Growing up in an uber-religious household, hell and the devil were common themes in family conversations. They would come up at the dinner table, on the way home from school and, of course, at church.
While this was a casual conversation for my parents, the idea that an ominous evil entity was constantly lurking and waiting to affect my life never sat too well with my hyperactive mind. As a result, I suffered from parasomnia throughout my childhood, and I had horrible nightmares that mostly revolved around hell and demonic entities.
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Hopefully with the coming seasons as well as the expansion, the lore will shed more light as to why the current decisions were made as is because the lore is just about as riveting as the time we found out Deckard Cain was killed by a butterfly witch (spoilers: it was the most anticlimatic ending for one of the most iconic Diablo characters ever).
As if the Prime and Lesser Evils would just be like, sup Lilith welcome back traitor, we all bow to you now! As if the power of a Prime Evil is sufficient, when we know that the Lesser Evils were able to overthrow the Prime Evils before. As if, even if she could rule over Hell, she would somehow be able to negotiate with Heaven and end the eternal conflict.
millions a day and for what do we shed all this blood, so we can cover ourselves in gold and adjourn our crowns with jewels, you people make me sick.
Is there nothing you would not do for paltry trinkets.
i thought they were spirits that would reform again unless you reach the black soul stone in the bowls off hell. But the horadrim already stole it from them and was using it to imprison them. Then death reached it like diablo reached the crystal arch and attempted to destroy them all with it. Love the lore there so much hidden in plain sight that they never point out.
She basically wants to turn humanity in a race of super beings capable of ending the conflict between Heaven and Hell. She says she has not come to save, but to empower. Cull the weak and strengthen the strong. The flames will burn away the chaff but will temper the steel of the strong.
Every once in a while, it must be said, Hollywood manages to get it right. Not frequently, of course--for every "Gladiator" there are a dozen "Grinches," for each "Godfather" an endless stream of "Gone in Sixty Seconds." But when they do, when the clouds part briefly and a true work of art slips through, it's a good idea to pay attention. After all, it might not happen again for quite a while.
With the appearance of "Traffic," the tangled drug-war mosaic from director Steven Soderburgh (late of "Out of Sight" and "Erin Brockovich"), America has a rare opportunity to observe the way that movie-making ought to be, stripped of the star wattage and special effects, the hackneyed scripts and Left Coast cant. "Traffic" is not the finest movie ever made, admittedly, nor even perhaps the best of the year. But it accomplishes something rare, something that Hollywood finds difficult to manage these days--it tells the truth about a pressing contemporary issue.
Sounds easy, right? Tell the truth--it sounds so basic, so simple, such a small part of a filmmaker's art. Yet again and again, the glitterati of Southern California manage to take the world we inhabit, shake it around a little and then filter it through a peculiar, politically correct prism. The result can be viewed in any movie about Washington politics ("The American President," "Dave," "The Contender," and so forth), in which the evil, cigar-smoking and preferably slightly deformed Republicans are defeated by a noble, principled, sexy liberal who just wants to pass a gun control bill, or a full employment bill, or get an atheistic, vegetarian female senator confirmed as vice-president.
Then there are the movies about the military--you know the ones, where the cruel, macho, murdering types are engaging in cover-ups and stuff, all so that they can preserve their old boys club, wrangle a few more missiles from Congress and blow some people to hell. Or maybe you missed "Snake Eyes," "A Few Good Men," "Courage Under Fire" and all the rest of them. No great loss. Even so, you've probably seen the movies about the Catholic Church, like "Godfather III" (the Vatican is in cahoots with the Mob) or "Primal Fear" (bishops are corrupt pedophiles). Or better yet, you've seen the films about the importance of free speech, like "The People vs. Larry Flynt" or this year's "Quills," in which we are taught the important lesson that pornography isn't evil, even when it talks about raping women or carving them into tiny little bits--it's those nutty people who don't like pornography, they're the ones with the real problem. Bloody perverts, probably, the lot of them.
With the appearance of "Traffic," a movie about the drug trade (one of Hollywood's favorite trades--just ask Robert Downey Jr.), one might have expected that a similar hack job was in the offing. And it would have been easy for Soderburgh to pull one off. He could have given us an out-of-touch drug czar, a bunch of thuggish DEA types and a few innocent teens (preferably black teens) who get busted for doing a little weed and end up the victims of our brutal, racist criminal justice system. It would have been perfect--a movie whose only message was "legalize, legalize, legalize."
But that isn't what "Traffic" is about at all. Yes, there is the out-of-touch drug czar (Michael Douglas), and there are a bunch of teens who smoke up, and the movie is tinged with a sense of the futility of the whole "war on drugs" business. But the cops, from the Mexican policeman caught up in corruption to the DEA agents trying to bring down a San Diego drug lord, are no club-wielding goons bent on spoiling everyone's fun. Instead, they are the movie's heroes--soldiers on the front lines of a war that cannot be won, but a war that must be fought.
Futility pervades "Traffic," yes, but so does necessity--and with it older, vaguely pre-modern ideas like duty, self-sacrifice and the value of defending a lost cause. True, the drugs keep coming, no matter what the police do, and the drug lords get away with murder and come out all smiles, and sometimes the cops die and other times they despair--and yet the war goes on.
It goes on, and the audience accepts that it goes on, because Soderburgh shows us the alternative--not a happy-go-lucky bunch of youngsters smoking up and getting the munchies, but the descent of the drug czar's teenage daughter into a cocaine/heroine hell. He shows us the people who profit from selling self-destruction to a bored, insensate American upper class, but he also shows us that those people are ruthless and evil, and that someone--even the woefully weak agents of our criminal justice system--needs to stand against them.
Whether the fight is futile, or hopeless, is ultimately beside the point. "We're losing the war on drugs," people like to say, often with a vaguely self-satisfied look in their eyes. Well, of course we are--we're losing it every day, in every town and city and street corner in America. We lose, and lose, and then we lose some more. But the war goes on. As it must, for the sake of our society--and of our souls.
This is FRESH AIR. I'm Terry Gross. Christian nationalism, including an extreme version advocated by the group the New Apostolic Reformation, the NAR, has become influential in American government and parts of the judicial system. The NAR advocates for Christian dominion over government, religion, family, business, education, arts and entertainment, and the media. According to the NAR, some of its opponents are afflicted by demons, which must be cast out through exorcism. The NAR has aligned itself with Donald Trump and efforts to overturn the election. Mike Johnson, the speaker of the House, has said he's been profoundly influenced by Dan Cummins, a Christian nationalist activist. A flag associated with the NAR hangs outside Johnson's office.
An Alabama Supreme Court decision just made it illegal to destroy frozen, fertilized embryos that are used in infertility treatments because those embryos are people. The chief justice of the court wrote a concurring opinion that says even before birth, all human beings have the image of God and their lives cannot be destroyed without effacing his glory. My guest, Brad Onishi, not only studies Christian nationalism. He used to be part of that movement. He left after studying theology at Oxford University. He's the author of the book "Preparing For War: The Extremist History Of White Christian Nationalism - And What Comes Next." He also co-hosts the podcast "Straight White American Jesus," which reports on and analyzes the impact of Christian nationalism on American democracy. He teaches at the University of California, San Francisco.
BRAD ONISHI: I think it has. Christian nationalism is having a moment. It's having a moment in ways that it's requiring those who adhere to its principles and ideologies to respond to it. Folks like Marjorie Taylor Greene and Lauren Boebert and others have talked about the ways that Christian nationalism not only informs their understanding of politics, but how they identify explicitly as Christian nationalists. And so we are at a point in American politics where Christian nationalism is something that many people are discussing.
ONISHI: I think it's fair to say that, yes. One of the things that's true about our Congress is that it is disproportionately Christian. Now, there are many different types of Christian people in our Congress from various denominations. However, if we look at the GOP and we look at the tenets of the party's policies and its approach to the upcoming elections, we find core Christian nationalist ideals in that platform. And we find many, many, many members of Congress from the GOP who support those principles. So from outgoing Speaker Kevin McCarthy to current speaker Mike Johnson, all the way to senators and other members of the House, there are many folks who I would describe as Christian nationalists in the United States Congress. 152ee80cbc
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