proof to link him to any wrongdoing – his status remains protected. The older Birlings are relieved at the revelation that it’s all been “a lot of moonshine”; not because Eva lives, but because their reputations are no longer at risk. Mr. Birling even states, “…I’d a special reason for not wanting any public scandal just now,” referring to his potential knighthood. They represent the stubborn mentality of the old and the wealthy, who care about nothing beyond their wealth and public image. In their mind, with the disappearance of the Inspector and the lack of solid evidence against them, the “natural order” of things is restored and they can go on with life as “normal”.
Article written by: Professor Pat Thane
Published: 11 Jan 2019
Four million British workers are now living in poverty, according to a report by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation (JRF), a figure that has risen by over half a million compared with five years ago. Since the government’s introduction of Universal Credit – replacing six benefits with one single monthly payment – rough sleeping and demand at food banks have risen. This is less of a ‘turning-point’ for poverty in the UK than a re-turning point. Surveying British history since the 20th century for my recent book Divided Kingdom. A History of Britain, 1900 to the Present, my most shocking discovery was that the extent and causes of poverty were much the same now as in 1900. Charles Booth’s massive survey of social conditions in 20th-century London found that about 30% of Londoners lived ‘in poverty or in want’.
London had a complex economy which attracted needy people and its conditions were perhaps exceptional. Sociological researcher Seebohm Rowntree later surveyed poverty in York, which he reckoned was a typical English town so might better signify conditions across the country. He was horrified to discover that 28% of York’s population were in ‘obvious want and squalor’. Other surveys in town and countryside before 1914 produced similar findings. Booth and Rowntree found the greatest cause of poverty was not, as often believed, feckless shirking by the irresponsible lower classes, but low pay for full-time work, or inability to get regular work despite best efforts.
Introduction of the Welfare State
This poverty caused such shock that it led to the first measures of what became the Welfare State: free school meals in 1906, old age pensions in 1908, National Health Insurance and Unemployment Insurance in 1911. Expanding state welfare and government measures to create secure, better-paid employment reduced poverty and inequality, especially post-1945, driven mainly by Labour governments, though it was never eliminated. Income and wealth inequality were narrowest of the whole period since 1900 in the 1970s. Contrary to popular denigration of the 1970s, this was also when the range of state welfare benefits and services reached its peak and there was no evident shortage of affordable housing to rent or buy. Poverty then shot up under the Thatcher governments of the 1980s – about 13% of children in Great Britain (and of course their families) were in poverty in 1979 and 22% in 1990. It declined halfway to the 1979 level under New Labour before rising again since 2010.
The housing crisis and rise in poverty since 2010
The JRF found 20% of the UK population in poverty in 2015-16, 60% in households that included an inadequately paid worker. The Child Poverty Action Group estimated that 30% of children in the UK (4.1 million) were in poverty in 2016-17 and 67% were in households with at least one full-time worker. The Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) supports this, stressing regional variations: in 2016-17 24% of children in Scotland were in poverty and 37% in London, the difference driven mainly by housing costs. As around 1900, there is much poverty in London, overlooked when Londoners are accused of being out of touch with the realities of British life. The Resolution Foundation makes similar estimates, stressing high housing costs as the cause of poverty ‘perhaps more so than at any time in the past’. Since the massive sale of council houses under Thatcher, the supply of ‘affordable’ housing has dwindled, and too many people are homeless or live in damp, overcrowded, poorly maintained properties, reminiscent of the 1900s. New Labour did little to improve housing supply. These and similar recent findings by the Social Metrics Foundation have been strongly supported in a recent report by Philip Alston, the UN Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights, clearly horrified to find such conditions in the fifth largest economy in the world.
Fourteen million people, a fifth of the population, live in poverty. Four million of these are more than 50% below the poverty line, and 1.5 million are destitute, unable to afford basic essentials.
– Professor Philip Alston
Of course, comparing measurements of poverty over very different times is difficult. Contemporary researchers use a different measure in a much wealthier country today compared with 1900. The concept of ‘relative poverty’, defined as having income below 60% of national median income, has been widely adopted internationally in preference to measures of severe destitution because the life chances of people living above the level of destitution but so far below the average standards of modern high-income societies are severely restricted. They have lower life expectancy, poorer health, lesser educational and work opportunities. Recent UK surveys exclude the large and growing number of homeless people living rough on the streets or in hostels. The National Audit Office estimates that the numbers of officially homeless are up 60% since 2010 and rough sleepers are up 134%. In 2017/18 the Trussell Trust gave out 1.3 million emergency food packages. The increase in homelessness and the growing use of food banks call into question how many people are living in absolute destitution.
‘Gig economy’ in the 1900s and now
The government denies these alarming statistics and boasts of rising employment, but ignores the fact that it is often precarious and/or poorly paid. A serious cause of poverty, now as in 1900, is the growing numbers of people earning low pay in insecure employment, as employers evade the minimum wage and other obligations by imposing fake self-employment and insecure contracts; the ‘gig economy’, as it is known. Similar insecure ‘underemployment’ was a major concern of William Beveridge after he encountered poverty in East London in the early 1900s, particularly dock workers clustering at the dock gates each morning.
They were never sure of how many hours of work, if any, they would get and rarely got a full week’s work as employers took advantage of the numbers desperate to work to feed their families. Beveridge became convinced that only state intervention could regulate the labour market, reducing poverty by ensuring regular work at a decent pay. As a first step, he persuaded the government to introduce Labour Exchanges (now Job Centres) in 1909, providing information about permanent job vacancies for the first time and positive advice on work and training to school-leavers and the unemployed, enabling escape from casual labour. Beveridge continued to press governments to ensure a fair labour market, most successfully when the post-1945 Labour government achieved full employment for the first time. The problem then receded until the market was deregulated in the 1980s. New Labour reverted to Beveridge-type principles, but since 2010, the ‘gig economy’ has grown continuously.
The impact of Universal Credit
The IFS also emphasises the impact of the 10% fall in the value of benefits and tax credits to working families since 2010. The substitution of Universal Credit for many benefits, and the slowness and complexity of its roll-out causing long delays in payment, is increasing poverty and likely to do so further in the future. The government argues that Universal Credit increases incentives to work, just as administrators of the 19th-century Poor Law justified low, punitive benefits as essential correctives to the innate idleness of the poor. Awareness that the Poor Law perpetuated poverty by driving people into low-paid work, damaging society and the economy, was among the early pressures for state welfare. Thereafter, state action brought sustained improvement. Since the 1980s, ‘rolling back’ the state and welfare has returned us to a situation sadly like the 1900s.
Capitalism is an economic system where private entities own production and industry. The four factors are entrepreneurship, capital goods, natural resources, and labour. The owners of capital goods, natural resources, and entrepreneurship exercise control through companies. The individual owns their labour.
Key points:
• In capitalism, owners control the factors of production and gain their income from it.
• Capitalism incentivises people to maximize the amount of money they earn through competition because they keep the bulk of their profit.
• Competition is the driving force of innovation as individuals create ways to do tasks more efficiently; it rewards those that work hard, but disregards those that cannot do so.
Socialism is an economic system where everyone in society equally owns the factors of production. That ownership is acquired through a democratically elected government or through a cooperative or a public corporation in which everyone owns shares.
These factors are valued only for their usefulness to people. Socialists take into account both individual needs and greater social needs.
Examples of greater social needs include transportation, defence, education, health care, and preservation of natural resources. Some also define the common good as caring for those who can't directly contribute to production. Examples include the elderly, children, and their caretakers.
Workers receive their share of production after a percentage has been deducted for the common good.
Key points:
• Socialism is a system that shares economic output equally throughout the population.
• It values the collective well-being of the community, rather than individuals.
• The government distributes resources, giving it greater control over its citizens.
In the UK around six million men were mobilised in the armed forces, and of those just over 700,000 were killed. That's around 11.5%.
2,000 British civilians were killed during the war.
Largely fought in France from trenches dug in the ground.
New weaponry included: poison gas, tanks, air attack, land mines, machine guns.
Ended with an armistice in 1918 (no big victory, Germany surrendered).
In WWII there were 384,000 UK soldiers killed in combat.
70,000 civilians were killed, largely due to German bombing raids.
Fought around the world by air, sea, and land.
“Total War” – civilians and soldiers fought on all sides.
War ended by defeating Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan.
The USA used the world’s first atomic weapon against the Japanese (Hiroshima and Nagasaki).
Writing about his war experiences in his memoir from 1962, Priestley recalled how he could not wait to get out of the war, feeling like ‘a mouse in a giant mincing machine’. He hated how the army ‘behaved as if a small gentlemanly officer class still had to make soldiers out of runaway sons and slum lads known to the police’. He criticised the way men were packed into ‘rotten trenches’, leading to despair among survivors.
Priestley served in the trenches in France and was badly wounded in 1916 when he was buried alive by an explosion before being dug out by his colleagues. After recovering in hospital he was sent back to the front-line. Priestley left the army in 1919 with a strong sense of class injustice, which influenced his political life and his writing.
It is a key theme in ‘An Inspector Calls’. He reflected that ‘the British army specialised in throwing men away for nothing’ and ‘the tradition of an officer class, defying both imagination and common sense, killed most of my friends as surely as if those cavalry generals had come out with polo mallets and beaten their brains out’.
Women of all classes were expected to act in a calm, kind, and demure way – to behave in a ‘ladylike’ fashion. However, it was also anticipated that women (especially in the upper classes) could occasionally become hysterical or overly emotional, and would either be encouraged to retire (leave the room) and calm down or brought back under control by their father or husband. This would be dismissed as ‘female problems’ and any upset caused in the woman would be largely disregarded. Women were thought to be too simple-minded to be exposed to any ‘real’ problems.
The word hysteria originates from the Greek word for “uterus,” hystera. The oldest record of hysteria dates back to 1900 B.C. when Egyptians recorded behavioural abnormalities in adult women on medical papyrus.
Women were raised with the expectation that reputable women would wait to be intimate until they were married. Especially in the upper classes, women did not engage in sex until their wedding night, otherwise their reputation and marriage prospects would be eternally damaged and the family would find themselves in the middle of a public scandal. The traditional white wedding gown is an example of this mentality. Young brides would wear a white wedding dress as a symbol of their innocence and chastity.
At this time, women could not divorce their husbands except on grounds of impotence (unable to give their wife a child). Men, however, could divorce their wife on a variety of grounds, including infidelity, violence, desertion or ‘failing to look after their needs’. Women were expected to marry young and become mothers. Remaining a spinster was socially embarrassing. Once married, women enjoyed few legal rights. Marriage vows told them to ‘love, honour and obey’ their husbands.
There were clear distinctions between men and women in society, the home and the workplace. Women were viewed as less important than men: they were paid less, had fewer legal rights and were not allowed to vote in elections. Women were expected to marry and become mothers of many children. Domestic abuse was common but women were not legally allowed to apply for divorce. Unmarried women who fell pregnant were often forced to give up their babies for adoption.
In protest, a group of women created the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) also known as the Suffragettes who campaigned for women to get the vote. A large number of women wanted the right to vote in elections (known as suffrage). As part of their protests, these middle and upper class Suffragettes often went out of their way to force reluctant police officers to arrest them as part of a publicity stunt for the cause. The public was not largely in support of this movement and members often faced physical backlash from men who felt that protest was “unladylike” and that women would only be confused by the voting/political process.
Strikes for better conditions and higher wages among working class men had become more common at the start of the 20th century. By 1912 trade unions were legal, but female workers were still not allowed to join, but women would often strike in support of their male colleagues, brothers or husbands.
Young women and marriage at the end of the 19th century (British Library)
Young and not-so-young women had no choice but to stay chaste until marriage. They were not even allowed to speak to men unless there was a married woman present as a chaperone. Higher education or professional work was also out of the question. These emotional frustrations could lead to all sorts of covert rebellion. Young Florence Nightingale longed to be able to do something useful in the world, but was expected to stay with her mother and sister, helping supervise the servants. She suffered from hysterical outbursts as a teenager, and could not bear to eat with the rest of the family. Elizabeth Barrett, meanwhile, used illness as an excuse to retreat to a room at the top of her father’s house and write poetry. In 1847 Charlotte Brontë put strong feelings about women’s limited role into the mouth of her heroine Jane Eyre: women are supposed to be very calm generally: but women feel just as men feel; they need exercise for their faculties and a field for their efforts as much as their brothers do; they suffer from too rigid a restraint, too absolute a stagnation, precisely as men would suffer; and it is narrow-minded in their more privileged fellow-creatures to say that they ought to confine themselves to making puddings and knitting stockings, to playing on the piano and embroidering bags. (ch. 12)
The Hysterical Female
The word hysteria originates from the Greek word for uterus, hystera The oldest record of hysteria dates back to 1900 B.C. when the Egyptians attributed the behavioral disturbances to a wandering uterus—thus later dubbing the condition hysteria. By the Victorian era, hysteria was seen as a female condition linked to mental health and women were often sent away for treatments for this ‘madness’.
Victorian society emphasized female purity and supported the ideal of the "true woman" as wife, mother, and keeper of the home. In Victorian society, the home was the basis of morality and a sanctuary free from the corruption of the city. As guardian of the home and family, women were believed to be more emotional, dependent, and gentle by nature. This perception of femininity led to the popular conclusion that women were more susceptible to disease and illness, and was a basis for the diagnosis of insanity in many female patients during the 19th century.
On the basis of Victorian gender distinctions, it was common for female patients to be diagnosed as suffering from hysteria. 19th century upper and middle class women were completely dependent on their husbands and fathers, and their lives revolved around their role as respectable daughter, housewife, and mother. With so little power, control, and independence, depression, anxiety, and stress were common among Victorian women struggling to cope with a static existence under the thumb of strict gender ideals and unyielding patriarchy.
Pregnancy rates were high and families, especially in the working class, were large. Some parents could not cope –knowing they could not look after their children they gave them up for adoption or simply abandoned them. Contraception did exist, but purchasing condoms in Britain was socially awkward. They could only be bought by men and were sold at barber shops, being generally requested with the euphemism "something for the weekend." More importantly, condoms were unaffordable for many people. Up until 1948, healthcare in the UK was expensive and most women could not afford to see a doctor during their pregnancy. Many women developed complications during childbirth and often died. Their new-born children were also vulnerable to disease and malnutrition and mortality rates were high. Contraception for women was never openly advertised and birth control was only introduced in the UK in 1961 when the Pill became available on the NHS. Even then it was for married women only.
Men of the upper and middle class occasionally engaged in an affair or “kept a mistress”. Sometimes their wives knew all about this, but strict social codes ensured that she would take no action (divorce). Often, if it became known in the family, it was “swept under the rug”, forgiven, or ignored. Condemnation of affairs was far higher in the working class, as they were devoutly religious in their views and feared public humiliation (which could ruin their lives and destroy reputations). “Ladies of the Town” referred to working class women who had no other option than to work as prostitutes. They were often subject to violence, disease, and unwanted pregnancy. It was a “last resort” for women with no other option than to break the law for a meagre income. Illegitimate children born to upper class men out of their marriage were passed to childless relatives or spinsters in the family, or the mother would be “paid off” to keep her silence.
Remember, the role of women in 1912 is to help support the family, get married, and have a family of their own. Their identities are linked in with their father or husband (example: Sheila will become Mrs. Gerald Croft). Little consideration is given to women’s thoughts and feelings, even in “caring” families. Women, in fact, are thought to be very simple and incapable of complex thoughts (which is why they are not allowed to vote at this time) and are rarely asked their opinions on matters. Men, on the other hand, are encouraged to voice their opinions (sometimes even on the behalf of their wife or daughter), which women would likely publicly agree with, even if they privately disagreed. Arguing (especially publicly) with a man would be considered disgraceful and would bring shame on the woman. Even arguing with other females (in public) was brushed off as petty. This is why Inspector Goole’s questions regarding their version of events and inviting their opinion on the matter (instead of just consulting Mr. Birling) is out of the ordinary and makes the family uneasy.
The feminist theory of the male gaze
The “male gaze” suggests a sexualised way of looking that empowers men and objectifies women. Men, observing these female characters objectify women as sexual possessions and nothing more. The woman ceases to exist in any other form outside that of the sexual realm. She exists solely for the man, a mechanism to serve his ego, his libido, and his sense of possession. Reducing a woman through the male gaze demotes women from human equals to subordinate sexual objects. The spectator, in turn, is made to identify with this male gaze, and to objectify the women on the screen. The observer is superior/has more dominance than the one gazed at.
Gerald is a typical man of 1912, who exhibits little empathy towards his female counterparts. He initially begins his relationship with “Daisy Renton” (Eva Smith) because she is pretty and he is “bored”. He does not seem to value much beyond her innocent beauty (at least in his account). “She was very pretty – soft brown hair and big dark eyes...” Gerald continues the affair because it made him feel like a hero who has saved a very grateful “damsel in distress”. Her affection for him is not reciprocated as romance, but rather as a man who enjoys being “fawned over” and idolized. “I guess it was inevitable. She was young and pretty and warm-hearted – and intensely grateful.” Even in this account, he “side-lines” his fiancée Sheila in favour of justifying his actions to another man (the Inspector). This demonstrates that he still holds little consideration for the women around him. When he ends the relationship with “Daisy Renton” (Eva Smith), there is no implied feeling of sadness at the loss; he was not in love with her. In fact, his account of the ending is simple and straightforward. He shows little regard for her feelings in the matter, which are later revealed. The only real time we see him react in an emotional way is when he considers her death.
Eric Birling would be the second man in “Daisy Renton’s” (Eva Smith’s) life that exploited her good nature and vulnerability. Remember, she has lost two good jobs and has no further promise of employment at this point and has become destitute as a result. Eric, who also met her at the bar of the Palace Variety Theatre (music hall), engaged in a relationship with her initially because of her looks. However, unlike Gerald, it becomes immediately clear that he was less than a gentleman during their first encounter and has pressured her into being intimate: “Well, I was in that state when a chap easily turns nasty – and I threatened to make a row.” His status as a man and a member of the middle class (with a notable name) would be protected, but “Daisy Renton” (Eva Smith) would be publicly and socially ruined this act. He effectively intimidated, blackmailed, and pressured her into intimacy by abusing his privilege for his own gains. The audience is left wondering how consensual their first encounter (and subsequent encounter) really was. This eventually results in an illegitimate child (recall the minimal contraception of the time) and “Daisy Renton” (Eva Smith) eventually attempts to get financial support through charity since she refuses to accept stolen money.
Eva Smith claiming to be “Mrs. Birling” – a married woman who has been left by her husband – was an attempt to gain more sympathy and increase her chances of getting financial support. Women who were widowed or abandoned were shown much more kindness than those who had fallen pregnant out of wedlock. Women of the upper classes would have been more sympathetic to this idea because it would have been seen as the “fault” of the man. This likely would have worked in her favour, except that she was unaware of the fact that the real Mrs. Birling was overseeing the interview and took exceptional offence to the misuse of her married name.
Implied consent and being a ‘fallen woman.’
Gerald assumes that he has Eva’s permission to ‘save’ her. The fact that he uses the word ‘install’ to describe her role as mistress shows that he assumed the answer would be yes, because of his social status.
• In effect, he has rescued her from one person assuming consent (Alderman Meggarty) and has ruined her himself with little thought for the consequences
• This affair would have a huge impact on Sheila’s reputation as well.
• Note that nobody in the family is really outraged by the fact that Gerald has been in a sexual relationship; they are only mildly outraged that he has cheated on Sheila – and even then, they expect Sheila to understand and forgive him
At the time the play is set (1912), there is little support for those in need – in fact, they will need to wait 3-4 more decades to see any major changes. After the Second World War ended, the Labour government introduced measures to help the sick, disabled and unemployed. We still have them today:
National Insurance (and Industrial Injuries) Act1946
Old Age Pensions
Disabilities benefits
National Assistance Act 1948
Unemployment benefits
The upper and middle class viewed the poor as lazy, feckless (having no redeeming qualities), criminal, and of loose moral character (drunkards, addicts, prostitutes, etc.). They were very suspicious and fearful of the working class poor, referring to them as “the mob” (mob is a term which referred to any criminal act that was being committed en masse or all together).
The Poor Law Amendment Act sought to remove the poor by sending them away to workhouses so that they would no longer be on the streets “threatening” and “harassing” the rich.
Workhouses operated much like prisons: people could not come and go voluntarily, were fed very basic meals (often bread, water, and gruel), and were called “inmates”. They were designed to intimidate people and dissuade them from seeking help (to keep costs down). People would do anything they could to avoid being sent to one.
Before the Welfare State was created, poor and/or unemployed people were sent to the local workhouse under the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834. They would be segregated into male and female blocks (and occasionally further into male, female, and children), and given repetitive tasks to complete in exchange for food and a bed to sleep on.
They could be released if they had been offered a job or seemed “employable”.
However, many people never left the workhouse.
The poor were divided into three categories:
The Deserving
Those who were judged to be of good character and were worthy of assistance. Mostly widows, orphans, or “reputable” people.
The Undeserving
Those who displayed some fault, self-inflicted suffering, or whose cases were not thought to be as important as others.
The Residuum
Those who were petty criminals, addicts, gamblers, prostitutes, or otherwise “undesirables” who could never be reformed.
Only those who were deemed “deserving” would receive meagre charity offerings from rich benefactors or religious organisations. The help offered would only be enough to see them through a few days (at most a week), in order to dissuade laziness.
Candidates would be subjected to an evaluation panel of “judges” (upper and middle class people) and would give interviews in order to convince the panel that their case was worthy of support (financial, goods, food, etc.). This process, in which candidates had to plead their case for a miniscule amount of charity, was rigorous and humiliating. This process reinforced class distinctions - the upper classes were making decisions and judgements on the working class, which they were forced to accept unquestioningly.
Charity organisations were commonly used as a status symbol by members of the upper class to demonstrate their supposed benevolence and their interpretation of “Christian charity”. However, while we think of charity as selfless acts of generosity, this was more of a pretence put on by the upper classes. We can infer from these comments that Mrs. Birling feels contempt and disgust for members of the working class by using derogatory language such as “a girl in her position” or “a girl of that sort”. She also implies, in the first quote, that the working class is incapable of having emotions or scruples (regard for morality or propriety). We can also infer that, while Mrs. Birling participates in “charity”, she only distributes a small amount of money and only to those she deems “worthy” of it. In her first comment, she implies that if she finds a case undeserving (like Eva/Daisy), she has no problem using her influence to ensure that no one else will help them either.
Mrs. Birling, as previously discussed, is a woman of means who donates a very small amount of her wealth to charity – but only the deserving cases. She uses this not as an act of generosity and kindness, but as a symbol of her status and privilege. She feels little concern for those of the working class, having never experienced poverty herself.
This was common for the upper classes at the time, who were well-established and had never had to work for their money. They viewed the working class with prejudice and their judgements were easily swayed by their mood of the day. They did not want to simply give away their wealth to “lazy” poor and dissuade them from working – after all, “cheap labour” is what helped make Mr. Birling (and other men like him) rich.
However, people in 1912 had begun to realise (much more clearly after the impacts of WWI and WWII) that the “evils of society” had to be beaten by kindness and generosity from those who could afford it.
The government had passed the Pensions Act in 1908 to look after the elderly and to prevent them becoming destitute after they were too old to work.
Organised Charity Groups were created to keep people out of the dehumanizing process of the workhouses.
Rich benefactors invested in charities to improve or rehabilitate the poor.
Though the book was written in 1945, Priestley uses the 1912 setting to emphasize his views on Social Responsibility. Remember, Priestley was a strong advocate for Socialism and was later a strong supporter of the NHS (1948). Key to Priestley’s beliefs was that those who were most in need should be helped and that by helping them, we also make life better for ourselves by acting in a moral way. He uses this story to promote this idea through the thoughts and actions of his characters.
In 1945, when Priestley was writing the play, the government was trying to destroy what it called “The Five Giants”: Want, Ignorance, Disease, Squalor and Idleness. They sought to annihilate these through Socialist policies with the Welfare State, the NHS, Pensions, and free comprehensive education. After the struggles and hardship of the Second World War, the Labour government wanted to harness the sense of community and shared purpose that the war had created in society, and instil a feeling of social responsibility to look after one another.
Mrs. Birling’s argument about who should be responsible for Eva Smith’s finances, illegitimate child, and subsequent suicide, is Priestley emphasising the inadequacy of the pre-Welfare State system. Remember, the upper classes are used to passing the blame and “saving face”. Mrs. Birling considers what she has done as her duty – keeping the working class where they should be (at the bottom and away from her family). She shows little consideration for this case and openly admits she was prejudiced without contrition. By showing the humiliation that “Daisy” had to go through, and the judgemental attitude of Mrs. Birling, Priestley is showing the essential need for Social Responsibility. After all, would you want your private family matters brought before a judgemental and prejudiced character like Mrs. Birling when you were in need of help?
In the final pages of An Inspector Calls, the older Birlings and Gerald seem triumphant. They openly gloat about having found out that the whole interrogation was a “hoax”. They give no thought to the fact that all of their confessions have still happened – all they care about is that it can’t be connected to them. Mr. Birling is described as smiling, amused, and relieved in the stage directions.
The younger Birlings, by contrast, are visibly changed and no longer share their parent’s perspective. In fact, even their language changes to suggest that they no longer recognise the terrifying mentality of the older Birlings. When the younger Birlings argue against their parents, they are patronisingly told to “go to bed… and don’t stand there being hysterical” by Mr. Birling.
Sheila: “It’s you two who are being childish – trying not to face the facts.”
This division would have echoed the mentality of the audience watching this performance – some would be watching and understanding the message, yet others would be unaware of it and the implications it may have on their own lives. Priestley wanted the audience to think about all the lives that have been affected by their own actions and question whether they’ve done enough to help others.
In 1945 (when Priestley was writing his play) the Labour government, led by Clement Atlee, defeats Winston Churchill’s Conservative government in a landslide victory that nobody saw coming. This was the first time a Conservative government had lost an election since 1930. This moment of change coincides with an end to war and a desire for a new start, which fully embraced Socialism.
This sense change is echoed in the final moments of the play, when the relief of the older Birlings (representing the upper/middle-class Conservative government) is shattered by the telephone ringing. The message here is that change is coming (Socialism and Social Responsibility) - not just for the family, but for everyone in society – whether they realise it or not.