CHAPTER 3

Imelda Marcos, the first lady at the time, was crucial in the implementation of Marcos's Martial Law. Informal settlers in Metro Manila must be relocated if Manila is to become the metropolis she envisioned.

Alyansa ng Maynila and Karatig Pook Laban sa Demolisyon rejected the demolition of 67 poor communities, termed “squatters” in the name of beautification and other development projects. The Marcos administration also claimed that the demolition would lead to the improvement of the nearby river. In response, the constituents replied that the cause of the river blockage is foreign companies that dump their wastes in the river, and not them alone.

Despite Martial Law, various organizations ignited in uplifting campus press freedom. The movement was a response when the editors of Collegian were asked to submit themselves in Camp Aguinaldo. Previously, a staffer was threatened that something “bad” would happen if he did not resign from their position. The presence of military intervention is manifested in this scenario—attacking a publication that aims to give “unspoken coverage and criticisms” of national issues. They feared that the incident would result in the continuing repression of campus papers.

Marcos issued Letter of Instruction No. 1 on September 28, 1972, allowing the military to seize the assets of major media organizations. The Collegian talked about how Martial Law would be, “the best of times, the worst of times” for the press. It also ventured on the “absolutist” approach toward press expression and freedom. Yet, these doctrines were impractical when “peace and order” are disrupted resulting in the “balance” favoring the state rather than the people.

The same issue published a full-page explainer on the state of US bases in the Philippines. The effort stemmed after the Political Science department organized a forum which called for the dismantling of all US bases in the country. In 1969, at least 20 US military installations were in the country, covering a total of 200,000 hectares and manned by 50,000 US troops, the Collegian reported.

As time progressed, the emergence of the older and new generations of UP students rose—yet, the “real” definition of an Iskolar ng Bayan prevails. The publication delved into the topic of how Martial Law has caused the newer generations to be passive or “hipong tulog.” And, to some extent, the article claimed, the progressive element of UP students was vanquished as a response to the fear of deaths or arrests.

The poem “To all of us, self-anointed exiles” talked about how the “rebirth” of a city, a metaphor for the New Society, has caused citizens to be displaced from their own motherland. Introspective, the article wrote that the New Society vanquished dreams, which consequently manufactured rage within constituents due to the rise of the “crisp of dollar,” and massive foreign presence amid the crisis.

While the United States provided more than USD3.5 billion in foreign aid, the Philippines received military aid from the US totaling around $1.16 billion during the first years of Martial Law. Former Sen. Jose W. Dikono spoke in a Lingap para sa Kalusugan ng Sambayanan sponsored symposium entitled “Aid and Underdevelopment—The Philippines Experience” on September 23, 1976. The event coincided with the fourth year anniversary of the announcement of Martial Law.

Diokno tackled how foreign aid is detrimental to developing countries such as the Philippines. Diokno emphasized that foreign aid could result to a trade imbalance which lowers domestic employees' wages, placing many of them in lower-income tiers. The USD2.4 billion in aid both did not benefit Filipinos and promote independence, instead, it diminished their living standards. This is just one of the Diokno talks that the publication covered.

People approved the 1973 Constitution's amendments in a referendum on October 16 to 17, 1976. As a result, Marcos may now serve as prime minister and retain all of his responsibilities even until the Interim Batasang Pambansa (the legislature) is constituted. The October 16 referendum served as a forum for debating whether to lift Martial Law.

For the pliant press, which consisted of media permitted to operate by the government, Martial Law is viable for its “peace and order," situation echoing the Black Shirt Mussolini movement which extolled the Italian dictator. The Collegian was steadfast in its conviction that if Filipinos do not vote to end Martial Law, the country would be condemned.

Opposition Sen. Jose W. Diokno was among the first people detained after Marcos proclaimed Martial Law in 1972. He spent several months in solitary confinement at Fort Magsaysay in Nueva Ecija. There, he noticed that the materials he requested for reading were censored in the most crucial parts. To circumvent censorship, he requested for the Spanish versions which had more complete details.

He founded and oversaw the formation of the Free Legal Assistance Group, which offered legal assistance to political prisoners and other Martial Law victims after his release in 1974. The ex-senator discussed in a talk in Malcolm Hall about how the country needs lawyers to fight for the people.

On July 27, 1977, the Department of Education and Culture (DEC) issued an order against student activism. Alongside it, DEC Secretary Juan Manuel, former chairman of the UP Board of Regents reminded school authorities to contain their students from “subversive activities.”

It was during this year when students organized a mass action in opposition to increasing tuition fees. The paper argued how the academe should be a place to foster intellectual development, and a place where dissent can still live on. If these schools only emerged to serve the interest of the ruling power, their role in society is deeply affected negatively, eradicating their right to seek truth and justice.

Presidential Decree 33 aimed to target any printing, possession, and circulation of materials that aim to ridicule any act of the government. The Collegian editorial board maintained its position that the decree is illegal and ambiguous since it implies that any criticism of the government must be punished.

The editorial also drew a connection between the issuance of the censorship decree and the resignation of Armando J. Malay, the dean of student affairs. The circulation of various leaflets in the campus, the preceding semester, led to the arrest of Malay for his supposed failure to follow Martial Law censorship rules.

Former Sen. Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. founded the Lakas ng Bayan Party to help the opposition candidates run in the 1978 Interim Batasang Pambansa elections. Its abbreviation, "Laban," denoted the Filipinos' will to fight, implicitly representing the main opposition to the Marcos government and a rallying cry of all those who protest Marcos. It has since united with Partido Demokratiko Pilipino to form two well-known progressive political parties, the PDP-Laban.

The Laban Party candidates assailed the Martial Law administration during their proclamation rally at the UP Theater on February 22, 1978. The six-hour assembly was attended by students, faculty members, as well as non-academic personnel. In this event, Laban candidates talked about how the Philippines has sunk into its current situation; such as being the number one borrower. It is estimated that Marcos stole up to USD10 billion while in power. Between 1970 and 1980, the government's external debt rose from USD600 million to over USD6 billion.

The 1974 Labor Code, or Presidential Decree 442, is the source of the country's labor export policy. To "ensure the careful selection of Filipino workers for the international labor market and to maintain the good name of the Philippines abroad," the act adopted a recruitment and placement program.

According to data gathered by the Martial Law Museum, the value of actual salaries for Filipinos working in agriculture fell 14.3 percent from P34 to P29 between 1965 and 1986. Wages in low-paying jobs decreased considerably more over this time period, dropping from P113 to P35 for skilled workers.

The country's current economic state made it reasonable for Filipinos to seek better jobs abroad due to the dispensation of the country at that time. The phenomenon of brain drain is caused by structural flaws in the Philippine social system, forcing Filipinos to work abroad rather than by serving their fellow citizens. The article argued that one of the most important aspects of the economy is education. Building a self-sufficient economy entails upgrading the educational system, generating more inclusive jobs, and paying Filipinos fairly to discourage them from looking for work abroad.