Underlined While Reading-5

Ilber Ortayli (Turkish Historian, Writer, 1947-...)

(...) Turkiye sehirleri maalesef cevreci bir mimariden, bilgiden, fennin gereklerinden uzak gelisiyor. Sadece cahil muteahhitlere degil, cokbilmis mimarlarin yarattigi feci sonuclara da bakilmali. Para kazanma meraki ve yolsuzluk insanoglunun universal bir kusuru... Italyanlar da zahmetsiz para kazanmayi seviyor ama nihayet kazanilan para guzel bir cevrede tarihin estetigi, aile onurunun ve gecmisten gelen bir asaletin esliginde yenmelidir diye dusunuyorlar ki butun zorluklara ragmen Roma'yi koruyorlar.

Ilber Ortayli, "Imparatorlugun Son Nefesi-Osmanli'nin Yasayan Mirasi Cumhuriyet", Timas Yayinlari, Istanbul, 2014, p. 8

Turkiye 1950'lerde tarimda devrimi gerceklestirdi. Koyluluk bitti. Uc yilda bitmedi tabii, ama bu sure zarfinda suratle eridi. Turkiye 1960'larda jeneratorler ulkesiydi. Buna ragmen 1970'lerde elektrifikasyonu gerceklestirdi. Bu, Suleyman Demirel yonetiminin bir basarisidir. Halen cozulemeyen bir enerji ve sehir asayisi, hazine arazisi sorunumuz var. Kacak yapilasma ve koyden sehre gocerek kolay yasama gecmek, tarimdan kacmak isteyen bir nufusu kendine cekiyor. Dahasi halen teknik egitim ve ihtisasa yonelmeyen sakat bir egitim duzenimiz var. Simdilik insan ihtiyacini eski sosyalist ulkelerden saglayabilirsin ama bu daha ne kadar surecek? Once egitim kadrolarini guclu olarak yeniden egitmeye baslamaliyiz. Cumhuriyet'in baslarinda mevcut olan saglam egitim anlayisindan maalesef ki cok uzaktayiz. Turkiye Cumhuriyeti, bazilari gormezden gelse de, hem egitim verebilen bir orduya sahip hem de sanayilesmis bir ulkedir. Bazi kurumlari itibariyle dunyaya da acilabiliyor. Yeryuzundeki yirmi buyuk ekonomiden biriyiz. Bu, sadece son on yilin basarisi degil, son iki asrin basarisidir ve Cumhuriyet'in getirdigi acilimlarin bir sonucu, insan malzemesinin yarattigi bir olaydir.

Ilber Ortayli, "Imparatorlugun Son Nefesi-Osmanli'nin Yasayan Mirasi Cumhuriyet", Timas Yayinlari, Istanbul, 2014, pp. 218-219

Tarihcinin karsisina cikan engellerden bir tanesi siyasi fikir hurriyetidir. Siyasi fikir hurriyeti bizde sadece ve sadece devlet, onun polisi, savcisi tarafindan kisitlaniyor gibi algilanir ve oyle gosterilir. Siyasi fikir hurriyetini baltalayanlar bizde bizzat vatandaslarin kendileri, hatta hurriyetperver gecinen zumrelerdir.

Ilber Ortayli, "Tarihin Izinde", Profil Yayincilik, 11. Baski, Istanbul, 2008, p. 26

Ben sikilirim cahil insanlardan acikcasi. Siradan insanlardan cok sikilirim. Iyi insanlar olsa da sikilirim. Hoslanmam.

Ilber Ortayli, "Tarihin Izinde", Profil Yayincilik, 11. Baski, Istanbul, 2008, p. 44

Turkiye laik bir Musluman devlettir. Bunun aksi dusunelemez ve bu tarafiyla da ustun ve kuvvetlidir. Kimse bundan dolayi bize dusman degildir. Butun Islam ulkelerinde bize karsi saygi ve gipta vardir. Cunku biz ureten tek Islam ulkesiyiz. Birilerinin cikarttigi petrolu satarak gecinmiyoruz veya fakir sefil degiliz.

Ilber Ortayli, "Tarihin Izinde", Profil Yayincilik, 11. Baski, Istanbul, 2008, p. 167

Yahudilik bir kavmin dinidir, misyoner dini degildir. Yahudi dogmayan, Yahudi akidesini kabul etse de Yahudi olamaz. Anadan gecen bir dine mensubiyet kaidesi ongorulur. Islam ise beynelmileldir ve insanlarin kalu bela'dan musluman olduguna inaniriz. Bununla beraber vahye dayanan ve vahyin yorumuyla muminlerin yasamini duzenleyen; ruhban ve Kilise'nin olmadigi, din adamlarinin degil, ogretmen ve din alimlerinin oldugu iki dindir Muslumanlik ve Yahudilik... Sami anane dolayisiyla temel terminoloji dahi benzer; fert iman sahibi olmali (muminin-Ibranca'da emanim), fizik anlaminda da temiz yasamali (toharet ve taharet), kufrden kacinmalidir (kafarim, kuffar). Yahudi dini Yahudi kulturudur. Bu dinin mensuplari, nerede olurlarsa olsunlar, dinleri ve mistisizmleri ile ozgun (nevi sahsina munhasir) olarak yasayip, ozgun bir kultur yarattilar.

Ilber Ortayli, "Tarihin Izinde", Profil Yayincilik, 11. Baski, Istanbul, 2008, p. 189


1798 yilinda Misir'a cikti. Misir macerasi Bonapat icin cok onemlidir. Bir kere buraya cikarken Istanbul'un butun insanligin ve medeniyetlerin ortak noktasi ve baskenti olacagini deklare etmistir. Bu gorus kendisinden sonra pozitivizmin kurucusu August Comte tarafindan da benimsenmistir.

Ilber Ortayli, "Osmanli'ya Bakmak, Osmanli Cagdaslasmasi", Inkilap, 1. Baski, Istanbul, 2016, p.60-61

Ortadogu dunyasinda, daha dogrusu Araplarin ic zaafi birinci savas sonunda suni olarak yaratilan siyasi cografyalaridir. Emeviler devrindeki gibi muttehid bir imparatorluktan soz edilemez. Osmanli devrindeki hadisesiz beraberlik de dusunulemez. Ancak Bayan Gertrude Bell gibi gercekten cok bilenlerin cok yanilacagi haritalar cizildi. Tarihte Irak yoktur. Irak, bolgenin Orta Irak bolgesinin cografi adidir.

Ilber Ortayli, "Osmanli'ya Bakmak, Osmanli Cagdaslasmasi", Inkilap, 1. Baski, Istanbul, 2016, p.106

Yavuz Sultan Selim'in Misir seferi, Ortadogu'da yeni bir sayfa acti. Ne varki bu bolge Turk hakimiyetini hicbir zaman Rumeli kadar yogun bir sekilde hissetmedi. Ortadogu dunyasi Turklerle Arablarin birlikte yasayabilecegi bir dunya degil; ancak sinirlarimiz disindaki Irak-Suriye bolgesi Turkmenlerinin hukukunun ve mevcudiyetinin korunmasi icin dikkatli politikalar gudulecek bir bolgedir.

Ilber Ortayli, "Osmanli'ya Bakmak, Osmanli Cagdaslasmasi", Inkilap, 1. Baski, Istanbul, 2016, p.107

(...) Nitekim Enver Pasa'ya Mustafa Kemal, Kazim Karabekir, Ismet Bey, Esat Pasa gibi seckin kurmaylar tarafsiz kalmayi telkin ettikleri halde kaale alinmamistir. Son zamanlarda "savasa girmek kacinilmazdi, girmek zorundaydik" teorisi gelisti. Hayir, girmek zorunda degildik. Cok akilli ve ince bir politika gudulse, hic degilse uzun bir sure savasin disinda kalabilirdik, cunku Turkiye bu savasta imparatorlugu cok erken kaybetmistir. Bu, bizim icin oldugu kadar Arap ulkelerinin de aleyhine olmustur. Bugunku Ortadogu'nun hali bunu gosteriyor. Arap kadrolarinin yetismesi tamamlanamamistir. Halbuki burokrat Arap kadrosunun olusumu Sultan Hamid ile baslamisti ve Arap dunyasinda bir kalkinma ve gelisme hissediliyordu. Bunu Mark Sykes (The Caliph's Last Heritage) gibi bircok kimse yaziyor.

Ilber Ortayli, "Osmanli'ya Bakmak, Osmanli Cagdaslasmasi", Inkilap, 1. Baski, Istanbul, 2016, p.161



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                                        Engin Guner (Turkish Politician, 1942-...)

Ozal, Turkiye'nin 2000'li yillara girerken en onemli sorununun kaliteli insan yetistirmek oldugunu cok iyi biliyordu. Ulke 1983'ten sonra uzerindeki yuzyillarin uyusuklugunu atmisti ama bu, 2000'li yillara lider ulke olarak girebilmemiz icin yeterli degildi. Ilk 15 ulke arasina girebilmemiz yuksek teknolojiye ve cok iyi yetismis insan gucune bagliydi. Bizim ise en geri kaldigimiz konular egitim ve saglik alanlariydi. Bu konulari kendisyle sik sik konusurdum. Her iki konuda da yetkinin yerel yonetimlere devrinden yanaydi. Vakiflar bu konuda onemli rol oynayabilirlerdi. Her kucuk kasaba kendi okuluna ve hastanesine sahip ciktigi taktirde bu hizmetler en iyi bicimde verilebilirdi. Bu devirde tum bu hizmetlerin baskentten yurutulebilmesi mumkun degildi

Engin Guner, "Basdanisman Engin Guner Anlatiyor: Ozal'li Yillarim", Dogan Kitap, Genisletilmis Yeni Baski, Istanbul, Nisan 2014, pp. 166-167

Ekonomik, sosyal ve siyasal alanlarda bircok reformlar yapilmisti ama asil yapilmasi gereken, devletin yeniden yapilandirilmasiydi. Yani isin asil onemli kismi sona kalmisti. Daha yapilacak cok is vardi. Sadece temel hak ve ozgurlukleri, devletin temel ilkelerini ortaya koyan cok kisa ve oz bir anayasa hazirlanmaliydi. Devlet ekonomiden butunuyle elini ayagini cekmeli, sadece asli gorevleri olan ic ve dis guvenligi, hizli, adil ve etkin bir yargiyi saglamali, disislerini en etkili bicimde yurutmeliydi. Ozal'in "devlet kuculmeli" derken kastettigi buydu. Amaclanan devletin fonksiyonlarini daha iyi yerine gtirebilmesi icin gorevi olmayan alanlardan elini cekmesi boylece asil gorev alanlarina daha fazla imkan ve zaman ayirabilmesiydi. KIT'ler hizla ozellestirilmeliydi. Yurtme ve yasama fonksiyonlarini en iyi bicimde yerine getirebilecek sekilde yeniden duzenlenmeliydi. Bu iki erk arasinda tam bir ayrim saglanmali, bakanlarin partizan etki altinda kalmayip daha verimli olabilmeleri icin parlamento disindan atanmalari ongorulmeliydi. Bunyemize daha uygun olan baskanlik sistemi uygulanmaliydi. Ulkedeki mufettislik zihniyeti degismeli, suphe istisna olmaliydi. Saglik ve egitim de mutlaka merkezden yonetilmekten cikarilmali, yerel yonetimlere birakilmaliydi. Yerel yonetimler icin ikinci bir hamle yapilarak yerel yonetimlerin yetkileri ve maddi imkanlari arttirilmaliydi. Demokraside ilerleme boylelikle gerceklesecekti. Devlet, baba olmaktan cikarilmaliydi. Devlet milletin hizmetinde olmaliydi. 

Engin Guner, "Basdanisman Engin Guner Anlatiyor: Ozal'li Yillarim", Dogan Kitap, Genisletilmis Yeni Baski, Istanbul, Nisan 2014, p. 240

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                                        Daron Acemoglu & James A. Robinson 
        (Turkish-American Economist, 1967-... & American Political Scientist, 1932-...)

(...) As late as 1977, a leading academic textbook by an English economist argued that Soviet-style economies were superior to capitalist ones in terms of economic growth, providing full employment and price stability and even in producing people with altruistic motivation. Poor old Western capitalism did better only at providing political freedom. Indeed, the most widely used university textbook in economics, written by Nobel Prize-winner Paul Samuelson, repeatedly predicted the coming economic dominance of the Soviet Union. in the 1961 edition, Samuelson predicted that Soviet national income would overtake that of the United States possibly by 1984, but probably by 1997. In the 1980 edition there was little change in the analysis, though the two dates were delayed to 2002 and 2012.

Though the policies of Stalin and subsequent Soviet leaders could produce rapid economic growth, they could not do so in a sustained way. By the 1970's, economic growth had all but stopped. The most important lesson is that extractive institutions cannot generate sustained technological change for two reasons: the lack of economic incentives and resistance by the elites. In addition, once all the very inefficiently used resources had been reallocated to industry, there were few economic gains to be had by fiat. Then the Soviet system hit a roadblock, with lack of innovation and poor economic incentives preventing any further progress. The only area in which the Soviets did manage to sustain some innovation was through enormous efforts in military and aerospace technology. As a result they managed to put the first dog, Leika, and the first man, Yuri Gagarin, in space. They also left the world the AK-47as one of their legacies.

Daron Acemoglu & James A. Robinson, "Why Nations Fail-The Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty", Profile Books, London, 2013, pp. 127-128

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                                                    Taha Akyol (Turkish Journalist, Writer, 1946-...)

Sadabad Pakti Bati'ya karsi kurulmamistir, kendine ozgun cesitli sebepleri vardir. Bunlardan biri, hatta "temel nedeni", Turkiye, Irak ve Iran arasinda sinirlari adeta belirsiz hale getiren, bircok olaya yol acan, gocer Kurt asiretlerinin hareketleriydi. Bunun icindir ki, Pakt'in 7. maddesinde imzaci devletlerin "kurumlarini yikmak, duzen ve guvenligini sarsmak veya politik rejimini yikmak amaciyla silahli ceteler, birlikler veya orgutler kurulmasini" engelleme hukmu yer aliyordu.

Taha Akyol, "Ama Hangi Ataturk", Dogan Kitap, Istanbul, 6. Baski, Kasim 2012, pp. 527-528

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                                                    Yervant Bostanci (Armenian Musician, 1958-...)

Bes-alti yaslarinda bir cocuktum. Sarap almisti babam, ben de her zamanki gibi yanindayim tabii. Fiskaya'nin basina vardik. Sirincag Dasi (Siyrilinacak Tas) denilen bir tas vardi. Oturduk ve sirtimizi o tasa verdik. babam basladi icmeye. Birkac adim otemizde, gazeteye sarili sisesinden ickisini yudumlayan biri daha oturuyor. Babamla selamlasip sonra da tanistilar. Babam, "Ben Yakub, pusici Yakub," deyince, "Ermeni misin?" diye sordu adam, babam da "He" dedi. Bunun uzerine "Ben de Kucuk Kemal," diye tanitti kendini. Hurmetli, terbiyeli ve berdus bir adam. "Kucuk Kemal derler bana, birkac gun oldu mahpustan, icerden cikali," diye ekledi. Babam sarabindan ikram etmek istedi, tesekkur etti ve kendi ickisini icecegini soyledi. O sohbet gayet guzel gecti. Birkac saat sonra ickileri bitti. Eski Diyarbekir anilarindan, muhabbetlerinden sonra musade isteyip ayrildi. Gazeteye sarili bos sisesini de bir koseye birakip gitti Kucuk Kemal. Babam o gazeteye sarili bos siseyi getirmemi istedi. Gazeteyi yirtinca sisenin dibindeki ispirto tortusunu gordu. Ve "Bak oglum, gordun mu delikanli adami? Parasi yok, ispirto iciyor ve sarap ikramimi kabul etmedigi gibi durumunu da hissettirmiyor. Iste kabadayilik, efendilik, sehir cocuklugu, dunya gormusluk, alem adamligi bu sehirde boyle bir seydir," dedi.

Seyhmus Diken, "Diyarbekirli Udi Yervant Bostanci-Ula Fille Hos Geldin", Iletisim Yayinlari, 2. Baski, Istanbul, 2012, pp. 112-113

Birini memleketinden cikarabilirsin ama memleketi insanin icinden cikarmak mumkun degil, cikaramazsin; memleketi, hayatim boyunca icimden cikaramadim.

Seyhmus Diken, "Diyarbekirli Udi Yervant Bostanci-Ula Fille Hos Geldin", Iletisim Yayinlari, 2. Baski, Istanbul, 2012, pp. 125-126

Burada sunu cok net olarak vurgulamaliyim ki; Kurtler tarih yaziyor. Kurtlerin varlik-yokluk anlamindaki siyasal mucadeleleri bizler gibi cografyanin diger mazlum milletlerinin de kurtulusunu, ozgurlugunu, hak teslimiyetini, hatta uzerlerindeki korku cemberinin kirilmasini beraberinde getirecek. Tek basina boylesine soylu bir caba bile donusumuzun hizlandirilmasina gerekcedir.

Seyhmus Diken, "Diyarbekirli Udi Yervant Bostanci-Ula Fille Hos Geldin", Iletisim Yayinlari, 2. Baski, Istanbul, 2012, p. 180

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                                                    Gerard Chaliand (French Journalist, Writer, 1934-...)

Cok degil kisa bir sure once Deyrezor'dan gecti yolum, kemikler toza donmeye baslamislardi. Tastan bir col Firat'in kiyisinda biter, suyun ote yakasindaki tasali guzergahina kavusmak icin. En sefil haldeki kervan buraya kadar suruklendi. Devasa magaranin icine atilan binlerce cesedin anisina bir anit dikildi bu magaranin onunde. Durmak istemedim orada zira gomemedigimiz oluler dolanip durmakta hatiralarda.

Eskiden Ermenistan olarak adlandirilan Dogu Anadolu'daki Ermenilerin varligi sonsuza dek yok oldu, daha sonra baska bir asamayla Avrupa'nin kalbinde tekrarlanacak olan bir tufanla bir baska dunya savasi boyunca. Trajedi esnasinda devletler hicbir sey yapmazlar, Sonra, in memoriam'larla anma torenleri yaparlar.

Gerard Chailand, "Memoire de Ma Memoire (Hatiramin Hatirasi-1915'in Izdusumleri)", Fransizca'dan Ceviren: Ruken Bagdu Keskin, Avesta Basin Yayin, Istanbul, 1. Baski, 2006, p. 64
 
Kendi zamanimin tarihine katildim dort kita uzerinde, bazen sansim yaver giderek, bazen cok hassas noktalardan yara almadan gecerek ve degismekte olan seylere cok az surette yardimim oldu. Gecmiste degistirilemeyen ve simdiki zamanda degismeyen oyle kalir.

Ne radikal bir kotumserlikten yanayim, ne de altin cagda oldugumuza inaniyorum. Hareketi sevdigimiz zaman, harekete gecmek icin sonucunun olduguna inanmak gerekli midir? Kendimce degdigini dusundugum sebepler ugruna savastim, boyle olunca da bundan zevk aldim. Otekinin dislanmasi uzerine kurulu milliyetciligi sevmem. Hele her seyin ziddina kendi klaninin yuceltilmesini hic. Ve de seninkini kayirdigi icin kabul edilen adaletsizligi.

Gerard Chailand, "Memoire de Ma Memoire (Hatiramin Hatirasi-1915'in Izdusumleri)", Fransizca'dan Ceviren: Ruken Bagdu Keskin, Avesta Basin Yayin, Istanbul, 1. Baski, 2006, p. 80

Yalniz bir savasciydim. Kirilgan ve bir o kadar da guzel olan hayatin, yakinda sonecek butun atesi ve dalgalar kiyiya birakacak anilari. Fakat icimin derinliklerinde yer alan deniz sakin artik, kiyiya tasiyacak bir seyi yok. Artik dogacak gunum olmadigi zaman da gun agaracaktir. Yasli dunyanin sessiz atlari otlamaya devam edecektir bozkirda...

Gerard Chailand, "Memoire de Ma Memoire (Hatiramin Hatirasi-1915'in Izdusumleri)", Fransizca'dan Ceviren: Ruken Bagdu Keskin, Avesta Basin Yayin, Istanbul, 1. Baski, 2006, pp. 80-81

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                                                    Elie Kedourie (British Historian, 1926-1992)

`Religion` wrote Schleiermacher (1768-1834) in his Addresses on Religion (1789), "is the outcome of neither of the fear of death, nor of the fear of God. It answers a deep need in man. It is neither a metaphysics, nor a morality, but above all and essentially an intuition and a feeling... Dogmas are not, properly speaking, part of religion: rather it is that they are derived from it. Religion is the miracle of direct relationship with the infinite; and dogmas are the reflection of this miracle. Similarly belief in God, and in personal immortality, are not necessarily a part of religion; one can conceive of a religion without God, and it would be pure contemplation of the universe; the desire for personal immortality seems desire to lose oneself in the infinite, rather than to preserve one's own finite self.' Religion for Schleiermacher is only the spontaneous expression of a free will. For such a doctrine, everything, in the end, must contribute to the self-determining activity of the autonomous individual and the universe itself is only there to minister to his self-cultivation. 'Every good man,' asserted Friedrich Schlegel (1772-1829, Schleiermacher's friend, 'ceaselessly becomes more and more God. To become God, to be Man, to cultivate oneself, are expressions which all have the same meaning.'

Elie Kedourie, "Nationalism", Hutchinson University Library, London, 1971, p. 26

(...) The autonomous man is a stern activist, a perpetually tormented soul. A politics fashioned in his image is a polittics where struggle per se is a necessary feature.

Elie Kedourie, "Nationalism", Hutchinson University Library, London, 1971, p. 30

The free man asserts himself against the world; by the strength of his soul he bends it to his will, for conviction can move mountains; and his head is bloody but unbowed.

Elie Kedourie, "Nationalism", Hutchinson University Library, London, 1971, p. 31

(...) It is a well-known feature of recent history that nationalist parties kill members of their own nationality whom they suspect of an inclination to compromise, and in some cases a greater number of these than of the foreigners against whom the struggle is waged fall to the assassin's bullet. A remarkable document may be cited here. In 1893 the Armenian nationalists who were trying to gain Armenian independence by violence posted this notice in Sivas: 'Osmanlis!... the examples are before your eyes. How many hundreds of rascals in Constantinople, Van, Erzeroum, Alashkert, Harpout, Cesarea, Marsovan, Asmassia and other towns have been killed by the Armenian revolutionists? What were these rascals? Armenians! Armenians! and again Armenians! If our aim was against the Mohammedans or Mohammedanism, as the Government tries to make you think, why should we kill Armenians?' 

Elie Kedourie, "Nationalism", Hutchinson University Library, London, 1971, p. 107

The same interested confusion allowed in the Middle East the creation of a Kingdom of Iraq ruled by Suni Panarab nationalists, the population of which was, in its great majority, either not Sunni or not Arab.

Elie Kedourie, "Nationalism", Hutchinson University Library, London, 1971, p. 121

(...) Baghdad, again, the capital of the Kingdom of Iraq, set up after the First World War, and ruled mainly by Sunni Arabs, was by no means a Sunni Arab city; it was the administrative and commercial centre of the heterogeneous Mesopotamian area, and contained large elements of Shiites, Kurds, and Jews who formed the most important group of the populations. With the spread of nationalism, and the establishment of nationalist governments purporting to govern according to the national will, these urban groups suddenly found their position undermined; the national will is a function of numbers, and to ask for corporate privileges, a specially weighted vote, or a legally entrenched position, would have seemed an attempt to flout and circumvent the national will.

Elie Kedourie, "Nationalism", Hutchinson University Library, London, 1971, p. 128

In any case, if statehood is the end of a mandate, when and how is it reached, and who is to ascertain the matter? Is an inquiry possible, to establish, on scientific lines, the fitness of a territory for statehood? In fact, the issue has been decided on quite other grounds. In the case of Iraq and Transjordan, considerations of national policy dictated Britain's decision to relinquish the mandate; in the case of Palestine, rebellion; France relinquished the mandate over Syria and the Lebanon owing to her diminished position in the world and in response to the British pressure; again, it was strategic considerations which made France cede Alexandretta to Turkey in 1939, not the welfare of the territory.  

Elie Kedourie, "Nationalism", Hutchinson University Library, London, 1971, p. 137


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                                                    Kamal S. Salibi (Lebanese Historian, 1929-2011)

One Middle-Eastern scholar who has thought and written extensively about the dilemma of the eastern Christians is the Lebanese Christian historian, Professor Kamal Salibi. His view is that the Christians are leaving above all because they are exhausted with the tension of it all: they have simply had enough: "There is a feeling of fin de race among Christians all over the Middle East," he told me when I went to see him in Beirut a couple of years ago. "It's a feeling that 14 centuries of having all the time to be smart, to be ahead of the others, is long enough. The Arab Christians tend to be intelligent, well-qualified, highly educated people. Now they just want to go somewhere else."

I asked him if he thought it really mattered if the Christians did leave. "It is a very serious matter," he said. "Each time a Christian goes, no other Christian comes to fill his place and that is a very bad thing for the Arab world. It is the Christian Arabs who keep the Arab world 'Arab' rather than 'Muslim'. Since the 19th century, the Christian Arabs have played a vital role in defining a secular Arab cultural identity. It is no coincidence that most of the founders of secular Arab nationalism were Christians: men like Michel Aflaq, who founded the Ba'ath Party, George Antonius who wrote The Arab Awakening. If the Christian Arabs continue to emigrate, the Arabs will be in a much more difficult position to defend the Arab world against Islamism."

"But isn't that battle already being lost?"

"Everyone is very frightened by the spread of fundamentalism," said the professor. "And, of course, it is unsettling to read about what is happening in Algeria and Upper Egypt. But this is not the end of history."

The Professor smiled: "The battle," he said, "is not over yet."

Cited in "Lost Flock" by William Dalryimple, The Guardian, 30 October 2001

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                                                    Chase F. Robinson (British Historian, 19..-...)

(...) According to the Zuqnin Chronicle, which was written around 775 near Amid:

In the year 1003 (691-2) Abd al-Malik carried out a ta'dil on the Syrians {i.e the Christian inhabitants of the North}. He issued a harsh order that everyone go to his region, village, and father's house, so that everyone would register his name, his lineage {literally: 'whom he was the son of"}, his crops and olive trees, his possession, his children, and everything he owned. From this time, the gizya began to be levied per capita  {lit: "on the skulls of men"}; from this time, all the evils were visited upon the Christians. {For} until this time, kings had taken tribute from land (mdatta d-ar'a), rather than from men. From this time the sons of Hagar began to inflict on the sons of Aram servitude like the servitude of Egypt. Woe is us! Because we sinned, slaves now rule us. This was the first ta'dil that the Muslims (tayyaye) carried out.

Cited in "Empire and Elites After the Muslim Conquest, The Transformation of Northern Mesopotamia" by Chase F. Robinson, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, 2000, p.45

(...) After mentioning the caliph's appointments in other provinces, the compiler of the Chronicle of 1234 offers the following:

And he put his brother Yahya in charge over all of Athur, Mawsil and Nineveh.When Yahya took charge of Mawsil, he rounded up many of Mawsils's notables (rishane) in a mosque,and {there} he killed them. Others fled and went into hiding. One of Yahya's commanders, whose name was Ibn Fadl, was present there, and he tricked thirty of the city's notables, with whom Yahya was angry. He took them to an underground chamber, as if he were hiding them in order to intercede on their behalf. He {then} went up to them one after the other, and cut them down like sheep. He put their heads on platters, covered them with clothes, and sent them to Yahya. Those who saw them, understood them to be something precious. When Yahya saw them, out of gratitude he rose, kneeled down and prayed. He immediately ordered that all of their families be killed. With swords drawn, they went out and mercilessly killed wives, virgins, young men and infants. This Yahya committed unspeakable evils in Mawsil.

Cited in "Empire and Elites After the Muslim Conquest, The Transformation of Northern Mesopotamia" by Chase F. Robinson, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, 2000, p.142


 ***
                                                    Muhsin Kizilkaya (Kurdish Journalist, Writer, 1963-...)

Hastane ziyareti uzun surmedi. Kari-koca soyle basbasa bu guzel havanin tadini ancak Uskumru'da cikarabiliriz diye dusunduk. Her zaman gittigimiz, pisirdikleri baliklar ve malzemeleri muhtesem bir lokanta... Anadolu yakasinda, ikinci koprunun ayaklarinin tam dibinde, eski bir yalida... Rumeli Hisari'nda bir tekne aliyor musterileri, o guzel mekana goturuyor.

Bizi de goturdu. Bogaz'in serin sularindan yansiyan gunes isiklari bin bir oyun oynuyor, o oyunlar esliginde gectik karsi yakaya. Bir isyan gibi patlamis bahar Istanbul'da, erguvanlar acmis, cennet gibi kokuyor her yer.

Gunes batmak uzere Dersaadet'te. Tarihi yarimadanin gorkemli minarelerine asilmis gibi duruyor gunes... Bogaz trafigi bile sakin. Kus sesleri geliyor, her sey huzur veriyor insana... Kalkan baliginin tam mevsimi, yaninda buzlu bir duble raki... Bu sehirde yasamayip bu guzelligi tatmamis olan insanlara ne kadar uzulsem az.

Muhsin Kizilkaya, "Barisa Katlanmak, Bir "Akil"in 83 Gunu" Alfa, Istanbul, 1. Baski, Haziran 2014, p.28

Iskenderun'daki toplantida yasli bir amca soz aldi.

"Ben Zaza bir Kurtle evli Arap asilli bir Aleviyim. Evimizin dili Turkcedir. Cocuklarimizla sadece Turkce konusuyoruz. Ben simdi hayiflaniyor, cocuklarima aciyorum. Cunku ne babaanneleri ne de anneanneleri kendi dilleriyle torunlarini sevemediler."

Muhsin Kizilkaya, "Barisa Katlanmak, Bir "Akil"in 83 Gunu" Alfa, Istanbul, 1. Baski, Haziran 2014, p.86

"Elleri opulesi, demin bagiran yasli kadinin oglunun topraga dustugu yerde dunyaya geldim ben. O zaman Allah'in yalnizca Kurtce bildigini saniyordum. Okul olmadigi icin babamin tavsiyesi uzerine annem ve agabeyim beni alip Hakkari merkezde bulunan yatili bolge okuluna goturduler. Bir cocuk icin en zor sey, annesi tarafindan bir yatili bolge okuluna birakilmaktir. Arkasindan bakakaldim, yetim kaldim, kimsesiz... Uc ay sonra annem ziyaretime geldi, tek kelime Turkce bilmiyor annecigim. Karsilasinca "ez gori," yani kurban olayim diyerek bana dogru kostu. Birbirimize sarildigimiz anda, sirtima bir zincir darbesi indi. Annem uzerime kapaklandi. Kurtce konustugumuzu duyan bir ogretmen vurmustu bana. Annem ahdetti, o gunden bugune agzindan tek kelime Turkce cikmadi. Cunku cocuguna kalkan darbe, bedenine Turkce inmisti. Annem ahdini tuttu, ama benim de ahdim vardi. Ben de ahdettim, sizin dilinizi sizden daha iyi ogrenecegim dedim. Bu sozumu tuttum da. Eger ofkeme hakim olmasaydim, belki de bu ananin oglunu vuran ben olurdum. Simdi biz buraya, bir daha kimse kimseye zulum yapmasin, hicbir ananin gencecik oglu olmesin diye geldik. Biz elciyiz, baris elcileri, elciye zeval olmaz. Gelin konusalim." 

Muhsin Kizilkaya, "Barisa Katlanmak, Bir "Akil"in 83 Gunu" Alfa, Istanbul, 1. Baski, Haziran 2014, p.94

Pazartesi gunu 09.30'da otelde, bu kez Marasli kadin ve genclerle kahvalti yaptik. Kadinlarin dili basta keskindi. Gencler de oyle... An gelir kadinlar erkeklerden daha sahin kesilir. Birisi, "Ne olacak yani Kurtler ne mutlu Turk'um diyene desinler?" diye sordu. "Hic bir sey olmaz, zaten yetmis yildan beri soyluyorlar. Madem Kurtlerle Turkler kardes ve esit iki halktir, o halde yetmis sene degil de sadece yedi gun boyunca her sabah kalktiginizda ne mutlu Kurt'um diyene deyin, Kurt ogun caliss guven, deyin, Kurt'um, dogruyum, caliskanim, deyin dedim. Size ne olcaksa Kurde de o oluyor," dedim. Sanirim kafalari karisti.

Muhsin Kizilkaya, "Barisa Katlanmak, Bir "Akil"in 83 Gunu" Alfa, Istanbul, 1. Baski, Haziran 2014, p.98

Hep ayni sey... Turkiye'de Kurtler her sey olabiliyorlar, daha ne istiyorlar? Daha once de bir kitabimda yazdim, bugun de tekrarladim: Evet, Kurtler Turkiye'de her sey olabiliyor, Cumhurbaskani, Basbakan, bakan, milletvekili, ogretmen, overlokcu, ara utucu, bir tek Kurt olamiyorlar. Kurt olduklari zaman da hic bir sey olamiyorlar.

Muhsin Kizilkaya, "Barisa Katlanmak, Bir "Akil"in 83 Gunu" Alfa, Istanbul, 1. Baski, Haziran 2014, pp.104-105

Aklimda Haci Bektas-i Veli'nin bir sozu vardi: 

"Dini, dili, irki ne olursa olsun, iyiler iyidir."

Muhsin Kizilkaya, "Barisa Katlanmak, Bir "Akil"in 83 Gunu" Alfa, Istanbul, 1. Baski, Haziran 2014, p.115

Bizim evin dili Kurtce'dir. Kizim bazen kuskuya duser, benim Turkce bilmedigimi sanir, bana ogretmeye kalkar. Turkceyi aksanli konusan ben ve annesinden ogrensin istemedik; gittigi yuvadaki Turk ogretmenlerinden ogrendi. Onun icin aksansiz konusuyor Turkceyi. Simdiden dort dilden soyluyor sarkilari, ama bizim masal dilimiz Kurtcedir.

Butun masallari Kurtce anlatirim ben ona. Geceleri yataga girdiginde anlattigim masallarin ulkesine gittiginde, her seyi kendi anadilinden hayal etsin isterim. Ana kucagina benzer anadil, bir tek orada ozgurdur insan, orada korkmaz oculerden.

Muhsin Kizilkaya, "Barisa Katlanmak, Bir "Akil"in 83 Gunu" Alfa, Istanbul, 1. Baski, Haziran 2014, p.183


***
                                                     Derk Kinnane (British Scholar, Writer, 19..-...)

The Baath offered a L 1000'000 reward for Mulla Mustafa -dead or alive- and launched an offensive that far surpassed any of Qasim's in ferocity and thoroughness. Iraqi air and ground forces were co-ordinated in the systematic reduction of Kurdish villages and encampments. Christian missionaries later reported in London that Baghdad forces had surrounded a number of villages, penning the population inside, and then destroyed the village house by house using artillery and aircraft. It was also reported that on 13 June {1963} an Iraqi unit used a shield of Kurdish women and children to cover it's advance. When rebels opened fire after the non-combatants had passed, Iraqi tanks ran down the women and children. Many thousands of Kurds were transported from their homes in the Kirkuk area to farther south in Iraq.

The Baath Government in Syria announced it's support of the Iraqi Government and sent five thousand Syrian troops to join the fight. The Republican Government of Yemen also declared its readiness to help in the war against the Kurds.

Derk Kinnane, "The Kurds and Kurdistan", Oxford University Press, 1964, Reprinted 1970, Great Britain, p.75

In 1958 Dr Nur ad-Din Zaza founded a clandestine Kurdistan Democratic Party in Syria seeking self-rule for the Kurds. In December 1960 Zaza was put on trial in Damascus and with thirteen others given a one-year sentence. Fifteen other nationalists received eighteen months each. By the middle of 1961 all had been released and Syria had withdrawn from the United Arab Republic. That year Zaza and Muhammed Issa Mahmud were candidates for the new parliament elections in December. Two hours before the elections Zaza was arrested in the Kurdish town, Qamishliyah, where he was seeking election. According to Kurdish nationalists the Syrian army and gendarmerie broke up the voting and stuffed the ballot boxes with pro-Government votes.

Under the Baath regime the Kurds are more seriously threatened than before and the Government has intensified its Arabisation of the Jazirah.

Derk Kinnane, "The Kurds and Kurdistan", Oxford University Press, 1964, Reprinted 1970, Great Britain, p.44

***
                                                     Abdulmelik Firat (Kurdish Politician, 1934-2009)

Bunlarla beraber Hazro'lu Hatip Bey de, baskaldiri esnasinda hukumet guclerinin yaninda isyancilara karsi savasmis olmasina ragmen, surgune tabi tutulmus; bunu kendisine yediremeyerek, daha onceden tanistigi ve Diyarbakir'daki konaginda agirladigi Ataturk'e cikmisti. Devletten yana tavir aldigi halde, nicin surgun edildigi sorusunun cevabini arayacakti.

"Seyh Said direnis hareketi sona erdirildikten sonra Cumhuriyet hukumeti Seyh Said'e karsi olan butun seyh, aga ve beyleri de surgune gonderdi. Biz de surgune gonderildik. Bu muamele bana cok dokundu, haysiyetim rencide oldu. Ataturk Yedinci Kolordu Kumandani olarak Diyarbakir'a geldiginde, bizim konakta kendilerini agirlamistik. Yakin dostlugumuz vardi. Ne pahasina olursa olsun, Ankara'ya gidip, bize yapilan bu yanlis muameleyi anlatmanin carelerini aradim. Tanidiklarim vasitasiyla Ankara'ya gitmek musadesi aldim. Cankaya'da huzura kabul edildim. Yaver beni iceri aldi. Ataturk masada oturmus, elini sakagina dayamis, yere bakiyordu. Biraz sonra basini kaldirarak bana: "Evet Hatip bey seni dinliyorum." dedi. "Pasa hazretleri! Biliyorsunuz, biz sizin yakin dostunuz olarak yaninizda yer aldik ve Seyh Said taraftarlarina karsi carpistik. Biz onlardan oldurduk, onlar da bizden oldurdu. Simdi bizi ayni kefeye koyarak surgune gondermeniz... Bizi oldurseydiniz bu kadar agirimiza gitmezdi. Ama bizi bu asilerle bir kefeye koymaniz bize olumden daha agir geliyor." dedim. Pasa hazretleri, biraz duraksadiktan sonra basini kaldirarak bana dedi ki: "Hatib Bey! Bir insan kendi irkina hiyanette bulunursa, baskasina daha iyisini yapar mi? Hadi git, oturdugun yerde otur."

Cited in "Mezopotamya Surgunu, Abdulmelik Firat'in Yasam Oykusu", by Ferzende Kaya, Anka Yayinlari, 5. Baski, Istanbul, 2003, pp.52-53

Bende idamla yargilandim; bes sene mahkumiyetle sonuclandi davam. Kayseri Hapishanesine Yassiada'dan hucumbotla nakledilirken, bir elim baska bir milletvekili arkadasin eliyle kelepceliydi; diger elimde naylon torbada bulunan esyalarim vardi. Hucumbotun asagiya inen merdivenleri hem dar hem de dikti. Kelepceli iki kisi ancak yuvarlanarak inebilirdi. Velhasil, yirmiye yakin milletvekili asagida yerimizi almistik. Genc, yuzu cilli, bahriyeli bir subay bize bir komut cekti: "Simdi size soyleyecegim laflar kulaginiza kupe olsun, sakin unutmayin. Gittiginiz hapihaneden cikabilirsiniz. Tekrar siyasete atilabilirsiniz. Fakat sunu hic unutmayin. Bundan sonra kislanin celik duvarlari arkasinda, siyaseti ve Turkiye'yi biz yonetecegiz." Elhak dogru soylemisti.

Cited in "Mezopotamya Surgunu, Abdulmelik Firat'in Yasam Oykusu", by Ferzende Kaya, Anka Yayinlari, 5. Baski, Istanbul, 2003, p.177

12 Mart'i Ankara'da yasayan Abdulmelik Firat, Ankara ile Kolhisar koyu arasinda gidip geliyordu. Ailesinin buyuk kismi koydeydi. Surgunden dondukten iki ay sonra babasini kaybetmisti. O gunden sonra annesi Aysan hanim, ona hem annelik hem de babalik etmisti. Aralarindaki bu iliskiyi Abdulmelik Firat, "Uzerimde bir koruma vardi, benim semsiyemdi annem. Kendimi cok hafif hissediyordum onun varliginda." diye belirtiyordu. Ve 1972'de bir gun o semsiye ebediyete kadar kalkti.

"Annem, babamin vefatindan sonra 25 sene yasadi bizimle beraber. Annem eski deyimle, nisvani salihattandi. Salih bir kadindi, ibadetindeydi, dayanikliydi. Annem, bizim kahrimizi cekerek hayatini surdurdu. Memlekete dondugumuzde yine sikintili bir hayatimiz vardi. Eski yikilan evimizin ustune kahyalarimiz ev diye magara labirentleri gibi bir seyler yapmislardi; orada yasadik. 1966'da deprem oldu; annem toprak altinda kadi, bir kolu kirildi. O fevkalede mutevekkil bir kadindi. Yedi cocugu vardi; hem babasi, hem amcasi, hem kayinpederi oldurulmustu. Kayinpederi gozleri onunde vurulmustu. Surgun hayati yasamis, zorluklar gecirmisti. Buna ragmen annem olayara karsi mukavementini hep surduren salih bir kadindi. Babam vefat ettiginde, bana vasiyetinde demisti ki: "Omer agabeyin senden buyuktur; ama ben seni seciyorum. Benden sonra ailenin reisi sensin. Abine de, annene de, kardeslerine de sen bakacaksin." Annem bana gece gunduz dua ederdi. O hayatta oldugu muddetce ben huzur icindeydim. Fakat o vefat ettikten sonra bir agirlik coktu ustume, bir semsiyenin ustumden kalktigini hissettim." 

Cited in "Mezopotamya Surgunu, Abdulmelik Firat'in Yasam Oykusu", by Ferzende Kaya, Anka Yayinlari, 5. Baski, Istanbul, 2003, pp.213-214

12 Eylul Darbesi'yle beraber butun orgutler de sahneden silinmislerdi. Ama darbeden bir sekilde etkilenmeyen, hatta darbeden dolayi dagilan diger orgutlerin sempatizan kitlelerini de arkasina alarak, guclu bir sekilde cikan bir orgut vardi sadece: PKK. Cunku orgut yoneticileri 1979 yili Mayis ayinda Turkiye'den cikma karari alarak, Suriye'ye ve Lubnan'a gecmislerdi. (Bu konuda cok sayida spekulasyon yapiliyor. Ozellikle PKK disindaki Kurt cevreleri tarafindan dile getirilen iddialara gore, Ocalan darbeyi onceden haber aldi. Buradan yola cikilarak, Ocalan'in isin basindan beri devletle irtibatli oldugu tezi savunuluyor. Gazeteci Ismet G. Imset'in, TDN Yayinlari tarafindan yayinlanan, PKK-Ayrilikci Siddetin 20 Yili kitabinda konu detayli bir sekilde aciliyor. Ocalan ve Cemil Bayik, bu konudaki iddialarin "uydurma" oldugunu savunuyor. Darbe oncesi Turkiye sinirlari disina cikmalarini ise, "gelecegi iyi okuma" olarak acikliyor Ocalan. Abdulmelik Firat da Ocalan'in iliskilerinin oldugunu savunanlardan. Firat sunlari soyluyor: "Ocalan'in Kesire isimli karisinin babasi istihbaratciydi. Dersim Harekati'nda epeyce ihbar yapmis. Pilot Necati isimli istihbaratci ile iliskisini de kendisi soylemisti. Butun bunlar gosteriyor ki istihbarat bu hareketi kullanmak istiyordu. Bunu daha sonra Abdullah Ocalan'in kendisi de anlatti. Bizi MIT kullanmak istedi, biz de onlari, dedi. Derin devleti cok iyi bilen bir gazeteci olan Avni Ozgurel, bir iki sefer benimle roportaj yapti. Bir gun bana su anekdotunu aktardi: "Ocalan'in Bekaa'da yaptigi ve dunyanin bircok yerinden gazetecilerin katildigi basin toplantisina ben de gittim. Karsimdaki adami baska bir yerden taniyordum; ama cikaramadim. O da anladi; yanima gelerek dedi ki: Ben aciklama yapmayincaya kadar, sen yapma. O zaman anladim ki, ben onu MIT'den hatirliyorum. Biz ogrenciyken oraya yardim almaya gidiyorduk, o da oradaydi." Ondan sonra Ocalan, istihbarat ajani cikan esi Kesire'den, Pilot Necati'den soz etmeye basladi."

Cited in "Mezopotamya Surgunu, Abdulmelik Firat'in Yasam Oykusu", by Ferzende Kaya, Anka Yayinlari, 5. Baski, Istanbul, 2003, pp.223-224

(...) Abdullah Ocalan'in yakalandiktan sonra ucakta soyledigi sozleri, mahkemedeki savunmasi ve sonrasinda izledigi politika cok tartisildi. Ocalan'i o gunlerden sonra elestirenlerden biri de Abdulmelik Firat oldu. Firat, mahkeme surecindeki tutumuyla ilgili sunlari soyluyor:

"Benim yakindigim konu su. Dogru veya yanlis buyuk bir Kurt kitlesini arkasina almis ve bir hareket baslatmis. Yakalandigi zaman diyebilirdi ki: "Ben halkim icin bu hareketi baslattim; yanlis veya dogru bir seyler yaptik  ve bu noktaya geldik; ben elinizde esirim, yasalariniza gore ne gerekiyorsa yapin." Ama, "Pismanim, yanlis yaptim, bahtiniza dustum, yegeninizim, bana gorev verin." gibi seyler soyledi. Bu hem kendi hareketi icin, hem de Kurtler icin dogru degildi."

Cited in "Mezopotamya Surgunu, Abdulmelik Firat'in Yasam Oykusu", by Ferzende Kaya, Anka Yayinlari, 5. Baski, Istanbul, 2003, pp.298-299

Ben Celal Bayar'la iki bucuk sene milletvekilligi zarfinda hic yuz yuze gelmedim. Kendisini ziyaret etmek de istemedim. Resepsiyonlarda karsilasmak istemezdim. Sevmedigim bir insandi. Kisisel bir dusmanligim yoktu. Ancak Kurt cevresinin ve demokratlarin gorusleri uzerimde etkili oldugu icin sevmiyordum. Kayseri Cezaevi'nde konusabilme durumumuz oldu. Ciktiktan sonra Istanbul'daki evine gidiyordum; sohbet ediyorduk. Komitaci ruhuyla dolu bir adamdi. Babasi muderristi. Cok salih bir adammis. Bir gun bana, "Ben sana bir sirrimi verecegim, bunu kimseye soyleme." dedi. Ben de, "Sizin tarihi bir sahsiyetiniz var, ben soz veremem. Belki konuyu muhim gorurum ve anlatirim. Sozumde duramam, kendi kendimi yerim. O yuzden anlatmayin. Ya bana birakin aciklamayi veyahutta soylemeyin." dedim. "Peki soyleyecegim." diyerek basladi anlatmaya: "Ben genctim, 20 yaslarindaydim. Bursa'da bir bankada calisiyordum. Babam da cok salih bir adamdi; Kur'an okuduktan ve namazdan sonra uzun uzun dua ederdi. Kendi gecmislerine, bir de kendi ruhuna ithaf ederdi; elini de vucuduna surerdi. Benim dikkatimi celbetti, dedim ki: 'Baba, sen nenemin, dedemin ruhlarina ithaf ediyorsun, bu dogal; ama sen yasiyorsun, yasadigin halde niye kendi ruhuna ithaf ediyorsun?" Babam dedi ki: 'Oglum sana guvenmiyorum.' Oyle deyince, gayri ihtiyari "Babaniz cok buyuk bir adammis.' dedim. Dusunmeden soyledigim bu soz icin sonradan cok uzuldum. Bayar, Yassiada'da da, mahkemelerde de vakarini cok iyi korudu; kisilik sahibiydi. Kayseri Hapihanesi'ndeyken, Kurt sorunu uzerine bir defa konusmustuk. Ben o zaman, "Turkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin en zayif noktasi yeralti kaynaklaridir. Petrolu yok, eger petrole sahip olsaydi, Orta Dogu'nun en guclu ulkesi olurdu. Bunun caresi de kolay; ama zihniyet degismesi icin cesaret lazim. Irak'in, Suriye'nin, Iran'in petrol sahalarinin yuzde seksenden fazlasi Kurtlerin yasadigi mintikadadir. Turkiye'de 20 milyon Kurt yasadigina gore, Kurtlerin kimliklerini inkar etmeyerek, demokratik haklarini verirse, adaletle muamele ederse, diger ulkelerdeki Kurtler de Turkiye Cumhuriyeti'yle birlesmek isterler. O zaman Turkiye buyuk bir zenginlige sahip olur." demistim. Bayar bana dedi ki: "Senin dedigin cok dogru, ama kimse bunu yapamaz."

Cited in "Mezopotamya Surgunu, Abdulmelik Firat'in Yasam Oykusu", by Ferzende Kaya, Anka Yayinlari, 5. Baski, Istanbul, 2003, pp.317-318

Benim bir tezim var; Turkiye'yi yonetenlerin hicbiri Turk degil, donmelerdir diye. Bunlar ya Bosnak, ya Arnavut, ya Cerkez, ya Kurt, ya Selanik'lidirler. Ama kendi asillarini inkar ederek, Turk olduklarini soyleyen tiplerdir. Ben Ecevit ile ilgili de bir arastirma yaptim: Annesi ressam Nazli hanim. Babasi da okumus bir insan. Kasyamounu'nun Daday ilcesinde yasamislar. Dedesinin mezar tasinda, Kurtoglu Mustafa Bey yaziyor. Onlar da surgun olarak gelmisler oraya. Ben kendisiyle konustum, bir cevap gelmedi.

Cited in "Mezopotamya Surgunu, Abdulmelik Firat'in Yasam Oykusu", by Ferzende Kaya, Anka Yayinlari, 5. Baski, Istanbul, 2003, p.329

Ihsan Sabri Caglayangil'i Bursa Valisi'yken tanidim. Yassiada'ya vali olarak getirildi. Iyi satranc oynardik kendisiyle. Darbeden sonra evinde bulustuk. Aristokrat ve sosyetik bir insandi; evinde oyle bir yasantisi vardi. Kendisi emniyet muduruyken Dersim hadiseleri yuzunden bolgeye gonderilmis. Seyyid Riza'nin asilmasi olayina katilmisti ve hep onu anlatirdi: "Seyyid Riza, 'Biz seyyidiz, Resul evladiyiz, bizi asamazsiniz.' derdi. Asilacagini anlayinca dedi ki: 'Bir istegim var. Once beni asin, sonra oglumu. Onu benim gozlerimin onunde asmayin." Boyle bir istegi olmasina ragmen, once oglu, sonra kendisi asildi." Bu olayi hic unutmamisti, hep anlatirdi.

Cited in "Mezopotamya Surgunu, Abdulmelik Firat'in Yasam Oykusu", by Ferzende Kaya, Anka Yayinlari, 5. Baski, Istanbul, 2003, p.342

***

Mohammed Hanif (Pakistani Writer & Journalist, 1964-....)

When I was Malala Yousafzai’s age, I wanted to be a cattle rustler because I thought luring water buffalo away from their owners was a glamorous job. Now my son, who is Malala’s age, wants to be a lawyer because he thinks lawyers get to wear suits and argue for a living. Pakistani boys, like boys everywhere, tend to have those kinds of career plans.

So, when Malala, the most famous Pakistani person and the youngest recipient of the Nobel Peace prize, said the other day that she would like to be the prime minister of Pakistan, my first reaction was, oh dear, is Birmingham killing your ambition?

There is no dearth of men in Pakistan or around the world who keep telling Malala what she should or shouldn’t do. In fact there is one thing that binds most kinds of Pakistani men – leftists, liberals, and religious – they spontaneously combust when they have to give an opinion about Malala. I guess they find it embarrassing that a small-town girl is talking common sense. And is being heard around the world.

Pakistan, like most fledgling democracies, has not been very kind to its prime ministers. We hanged Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto after a shoddy trial. We tried to kill Benazir Bhutto a few times, then finally succeeded. Like Malala she was also accused of being a woman among other things. We have also thrown prime ministers in dungeons, exiled them to Jeddah and London. Our current prime minster is not sure whether he will fall because of the next court ruling or gathering protest movements. It is a dirty job and there is always a vacancy.

Malala does not need to look back to Pakistan to discover that prime ministers are not loved, especially by the very people who make them prime ministers. Some very kind people in the UK suggested that Margaret Thatcher should lower herself in the grave instead of getting a state funeral. Many otherwise straight-talking people would never admit that once they voted for Tony Blair.

But men like me who try to tell Malala what she should or shouldn’t do know this by now – you can shoot the girl, but you can’t keep her down.

So I’ll say, sure, go ahead. I imagine a Pakistan where Malala makes the rules. I am already jealous of our future generations. And if she decides to become the prime minister of some other country, we’ll be happy to move there too.

Mohammed Hanif, "You Can't Keep Her Down: Vote Malala for Pakistani PM", The Guardian, 10 December 2014.

***

V. A. Demant (Anglican Clergyman, 1893-1983)

Now, let us look at the Western tradition. It is not only the product of Christianity. At least three other influences operate in it: Greek thought, Roman organization, and later on the native character of the northern barbarian peoples who when christianized and civilized gave its fundamental pattern to Feudal Society. The Greeks had already encouraged man to stand outside the stream of nature and to grasp reality by thought, and the Roman Empire gave Europe the idea of a universal law for all men-even those with different local histories. These two facts -man set over against the stream of things and the idea of mankind-were turned by the Church into a working habit of mind. This took place through the spread of the Biblical view of life. That view insisted upon God's lordship over His creation, man as a special creature made in God's image, with a delegated mastery over the earth. It also served to make men feel that they had something in common with one another behind all differences.

V. A. Demant, "Christianity and Western Civilization Now" in "The Western Tradition, A Symposium", The Beacon Press, Boston, 1951, pp. 12-13

Europe has shown a diversity in unity which is unique in history.

V. A. Demant, "Christianity and Western Civilization Now" in "The Western Tradition, A Symposium", The Beacon Press, Boston, 1951, p. 15

***

Bertrand Russell (British Philosopher, Mathematician, Historian, Writer, 1872-1970)

Since is a product of Europe. The only exception of importance that I can think of is the Babylonian discovery that eclipses could be predicted. A very few nations-Italy, France, Low Countries, Britain and Germany-contributed quite 90 per cent of the great discoveries. Poland contributed Copernicus, Russia contributed Mendeleeff and Pavlov, but on the whole the share of Eastern Europe has not been a large one. Within Western Europe, as may be seen from a map showing the birth-places of eminent men of science, there has been a correlation with commerce and industry. But commerce does not necessarily lead to science. It did not so among the Phoenicians and Carthaginians, and the Arabs, though they studied science of a sort, made no discoveries in any way comparable to those of Western Europe since 1600.

Bertrand Russell, "Nature and Origin of Scientific Method" in "The Western Tradition, A Symposium", The Beacon Press, Boston, 1951, pp. 23-24

But power without wisdom is dangerous, and what our age needs is wisdom even more than knowledge. Given wisdom, the power conferred by science can bring a new degree of well-being to all mankind; without wisdom, it can bring only destruction.

Bertrand Russell, "Nature and Origin of Scientific Method" in "The Western Tradition, A Symposium", The Beacon Press, Boston, 1951, p. 28

 ***

John Bowle (British Historian and Writer, 1905-1988)

Moreover, it is now known that the relative failure of German science during the last war was due to political interference. No, a free society in practice works much better. Responsibility, toleration, enterprise, within the framework of an agreed and flexible Law-these have in the long run produced a more formidable and resilient civilization.

John Bowle, "Totalitarianism" in "The Western Tradition, A Symposium", The Beacon Press, Boston, 1951, pp. 67-68

 ***

R. H. S. Crossman (British Politician and Writer, 1907-1974)

As Engels said at Marx's grave-side, "Karl Marx did for the social sciences what Darwin did for biology." The Russians have ossified Marxism and turned it into an Oriental Caesar-worship. To-day we must re-assert his original scientific spirit and investigate afresh the inter-relation of social factors, including class warfare, in the historical development.

R. H. S. Crossman, "Class Warfare and The Western Tradition" in "The Western Tradition, A Symposium", The Beacon Press, Boston, 1951, pp. 80-81

***

Arnold Toynbee (British Historian, Philosopher of History, 1889-1975)

We Westerners owe all that we are, and all that we have managed to do, to Christianity. If Christian missionaries had not come to preach to the Gospel to us in this out-of-the-way Western corner of Asia which was, and still is, our homeland, we certainly should never have made the mark that we have made on the world.

Arnold Toynbee, "A Summing Up" in "The Western Tradition, A Symposium", The Beacon Press, Boston, 1951, p. 109

***

Simon Simonian (Armenian Intellectual, Historian, Writer, 1914-1986)

Agop Martayan, ünlü Ermeni dilbilimci. İstanbullu olduğu, Robert Kolej’de okuduğu; 1917’de Suriye’de askerken casuslukla suçlandığını ve hayatını Mustafa Kemal’e borçlu olduğunu anlattığı bilinir. Savaştan sonra İstanbul ve Beyrut’ta, son olarak da Sofya’da öğretmenlik yapar. 1932’de Dil Kurumu kurulurken Mustafa Kemal’in aklına düşer ya da düşürülür ve bir eylül gecesi apar topar İstanbul’a getirtilir. Geliş o geliş. Dil Kurumu yazmanı olur. O yıl bir-iki kez Mustafa Kemal’in Dolmabahçe sofrasında da bulunur.

Antranik PaşaAntranik Paşa

Mustafa Kemal’in 1936’da heyecanla Güneş Dil teorisine, “bütün temel dillerin Türkçe’den neşet ettiği” tezine sarılması ve Agop Martayan’ın bu teze aktif katkısı yıldızını daha da parlatır. O yılın ağustosundan itibaren, neredeyse iki-üç gecede bir, Mustafa Kemal’in Dolmabahçe ve Florya sofralarının onur konuğudur Agop Martayan. Soyadı da “Dilaçar” olmuştur.

O gecelerden birinde, zaman epey ilerlemişken, Mustafa Kemal yabancı konuklarına dönüp “Sizin için özel anlamı olan bir şarkı ya da bir milli marş okuyun” der. Anlatılanlardan 13 Eylül 1936 günü kurulduğu anlaşılan o sofranın yabancı konukları, Köşk kayıtlarında “Dr. Pavlaki, Dr. Arnd, Dr. Agop Dilaçar”dır...  

“Aman paşam, bizim için İstiklal Marşından daha özel anlamı olan ne olabilir” gibi şeyler söyleyip atlatmaya çalışırlar. Bunun üzerine sinirlenir Mustafa Kemal ve Agop’a bakar: “Antranik Paşa marşını biliyor musun? Söyle o zaman.”

Antranik, Soykırım’a direnen fedailerin önderi, Karabekir ordusuna Doğu Cephesi’nde kök söktüren Ermeni milli kahramanıdır ve sofra buz keser.

Agop deneni yapar ve marşı okumaya başlar; homurdananlar, bıyık altından gülenler olunca, Mustafa Kemal hışımla onlara döner: “Kime gülüyorsunuz? Antranik paşaya mı? O halkı için bir kahramandı, 20-30 adamıyla ordulara kafa tutmuş bir asker. Benden farkı yenilmiş olmasıydı. Yenilen ben olsaydım ve böyle bir toplantıda biri benim için marş okusa yine gülecektiniz demek. Öyleyse kalkın, Antranik Paşa’ya kadeh kaldırıyoruz.”

Ayaklanırlar ve kadehler Antranik Paşa için kalkar...

Excerpt from an article by Alev Er, "Cankaya'dan Beyrut'a Bir 'Antranik Pasa' Hikayesi", Agos, Istanbul, 6 March 2015

***

 Abdul Sattar Edhi (Pakistani Philanthropist, 1929-...)

Common people, the poor, labourers, taxi drivers give me money. I don't take money from rich people, or government, or aid agencies. This is my philosophy.


If the common people are the givers it's sustainable. It will last forever if common people support a mission.

Where there is hunger, where there is greed for material, there will be poverty and violence.

Cited in, "That Man, Edhi" by Subel Bhandari, published in "Community" section of Gulf Times, Doha, Qatar, April 6, 2015

***

Edward Gibbon (British Historian and MP, 1737-1794)

I should deceive the expectation of the reader, if I passed in silence the fate of the Alexandrian library, as it is described by the learned Abulpharagius. The spirit of Amrou was more curious and liberal than that of his brethren, and in his leisure hours, the Arabian chief was pleased with the conversation of John, the last disciple of Ammounious, and who derived the surname of Philophonus, from his laborious studies of grammar and philosophy. Emboldened by this familiar intercourse, Philophonus presumed to solicit a gift, inestimable in his opinion, contemptible in that of the Barbarians; the royal library, which alone, among the spoils of Alexandria, had not been appropriated by the visit and the seal of the conqueror. Amrou was inclined to gratify the wish of the grammarian, but his rigit integrity refused to alienate the minutest object without the consent of the caliph; and the well-known answer of Omar was inspired by the ignorance of a fanatic. "If these writings of the Greeks agree with the book of God, they are useless and need not be preserved; if they disagree, they are pernicious and ought to be destroyed." The sentence was executed with blind obedience: the volumes of paper or parchment were distributed to the 4000 baths of the city; and such was their incredible multitude, that six months were barely sufficient for the consumption of this precious fuel. 

Edward Gibbon & Simon Ockley, "The Saracens, Their History and the Rise and Fall of Their Empire", Frederick Warne And Co, London, ...., p. 90

(...) A victorious line of march had been prolonged above 1000 miles from the rock of Gibraltar to the banks of the Loire; the repetition of an equal space would have carried the Saracens to the confines of Poland and the Highlands of Scotland: the Rhine is not more impassable than the Nile or Euphrates, and the Arabian fleet might have sailed without a naval combat into the mouth of Thames. Perhaps the interpretation of Koran would now be taught in the schools of Oxford, and her pulpits might demonstrate to a circumcised people the sanctity and truth of the revelation of Mahomet.

Edward Gibbon & Simon Ockley, "The Saracens, Their History and the Rise and Fall of Their Empire", Frederick Warne And Co, London, ...., p. 119


Thus fell that ancient and famous city [Antioch], the seat of so many kings and princes, into the hands of the infidels. The sweetness of the situation, and abundance of all things contributing to delight and luxury, was so great that Abu Obeidah, fearing lest Saracens, effeminated with the delicacies of that place, should remit any thing of their wonted vigour and bravery, durst not let them continue there long; but after three days refreshment, withdrew them from thence.

Then he wrote a letter to the Caliph, in which he gave him an account of his great success in taking the metropolis of Syria, and Heraclius his flight to Constantinople; telling him withal, what was the reason why he staid no longer there. He added, 'That the Saracens were desirous of marrying the Grecian women, which he had forbidden. That he was afraid lest the love of the things of this world should take possession of their hearts, and draw them off from their obedience to God.'

Edward Gibbon & Simon Ockley, "The Saracens, Their History and the Rise and Fall of Their Empire", Frederick Warne And Co, London, ...., p. 277

(...) Arwah the daughter of Hareth, the son of Abdulmuttaleb, the son of Hashem, came to make him a visit: she was his aunt, a very old woman, and of Ali's branch of the family; as soon as Moawiyah had saluted her, she began to reproach him, 'O nephew,' said she, 'you have been very ungrateful and injurious to your cousin, who was a companion (of the apostle), and you called yourself by name that was none of your own, and took possession of what you had no right to. And our family exceeded all men suffering for this religion, till God took his prophet to reward his labours, and to exalt his station: and then you insulted us, and we were amongst you like the children of Israel in the family of Pharaoh: though Ali, after the prophet, was as Aaron was to Moses.' Amrou, who was then present, had no patience, but took her up and said, 'Hold your tongue, old woman, and do not talk thus like one out of your wits.' 'Wait' says she, 'do you prate, you son of a whore, when your mother was the most notorious and cheapest strumpet in all Meccah; and when she was examined concerning five of Coreish, she confessed that she had lain with them all; and that you must belong to him whom you resembled most; you proving most like old Aasi, he was forced to father you.' Moawiyah only said to her, 'God forgive what is past, what would you have?' She answered, 'Two thousand pieces to buy an estate for the poor of our family; and 2000 more to marry our poor relations; and 2000 more for myself to secure me in the time of extremity.' Which was all, by Moawiyah's command, paid down to her immediately.

Edward Gibbon & Simon Ockley, "The Saracens, Their History and the Rise and Fall of Their Empire", Frederick Warne And Co, London, ...., p. 360-361

***

Enver Altayli (Turkish Spy, 1944-...)

(...) Ozbek raomanci Nurali Kabul, Enver yolculuk hazirliklarina basladiginda Taskent'te yayinlanan "Buyuk Hakikat Ruhu" adli yazisinda Ozbekistan'in durumunu soyle betimliyordu:

"Yabanci memleketleri bir yana birakin; ABD, Almanya ve diger ulkelerde yasayan canimiz-cigerimiz olan Ozbeklere ilgimiz bu zamana kadar nasildi? Adlari buyuk, tuzlari kuru alim ve yazarlarimiz, onlarin insani gururlarini nasil kirdilar? Bu hepimizce malumdur. Kadere bakin: Dedesi Kabil'de, babasi Istanbul'da ve kendisi New York'ta dogmus, baba yurdunu hayalen tasavvur eden Ozbek genci ana dilini saf bicimde konusabiliyor. Soyleyin, cesaret ve gercek vatanseverlik degil mi bu? Yureginde zerrece anayurt duygusu olan adam, bu gencin Ozbekce konusmasindan, oralardaki vatandaslarimizin milli gelenekler ve dilimizi yasatmadaki gayretlerinden etkilenir de biraz olsun gozyasi doker."

Cited in "Buyuk Oyundaki Turk Enver Altayli", by Irfan Ulku, Ilgi Kultur Sanat, Istanbul, 2008, p. 273

Lenin ve Stalin tarafindan imzalanan bir kararla, 'Orta Asya'nin kabile esasina gore taksim edilerek, siyaseten yeniden sekillendirilmesi' talimati verilir. Boylece Moskova'nin Orta Asya'ya yonelik siyasetinin ana prensibi ortaya cikar. Turkistan'li Ceditci aydinlarin ortak hedefiyse, Orta Asya'da Turkistan Turkluk suuruna sahip bir 'Turkistan Turk Millet' yaratmaktir. Moskova'nin ortaya koydugu hedef ise'Orta Asya'yi kabile esasina gore siyaseten yeniden sekillendirmek, kabileden millet, lehceden milli dil yaratmak' seklinde tarif edilebilir.

Cited in "Buyuk Oyundaki Turk Enver Altayli", by Irfan Ulku, Ilgi Kultur Sanat, Istanbul, 2008, pp. 332-333

Moskova'nin koloniyal siyasetine karsi, en ciddi direnis edebiyatcilardan, yani sairlerden ve yazarlardan gelmistir. Bunlar kendi milli dilleriyle gerektiginde de Rusca yazmislardir. Haykirmislar, direnmisler, imha edilmisler fakat vazgecmemislerdir. 

Cited in "Buyuk Oyundaki Turk Enver Altayli", by Irfan Ulku, Ilgi Kultur Sanat, Istanbul, 2008, p. 355

- Turk Genelkurmayi savasin gidisatina paralel olarak yeni stratejiler gelistirmisti: Hem Turkistan Milli Birlik Komitesi hem de Turk Genelkurmayi icin hedef Turkiye'yi, sartlar ne olursa olsun, riske sokmamakti. Ancak Genelkurmay gizli bir misyonla Ali Fuat Erden pasalari Berlin'e gonderdi. Bunlar, Alman Genelkurmayi ile uzun gorusmeler yapmistir. Bu gorusmelerle ilgili zabitlar Almanya'da Koblenz sehrinde Alman Devlet arsivlerinde bulunmaktadir. Turkiye'nin savasin Almanlarin lehine sonuclanacagindan emin olmasi halinde Turk Ordusu, Azerbaycan'a girmek icin hazirlik yapmistir. Almanlarla yapilan gizli mutabakatlar vardir.

Cited in "Buyuk Oyundaki Turk Enver Altayli", by Irfan Ulku, Ilgi Kultur Sanat, Istanbul, 2008, p. 363

- Daha once Von Mende'den soz etmistim. Mende, milliyetler meselesinin Carlik zamaninda oldugu gibi, Sovyet doneminde de Rusya'nin en onemli meselelerinden biri oldugunu anlatir. Von Mende, Hitler yonetimine Kizil Ordu'ya karsi Musluman esirlerden yararlanma tavsiyesinde bulunur. Bu arada Berlin'e gelen Turk generalleri Husnu Erkilet ve Ali Fuat Erden, Berlin'deki Turkiye Buyukelcisi Husrev Gerede'nin bilgisi dahilinde Alman Genelkurmayi ile yaptiklari gizli muzakerelerde, Alman generallerinin ve Hitler'in dikkatini Kizil Ordu icindeki ve Alman esir kamplarindaki Turk asilli Musluman askerlere cekerler. Bunlarin organize edilerek Rusya'ya karsi verilen savasta yararlanilabilecegini anlatirlar.

Cited in "Buyuk Oyundaki Turk Enver Altayli", by Irfan Ulku, Ilgi Kultur Sanat, Istanbul, 2008, p. 364

- Peki, Ikinci Dunya Savasi sonrasinda Turkiye'nin Turkiye disindaki Turklere yonelik calismalari konusunda ne soyleyeceksiniz? Bu konunun MIT'teki goreviniz geregi yakin taniklarindan biri de sizsiniz?

- Once Ataturk'un sagliginda, ideolojik ve fikri sahada bu mesele uzerinde ciddiyetle duruldugunu belirtmekte fayda vardir. O yillarda Turk Ocaklari'nin calisma ve etkinligi, toplanan Turk Tarih kongrelerinin faaliyetleri, Turk Tarih Kurumu gibi kurumlarin calismalari Ataturk ve ekibinin meseleye verdigi onemi anlamak icin yeterlidir. 1934 yilinda Ankara Radyosu'nun kurulmasi icin yayimlanan gizli genelge meseleye Ataturk'un gosterdigi hassasiyeti anlatmak acisindan son derece onemlidir. Ataturk, devlet arsivlerinde bulunan bu gizli belgede; "Kurulacak radyonun yayinlarinin Adriyatik'ten Japon Denizi'ne kadar uzanan cografyada rahatca dinlenebilmesi icin her turlu teknik tedbirin alinmasi" talimatini vermisti. Maalesef Turkiye'de bazilarinda Mustafa Kemal'in bu konudaki tavir ve tasavvurlarini inkar temayulu vardir. Ataturk'teki Timur ve Ali Sir Nevai hayranligi, onun Turkiye disindanTurkiye'ye gelmis Turkistanli, Azerbaycanli, Kazanli, Kirimli, Kuzey kafkasyali ailelerin cocuklarina hic okul gormemis bile olsalar Harp Okulu'nun kapilarini acmasi onun meseleye olan bakisini gosteren birkac misaldir. Onun Sovyetlerin dagilacagi konusundaki kehaneti ve dagilma sonrasi icin simdiden hazirlik yapilmasi gerektigini soylemesi ilginctir. Gerci Turkiye'de bu gerceklerin ifade edilmesinden rahatsiz olanlar az degildir. Bircoklari bunlari inkara kadar vardirirlar. Ancak onemli olan bunlarin bilinmesi ve ve bilenler tarafindan bir milli vasiyet seklinde yeni nesillere aktarilmasidir. Ikinci Dunya Savasi'ni izleyen yillar Soguk Savasin butun acimasizligi ile devam ettigi, Turkiye'nin buyuk bir baski altinda ve agir Sovyet tehdidi ile karsi karsiya bulundugu yillardir. Dunyada korkunun ve nukleer savas tehdidinin sagladigi bir denge ve baris vardir. Bu ortamda Turkiye'nin yapabilecegi fazla bir sey yoktur. Ancak yine de elden gelen yapilmaktadir. 50'li yillarin sonunda Endonezya baskenti Bandung'da toplanan Baglantisizlar (ucuncu dunya ulkeleri) Konferansi'na, Turkiye Disisleri Bakani rahmetli Fatin Rustu Zorlu'nun ozel gayretleri sonucu Turkistan'i temsilen gozlemci olarak bir heyet davet edilmis ve su sirada 90'dan fazla yasi ile hayatta olan Ruzi Nazar Bey, Turkistan temsilcisi olarak konferansa istirak etmistir. ABD destegi ile Munih'te kurulmus olan Sovyetler Birligi'ni Arastirma Enstitusu, mazlum Turklerin sesini dunyaya duyuran bir kurum olarak onemli hizmetler yapmistir. Sovyet kolonisi Turk ulkelerinden gelen aydinlar burada cesitli ilmi dergiler yayimlamislar ve meselelerini dunya kamuoyuna duyurmaya calismislardir. 60'li yillarin basinda Ankara'da "Turk Kulturunu Arastirma Enstitusu" kuruldu. Bagimsiz bir enstitu olarak kurulan enstitunun kurulmasinda ve masraflarinin karsilanmasinda zamanin MIT mustesari rahmetli Korgeneral Fuat Dogu'nun cok buyuk payi vardir. Enstitu en azindan ilmi ve fikri planda Turkiye disinda yasayan Turklerin meseleleri ile yakindan ilgilenmis ve cok ciddi ilmi calismalar yapmistir. 

Cited in "Buyuk Oyundaki Turk Enver Altayli", by Irfan Ulku, Ilgi Kultur Sanat, Istanbul, 2008, pp. 365-366

(...) Sayin Demirel'in bana son zamanlarda kendilerine yaptigim bir ziyaret sirasinda soyledikleri su sozler son derece onemlidir: "Seninle o donemde baslattigimiz projeler yakin Turk Tarihi'nin en buyuk projeleri idi. Eger Afganistan projemizi [Afganistan'in kuzeyinde bir bagimsiz Turk-Ozbek devleti kurulmasi] uygulamamiz, Amerikalilara kabul ettirmemiz mumkun olabilse idi dunya tarihinin akisi degismis olurdu." Ben butun bu gelismelerin isiginda sunu soylemek durumundayim. Rahmetli Ozal'in bir cinayete kurban gitmis olma ihtimali son derece kuvvetlidir. Cunku o donemde Turkiye Cumhurbaskani ve Basbakani'nin elele, uyum icinde izledikleri "Adriyatik'ten Cin Seddine kadar", "tek millet, cok devlet" seklinde sloganlasan Turkcu siyaset, Turkiye ve Turk Cumhuriyetlerinin Avrasya'nin kalbinde bir kuresel guc olusturmalarina yonelik bir siyasetti. Boyle bir gelisme kuresel gucler acisindan dunya dengelerinin altust olmasi demekti. Bu siyasette rahmetli Ozal'in payi gercekten cok buyuktu. Bu sebepten diyorum ki, Ozal'in oldurulmus olma ihtimali son derece kuvvetlidir.

Cited in "Buyuk Oyundaki Turk Enver Altayli", by Irfan Ulku, Ilgi Kultur Sanat, Istanbul, 2008, p. 421

(...) Azat Bey'le vardigimiz mutabakat su sekilde idi: "General Dostum'a yardimci olacagiz. Kuzey Afganistan'i uniter Afganistan icinde de facto bir devlet olarak organize edecegiz. Orada Turkiye benzeri bir yapi olusturacagiz. Kuzey Afganistan kokten dincilerin hakim oldugu Guney Afganistan'da yasayan insanlar icin bir model, bir cazibe merkezi haline gelecek."

Cited in "Buyuk Oyundaki Turk Enver Altayli", by Irfan Ulku, Ilgi Kultur Sanat, Istanbul, 2008, p. 423

***

Dana Adams Schmidt (American Journalist, Author, 1915-1994)

In it's modern form Kurdish nationalism appeared first in political clubs and periodicals in Constantinople after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. Kurdish hopes of national resurgence rose to their highest point in the Treaty of Sevres of 1920. They were dashed by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. And they ground underfoot by the Turkish republic, which from 1925 to 1937 systematically destroyed the Kurdish tribal structure, deported, imprisoned and executed the Kurdish elite, and dispersed the Kurdish people. The treatment they received at the hands of the Turks during this period was for the Kurds an unmitigated national disaster.

But always the Kurds remained defiant; always they fought. In the 1930's a new fighting leader of the Kurds appeared. He was Mullah Mustafa Barzani, perhaps the most significant of all the Kurdish national leaders. He fought the Iraqi Government and the British in the 1930's and 40's; he defended Mehabad republic against the Persian army in 1946; and after twelve years of refuge in the Soviet Union returned to Iraq where, since September 1961, he has been leading his people in what may prove to be a climactic struggle.

Dana Adams Schmidt, "Journey Among Brave Men" with a foreword by Justice William O. Douglas, An Atlantic Monthly Press Book, Little Brown and Company, USA, 1964, p. 7

The Barzani tribe, whose warriors form an elite among the Kurdish revolutionaries, wore red-and-white-checked turbans as their special badge. The tradition is that he who wears the red and white check will never run away, even in mortal danger. Sometimes men long associated with General Barzani or his forces adopt the red and white check, and no one objects. But generally non-Barzanis who use a red-and-white-checked turban are supposed to turn the cloth inside out.

Dana Adams Schmidt, "Journey Among Brave Men" with a foreword by Justice William O. Douglas, An Atlantic Monthly Press Book, Little Brown and Company, USA, 1964, p. 34

As we moved on down the valley I grabbed a few black raspberries from the bushes we passed. We rode through groves of fig trees, which reached up to the edge of our path. The vineyards, tier upon tier, traveled down the mountainside and then up again the other side. The bottom of the valley glistened deeply green with rice fields. And next to them, tobacco plants were in flower. Farther on, where the mountain streams flow into the river in the plain, the waterside was bright with laurel blossoms.

"What marvelous country this is," I thought. Too stony and too steep to be called rich, but fertile enough, and infinitely varied. Enough to feed the Kurds and their animals, and leave a margin to sell to the towns in the south. 

Farther up the mountain on the ridge we crossed yesterday, one might find wild apple trees, wild pear, wild grapes, and open slopes studded with oak trees. Thousands upon thousands of partridge race and flutter among the trees. They say that when a Kurd thinks of Kurdistan he thinks of oak trees and partridge. And if he is a hunter he thinks also of wild boar and bear and wolves and mountain goats prancing from ledge to ledge on the highest peaks.

Dana Adams Schmidt, "Journey Among Brave Men" with a foreword by Justice William O. Douglas, An Atlantic Monthly Press Book, Little Brown and Company, USA, 1964, pp. 36-37

Nowadays the religious difference hardly troubles either the Kurds or the Assyrians. The Kurds were rarely religious fanatics. And today nationalist motivation is more powerful than religious motivation.

Dana Adams Schmidt, "Journey Among Brave Men" with a foreword by Justice William O. Douglas, An Atlantic Monthly Press Book, Little Brown and Company, USA, 1964, p. 39

During the First World War from 1914 to 1918 the Kurds suffered greatly. The deaths of a very large number of Kurds in the Turkish army, particularly in the cavalry regiments recruited from the northern Kurdish tribes, represented only a small part of their losses. More serious was the devastation of the eastern provinces which were occupied and re-occupied, by Russians and Turks and finally in some areas by the British.

But worst of all was the impact of the advance of the Russian armies into the provinces of Van, Bitlis and Erzerum in 1915 and 1916. Most of the Kurdish tribes fled, either of their own accord or under pressure from the Turks. The winter's snow and summer's heat with their flocks and possessions south to Diyarbekir and Mosul, west into the sandy malarial plains of Anatolia. Prince Sureya Bedir-Khan has estimated that the Turks in this fashion deported nearly 700'000 Kurds during the First World War and that nearly half of them perished. The disasters were compounded by the political and moral effect of enlistment of large numbers of Kurds in the Turkish forces, where they were taught that the Armenian "unbelievers" had risen against Caliph and Empire. In consequence many Kurds, ignorant of the efforts made by Kurdish national leaders to cooperate with the Armenians in a common struggle for independence, participated in the Armenian massacres then beginning.

Dana Adams Schmidt, "Journey Among Brave Men" with a foreword by Justice William O. Douglas, An Atlantic Monthly Press Book, Little Brown and Company, USA, 1964, p. 52

But as soon as Turkish army rallied, the Sheik's forces scattered. In the next six months many of the remaining bands of rebellious Kurds were rounded up. Sheikh Said with his principle lieutenants and fifty-seven other leading Kurds were arrested. A three-month trial before a so-called "Tribunal of Independence" at Diyarbekir ensued. During this trial the president of the court made a statement which accurately summarized the whole problem of Kurdish nationalism and revolt at that time: "For some of you" he said, "the administrative abuses of government have served as a pretext for revolt, others have claimed to defend the caliphate, but you are all united on one point: to create an independent Kurdistan. It is on the gallows that you shall pay the price of the ruined homes and of the blood spilled."

Meanwhile the Turkish campaign of repression was getting under way. Where they were not arrested, imprisoned or executed, Kurdish intellectuals and leaders were rounded up and deported to villages in the western part of the country to become lost in a non-Kurdish majority. In many places use of the Kurdish language and the wearing of Kurdish national dress was forbidden.

Dana Adams Schmidt, "Journey Among Brave Men" with a foreword by Justice William O. Douglas, An Atlantic Monthly Press Book, Little Brown and Company, USA, 1964, p. 56

Guerilla fighting comes naturally to the Kurds. Kurdish boys grow up with rifles. They learn to use them and care for them with all the affection that many American boys bestow upon automobiles. Much as an American father may try to teach his son respect for the power and destructive force of a half-ton of metal whose progress is controlled with the tip of a toe, so a Kurdish father may seek to instill in his son a sense of respect and caution for the death-dealing explosions he can set off touching the trigger of his weapon.

So it has been for many centuries in Kurdistan. A Kurd does not feel quite a man unless he carries a rifle.

Dana Adams Schmidt, "Journey Among Brave Men" with a foreword by Justice William O. Douglas, An Atlantic Monthly Press Book, Little Brown and Company, USA, 1964, p. 60

"We were divided into groups. I went one place. Others went other places. We asked for instruction and were given teachers according to our abilities-whether as carpenters, or mechanics, or in agriculture or some other subject. Some go to the Academy of Languages in Moscow and I was sent to Moscow."

I asked whether he had studied at the Soviet Military Academy as has frequently been reported, but he insisted that the only school he went to was the Academy of Languages, where he learned not only Russian but was able also to study economics and geography and science. 

Alluding to the story that he had been trained at the Soviet Military Academy, Barzani recalled mischievously that the Iranian general Razmara had excused his inability to catch him by writing that General Barzani had been graduated from London university and taught military science by Lord Montgomery himself. And he continued, still grinning mischievously, the Iraqi government later complained that it was also unable to subdue Barzani, because he had learned his military science in Russia. 

The truth Barzani explained, was that he had got his military training by fighting. If he was called "General" it was a title that had been conferred upon him by the Mehabad republic. The Russian looking general's uniform in which he had been photographed in those days was the uniform of the Mehabad republic-not of the Soviet Union. In his interview with Richard Anderegg, the Swiss Broadcasting Network correspondent, Barzani added, hovewer that after an initial period of nine months' internment most of Barzani's men were given, at their own request, a course of Soviet military training. They were put in a special unit for this purpose. Those who could qualify were given advanced training on the level of noncommissioned officers, or officers, but without rank or commission. Military training was suddenly halted after one year.

Dana Adams Schmidt, "Journey Among Brave Men" with a foreword by Justice William O. Douglas, An Atlantic Monthly Press Book, Little Brown and Company, USA, 1964, pp. 110-111

The first of Kurdish poets is usually said to be Eli Termuki, who sang of the things that have moved all subsequent Kurdish poets-love of the natural beauty of his country, the charm of its girls. In "Life Is a Dream" Termuki wrote:

Our religion teaches us to hope for a paradise
Where the shadow beneath the trees is cool, 
Where the waters flow quietly and sweet as honey,
Where beautiful girls preen themselves like angels.
When I perceive the springs and the women of my country,
I think that I have already entered into the promised land.

Whether Termuki was really the first of Kurdish poets, whether, as some have said, he wrote in the tenth century, or whether, as more recent students have believed, he lived in the fifteenth or sixteenth, is not certain.

Authorities on Kurdish literature, date its beginning to the Mullah of Jezireh, who lived from 1407 to 1481 and wrote mystical religious poetry.

The giant of Kurdish literature, still the most universally loved and studied of Kurdish writers, was Ahmed Khane, 1650 to 1706, author of Mem u Zin, which is an Islamicized rendering of a pre-Islamic folktale concerning the love of Mem and Zin. The first written text of the tale may date back two or three centuries earlier. Khane made Mem's love symbolic of the Kurds' love of country, and his struggles the symbol of the Kurdish people.

Dana Adams Schmidt, "Journey Among Brave Men" with a foreword by Justice William O. Douglas, An Atlantic Monthly Press Book, Little Brown and Company, USA, 1964, p. 153

These poor souls have to hide in caves all day. Their fear is great, but on the other hand, so is their fortitude. The heroes of it all are, of course, the women, who put up with it and make it bearable for all. Over and above their natural fortitude I believe that the national ideal must have got through to these Kurdish women.

Dana Adams Schmidt, "Journey Among Brave Men" with a foreword by Justice William O. Douglas, An Atlantic Monthly Press Book, Little Brown and Company, USA, 1964, p. 167

At one session Ammash, holding a finger to his neck, declared: "By God Gamal Abdel Nasser would break our neck if we agreed to your demands." When Talabani insisted that Nasser had agreed to the principle of self-rule and would approve of any solution on which the two parties agreed, Ammash and Saadi replied that Nasser "talked one thing with you and another with us.".

Dana Adams Schmidt, "Journey Among Brave Men" with a foreword by Justice William O. Douglas, An Atlantic Monthly Press Book, Little Brown and Company, USA, 1964, p. 256

(...) Then, indeed, the prediction made by W.H.Hay in his book Two Years In Kurdistan might come true. "The day when the national consciousness of the Kurds is awakened and when they unite, the Turkish, Iranian and Iraqi states will fall like dust before them." This is hidden dynamite in the Kurdish problem.

Dana Adams Schmidt, "Journey Among Brave Men" with a foreword by Justice William O. Douglas, An Atlantic Monthly Press Book, Little Brown and Company, USA, 1964, p. 274

What, then, should United States policy be?

United States policy must, of course, be shaped according to United States interests. I believe it is in the interests of the United States that it should have a moral basis -is that the United States stands for the self-determination of peoples. By military effort, by their historical tradition, by their present culture, the Kurds have won the moral right to self-determination. Kurdish claims are just-as valid as any national claims in the world-worthy of United states support.

The Kurds will get their rights some day anyhow; it is better that they should get them with United States help. A positive policy supporting the Kurds' rights, judiciously backed by the President of the United States, would in the long run strengthen the moral position, and consequently the political position, of the United States in the Middle East and in the world.

Dana Adams Schmidt, "Journey Among Brave Men" with a foreword by Justice William O. Douglas, An Atlantic Monthly Press Book, Little Brown and Company, USA, 1964, pp. 278-279

***

William Dalyrmple (British Historian and Writer, 1965-.....)


It was not the British government that seized India at the end of the 18th century, but a dangerously unregulated private company headquartered in one small office, five windows wide, in London, and managed in India by an unstable sociopath – Clive.

William Dalyrmple, "The East India Company: The Original Corporate Raiders", The Guardian, March 4, 2015

Using its rapidly growing security force – its army had grown to 260,000 men by 1803 – it swiftly subdued and seized an entire subcontinent. Astonishingly, this took less than half a century. The first serious territorial conquests began in Bengal in 1756; 47 years later, the company’s reach extended as far north as the Mughal capital of Delhi, and almost all of India south of that city was by then effectively ruled from a boardroom in the City of London. “What honour is left to us?” asked a Mughal official named Narayan Singh, shortly after 1765, “when we have to take orders from a handful of traders who have not yet learned to wash their bottoms?”

William Dalyrmple, "The East India Company: The Original Corporate Raiders", The Guardian, March 4, 2015


***

Hamit Bozarslan (Kurdish Historian and Writer, 1958-.....)

The formation of the Hamidiyye Regiments created other advantages for the central Ottoman state. First of all, the Sunni tribes that were integrated into the cavalries naturally benefited from the economic and military resources the center allotted them. This selective allocation of resources produced repeated conflicts between the integrated and non-integrated tribes, thereby transforming the earlier tribal violance against the state into intra-Kurdish violance. The effect of  this rechaneling of hostilities was so great that the tribal violance was, from the standpoint of the center, neutralized to a significant degree. Secondly, the Palace obtained a force for protecting its borders against Russian Empire and thus another threat was largely removed. Last but not least, the Kurdish tribal dynamics were also canalized against the Armenians. Some of the tribes participated heavily in the Armenian massacres of 1894-96, thereby contributing to the Islamization of this border region. In spite of a series of Kurdish rebellions against the Union and Progress government between 1908 and 1914, the alliance of the regiments with the center continued until the end of the First World War I. The regiments, renamed "Tribal Cavalry Brigades" after 1908, participated heavily in the Armenian genocide of 1915-16. Fearful of Armenian revenge, the Kurds also widely supported the Turkish War of Independence (1919-22).

Hamit Bozarslan, "Violance in the Middle East, From Political Struggle to Self -Sacrifice", Markus Wiener Publishers, Princeton, USA, 2004, pp. 26-27


The new Middle Eastern political culture  draws its origins from the debates between intellectual circles of the Young Turk opposition. While appearing ultimately as very conservative and state-minded activists, the Young Turk circles, like revolutionaries elsewhere in Europe and especially the Russian Empire, glorified violance, assasination as a program, and the "blood-feast" per se, without necessarily putting them into any kind of political/philosophical equatiom. The Kemalist revolution in Turkey also praised, at least rhetorically, "violance" as one of its constitutive elements. In the second part of the twentieth century, no matter what ideologies the regimes have advocated (secularism, nationalism, Islamism), violance has been conceived as naturally legitimate and therefore normal and unquestionable. In the conception of that the founder of the Ba'ath Party, Michel Aflaq, had of politics, war was "the broadest, most complete, and most adequate field allowing for the blooming of our gifts, capacities, and heroism."

Hamit Bozarslan, "Violance in the Middle East, From Political Struggle to Self -Sacrifice", Markus Wiener Publishers, Princeton, USA, 2004, P.119

(...) With the exception of Israel, the Middle Eastern map has been determined not only by the decisions of the European powers and/or the United Nations, but also by the competitive, complex power games played by European patrons and their Middle Eastern clients. Finally, the quest for unity did not result in the creation of a unified Arab state. It failed not because the European powers or America were opposed to it, but because the centrifugal dynamics in the Middle East were too strong. But this quest nonetheless did give birth to a symbolic unity. The idea of being part of a larger entity, and of having been divided by external powers, is the one that many intellectuals share not only in the Arab world, but also in Turkey and Iran.

Hamit Bozarslan, "Violance in the Middle East, From Political Struggle to Self -Sacrifice", Markus Wiener Publishers, Princeton, USA, 2004, Pp.121-122

***

Cengiz Candar (Turkish Journalist and Writer, 1948-.....)

Bir sehirde ne ariyorsaniz, bir sehirden ne bekliyorsaniz, bunlarin neredeyse tumu Italyan sehirlerinde mevcut. Estetik... Ille de estetik. Bu konuda, Italyan sehirlerinin eline su dokulemez. Siirin sehir haline dokuldugu, sehir olarak yontuldugu mekanlar Italyan sehirleri... Tarihse tarih; mimariyse mimari, degustasyona gelince, o da orada...

Cengiz Candar, "Benim Sehirlerim", Iz Yayincilik, 2. Baski, Istanbul, 2004, p.28

Semerkand

Ogle sicagi yerini serin ve sakin bir geceye terkeder. Agustosboceklerinin sarkisi sulama kanallarindaki suyun siriltisina karisir ve ciceklerin agir aromasi havayi doldurur. Yuce cinarlarin taclari, ayisiginda yumusakca titreserek, kadim minarelerin cini kubbelerine fantastik bir dokunus verirler. Yildizlarin serpildiği gokyuzu buyuk bir siyah cadir gibi tepede yayilir. Havanin kendisi gizem ve gerilimi konusur. Orta Asya'nin efsunlu atmosferi budur..

Cengiz Candar, "Benim Sehirlerim", Iz Yayincilik, 2. Baski, Istanbul, 2004, p.286

***

Ben-Gurion (Founder and First Prime Minister of Israel, 1886-1973)

The voyage in the dilapidated Russian ship across the seemingly endless sea was a source of unending wonder and amazement for David. When the boat anchored in Smyrna, he encountered the colors of the exotic East for the first time, staring in fascination at the Blacks, Gypsies, Turks, and Arabs. he walked the narrow winding streets, stepping aside to make room for a caravan of overburdened camels with bells around their necks. The Arab passengers on the ship made "a very good impression" on him, appearing like "overgrown children, good-hearted and friendly". On the last night of voyage, David did not close his eyes until, from out of the mist of dawn, the coast of Palestine appeared. "Morning light-and our ship gradually neared the Jaffa coast... a fresh breeze blew in our faces, and the sound of a bird-the first we had heard on our voyage-reached our ears...silent and speechless, I stood and gazed at jaffa, and my heart was beating wildly...I had arrived."

Michael Bar-Zohar, "Ben-Gurion-A Biography", Delacorte Press, New York, 1978, p. 12

Upon returning to Constantinople four months later, Ben-Gurion fell sick several times. He had long been suffering from malnutrition; now he was also afflicted with scurvy, brought on by a severe vitamin deficiency. His financial situation deteriorated in Constantinople, since the allowance sent by his father was inadequate and did not arrive regularly. He often remained hungry, and he sometimes teetered on the verge of desperation. Most of his letters to his father repeated the same refrain: When would the money arrive? Avigdor, who at that time was marrying off a son and a daughter, found it difficult to finance David as well. In a moment of weakness, he backed a proposal suggested by David's eldest sister, Rivka, that David leave Constantinople, give up Palestine, and return to Russia to build his future there. "The objective I have set myself is a question of life for me," David erupted in his dramatic style. "There is only one single thing that can prevent me from attaining it-that is death!" It was hard to stand up to such fervor.  

Michael Bar-Zohar, "Ben-Gurion-A Biography", Delacorte Press, New York, 1978, p. 31

(...) In September he wrote:
There are various ways of conquering a country. It can be seized by force of arms; it can be acquired by political ruses or diplomatic guiles; it can even be bought with money...All these methods have but one aim-to enslave and exploit the native population. We, however, are seeking something very different in Palestine-a homeland. A homeland is not given or received as a gift; it is not possessed by gold or or conquered by the power of the fist; it is built by the sweat of the brow. We shall receive our land not from a peace conference...but from the Jewish workers who shall come to strike roots in the country, revive it, and live in it. The Land of Israel shall be ours when a majority of its workers and guardsmen shall be of our people.

Michael Bar-Zohar, "Ben Gurion-A Biography", Delacorte Press, New York, 1978, p. 34

(...) At the time, jews all over the world hailed the Balfour Declaration in a frenzy of enthusiasm. Perhaps the only note of dissonance in the chorus of delight was Ben-Gurion's familiar refrain:

Britain has not given Palestine back to us. Even if the whole country were conquered by the British, it would not become ours through Great Britain giving her consent and other countries agreeing...Britain has made a magnificent gesture; she has recognized our existence as a nation and has acknowledged our right to the country. But only the Hebrew people can transform this right into tangible fact; only they, with body and soul, with their strength and capital, must build their National Home and bring about their national redemption.

Michael Bar-Zohar, "Ben Gurion-A Biography", Delacorte Press, New York, 1978, p. 37
***

Shahbaz Taseer, Pakistani Businessman

(...) They found perverse pleasure in torturing me. I found solace in prayer. I prayed for the fortitude to bear as much pain as my torturers could inflict until they broke from inflicting it. I often thought of my father, who had suffered political persecution in the 1980s under the dictatorship of Gen. Mohammad Zia ul-Haq. He would say physical pain touches only the surface; you must never let it break your spirit.

(...)

As I turned onto the road taking me home, I thought of the moment I had spoken to my mother and my wife after my first six months in captivity. I had been told that I was going to be shot after the phone call and that I should say farewell to my family. I told them with finality in my voice, the same words my father once wrote to my mother from jail: that I was not made from a wood that burns easily.

Shahbaz Taseer, "How I Survived Four and Half Years In Captivity", The New York Times, May 17, 2016

***

Winston S. Churchill, British Statesman, Writer (1874-1965)

War, disguise it as you may, is but a dirty shoddy business, which only a fool would play at.
War, which was cruel and magnificent, has become cruel and squalid.

Cited in "The Last Lion, Winston Spencer Churchill, Alone, 1932-1940", by William Manchester, Litle, Brown and Company, USA, 1988, p.28


(...) Once a manservant stood up to him. The result was a blazing row. At the end of it Churchill, his lower lip jutting, said: "You were very rude to me, you know." The servant, still seething, replied: "Yes, but you were rude too." Churchill grumbled: "Yes, but I am a great man."

Cited in "The Last Lion, Winston Spencer Churchill, Alone, 1932-1940", by William Manchester, Litle, Brown and Company, USA, 1988, p.36

Number 10, Downing Street, at that time the most famous address in the world, is one of three gracious seventeenth-century houses built by George Downing, a Harvard man who returned to the country of his birth, became a Cromwellian civil servant, and designed No.10. No.11 and No.12 as "large and well-built houses, fit for persons of honour and quality, each house to have a pleasant procpect into St. James's Park." Originally the properties of the Earl of Lichfield, thry passed into royal hands when his lordship was undone by reckless gambling.

"The Last Lion, Winston Spencer Churchill, Alone, 1932-1940", by William Manchester, Litle, Brown and Company, USA, 1988, p.75

(...) the two Houses of Parliament-the House of Lords, with seats for 1,100 peers, and the House of Commons, which is too smal to accommodate all 635 members of Parliament. That was deliberate. Regular attendance is rare, intimacy encourages lively debate, and a "crowder House," in historic moments, creates a dramatic sense of urgency.

"The Last Lion, Winston Spencer Churchill, Alone, 1932-1940", by William Manchester, Litle, Brown and Company, USA, 1988, p.80

If public men of vision are tough, as Churchill was, they endure. If they are not, and most are not, they perish or live out their lives in lonely exile.

"The Last Lion, Winston Spencer Churchill, Alone, 1932-1940", by William Manchester, Litle, Brown and Company, USA, 1988, p.192


William James once wrote that men of genius differ from ordinary men not in any innate quality of the brain, but in the aims and purposes on which they concentrate and in the degree of concentration which they manage to achieve. Napoleon, himself great, called it the mental power "de fixer les objects longtemps sans etre fatigue"- to concentrate on objectives for long periods without tiring. Churchill possessed it.

"The Last Lion, Winston Spencer Churchill, Alone, 1932-1940", by William Manchester, Litle, Brown and Company, USA, 1988, p.203

(...) Since the German threat had absolute priority, he told the House, Britain should refuse to take sides in Spain, though "I will not pretend that, if I had to choose between Communism and Naziism, I would choose Communism."

Cited in "The Last Lion, Winston Spencer Churchill, Alone, 1932-1940", by William Manchester, Litle, Brown and Company, USA, 1988, p.204

The Germans are beginning to feel like Germans again-like Germans of the Second Reich, Bismarck's great creation in the wake of Prussia's victory over Louis Napoleon's France in 1871, memorable for its faith in Blood and Iron, its allegiance to ein Volk, ein Kaiser, ein Reich, the pigheadedness of its Junker leaders, and the raising hauteur of their officers, monocled and rude, who slapped "insolent" civillians in Alsace-Lorraine, and expected even German ladies to step in gutters and let them pass.

Cited in "The Last Lion, Winston Spencer Churchill, Alone, 1932-1940", by William Manchester, Litle, Brown and Company, USA, 1988, p.284

(...) He was, and proudly proclaimed himself to be, an egoist. He wanted, he needed power. He knew his worth, and suffered when he saw mediocrities, men without imagination, vision, or honor, betraying his England. Egoism and grandeur are so close that they may merge in one man, and he was such a man. Like Lord Chatham, prosecuting the Seven Years' War in the eighteenth century, Churchill could say: "I believe I can save this country and no one else can."

Cited in "The Last Lion, Winston Spencer Churchill, Alone, 1932-1940", by William Manchester, Litle, Brown and Company, USA, 1988, p.473

By the autumn of 1805 Napoleon had massed his invasion barges at Boulogne. The Royal Navy's blockade of the Continent, built around nearly forty ships of the line, had frustrated French plans to cross the Channel in force, but now, Chuchill wrote, "Napolen...believed that the British fleets were dispersed and that the moment had come for invasion."
The decisive battle took place in the waters off Cape Trafalgar, Spain. nelson was outnumbered and outgunned. At daybreak on October 21 he saw, "from the quarterdeck of the Victory, the battle line of the enemy"-an advance squadron of twelve Spanish ships and twenty-one French ships of the line under Villeneuve. He signaled his captains to form for the attack in two columns. Then:
Nelson went down to his cabin to compose a prayer. "May the Great God whom I worship grant to my country and for the benefit of Europe a great and glorious Victory...For myself, I commit my life to Him who made me, and may His blessing light upon my endeavours for serving my country faithfully."
The fleets were drawing nearer and nearer. Another signal was run up upon the Victory, "England expects every man will do his duty..."
A deathly silence fell upon the fleet as the ships drew nearer. Each captain marked down his adversary, and within a few minutes the two English columns thundered into action...The Victory smashed through between Villeneuve's flagships, the Bucentaure, and the Redoutable. The three ships remained locked together, raking each other with broadsides. Nelson was pacing as if on parade on his quarterdeck when at 1:15 p.m. he was shot from the mast-head of the Redoutable in the shoulder. His backbone was broken, and he was carried below amid the thunder of the Victory's guns...In the log of the Victory occurs this passage, "Partial firing continued until 4.30, when a victory having been reported to the Right Hon. Lord Viscount Nelson, K.B. and Commander-in-Chief, he then died of his wound."

Cited in "The Last Lion, Winston Spencer Churchill, Alone, 1932-1940", by William Manchester, Litle, Brown and Company, USA, 1988, p.512-513

I would say to the House,
as I have said to those who have joined this Government:
"I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat."...

You ask, what is our policy?
I will say: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air,
with all our might and with all the strength God can give us...
That is our policy.

You ask, what is our aim?
I can answer in one word: It is victory,
victory at all cost, victory in spite of all terror, victory however long and hard the road may be;
for without victory, there is no survival.

Cited in "The Last Lion, Winston Spencer Churchill, Alone, 1932-1940", by William Manchester, Litle, Brown and Company, USA, 1988, p.682-683

***

Jak Kamhi, Turkish Businessman (1925-....)

Bir ara, bir gazeteci havayi bozmak amaciyla, "Bay Jak Kamhi, sen bunlari boyle takdim ediyorsun ama aslinda bu etkinligin Israil devletine yarar saglayacagini dusunuyorsun degil mi?" diye sordu. Gazetecinin bu sorusuna soyle cevap verdim:

"Bu sualin icinde yer alan, '500. Yil Vakfi Israil devletine yarar saglar mi' hususunda bir sey soyleyemem. Sualinizden anladigim kadariyla, Israil devletine karsi ne hisstettigimi merak ediyorsunuz. Buna cevap vereyim; size hic bir hissim yoktur desem yalan soylemis olurum. Elbette nasil dunyanin diger ulkelerinde yasayan vatandaslar kendi kokenini temsil eden ulkeye karsi bir yakinlik duyuyorsa benim de Israil'e karsi hislerim aynidir. Fakat herseyden evvel Turkiye'me bagliyim ve onun cikarlarini gozetirim. Fransa'nin Almanya hududundaki bir Musevi mezarligini gezerken, hududun Almanya tarafinda bir Musevi mezarligi daha bulundugunu farkettim. Bu Musevi mezarliklari Birinci Dunya Savasinda karsilikli olenlere aitti. Musevi diasporasinin Israil devletine onemli bir gonul borcu vardir. Bu devlet kurulmadan once dunyadaki Museviler horgorulurdu, Israil devleti kurulduktan sonra sayginlik kazandilar, Musevi kokenli olmaktan gurur duydular. Bu sozler benim degil, Fransa'da basbakalnik yapmis olan Musevi kokenli Mendes-France'in sozleridir."

Benim bu sozlerim alkislarla karsilandi ve bunu goren gazeteci susmak mecburiyetinde kaldi...

Jak Kamhi, "Gorduklerim Yasadiklarim", Remzi Kitabevi, 4.Basim, Istanbul, Kasim 2013, p.295-296

***
Jerry Brotton, English Scholar (.....-....)

From the moment of her accession to the throne in 1558, Elizabeth began seeking diplomatic, commercial and military ties with Muslim rulers in Iran, Turkey and Morocco — and with good reasons. In 1570, when it became clear that Protestant England would not return to the Catholic faith, the pope excommunicated Elizabeth and called for her to be stripped of her crown. Soon, the might of Catholic Spain was against her, an invasion imminent. English merchants were prohibited from trading with the rich markets of the Spanish Netherlands. Economic and political isolation threatened to destroy the newly Protestant country.

Elizabeth responded by reaching out to the Islamic world. Spain’s only rival was the Ottoman Empire, ruled by Sultan Murad III, which stretched from North Africa through Eastern Europe to the Indian Ocean. The Ottomans had been fighting the Hapsburgs for decades, conquering parts of Hungary. Elizabeth hoped that an alliance with the sultan would provide much needed relief from Spanish military aggression, and enable her merchants to tap into the lucrative markets of the East. For good measure she also reached out to the Ottomans’ rivals, the shah of Persia and the ruler of Morocco.

The trouble was that the Muslim empires were far more powerful than Elizabeth’s little island nation floating in the soggy mists off Europe. Elizabeth wanted to explore new trade alliances, but couldn’t afford to finance them. Her response was to exploit an obscure commercial innovation — joint stock companies — introduced by her sister, Mary Tudor.

The companies were commercial associations jointly owned by shareholders. The capital was used to fund the costs of commercial voyages, and the profits — or losses — would also be shared. Elizabeth enthusiastically backed the Muscovy Company, which traded with Persia, and went on to inspire the formation of the Turkey Company, which traded with the Ottomans, and the East India Company, which would eventually conquer India.

Excerpt from Jerry Protton, "England’s Forgotten Muslim History", The New York Times, Sunday Review, 17th September 2016


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