Underlined While Reading-3

Rabindranath Tagore (Bengali Poet, Playwright, Philosopher, Composer, Artist, 1861-1941)
 
The civilisation of ancient Greece was nurtured within city walls. In fact, all the modern civilisations have their cradles of brick and mortar.

These walls leave their mark deep in the minds of men. They set up a principle of "divide and rule" in our mental outlook, which begets in us a habit of securing all our conquests by fortifying them and separating them from one another. We divide nation and nation, knowledge and knowledge, man and nature. It breeds in us a strong suspicion of whatever is beyond the barriers we have built, and everything has to fight hard for its entrance into our recognition.

When the first Aryan invaders appeared in India it was a vast land of forests, and the new-comers rapidly took advantage of them. These forests afforded them shelter from the fierce heat of the sun and the ravages of tropical storms, pastures for cattle, fuel for sacrificial fire, and materials for building cottages. And the different Aryan clans with their patriarchal heads settled in the different forest tracts which had some special advantage of natural protection, and food and water in plenty.

Thus in India it was in the forests that our civilisation had its birth, and took a distinct character from this origin and environment. It was surrounded by the vast life of nature, was fed and clothed by her, and had the closest and most constant inter-course with her varying aspects.

Rabindranath Tagore, “Sadhana-The Realisation Of Life”, The Macmillan Company, New York, 1914, p. 3-4

Civilisation is a kind of mould that each nation is busy making for itself to shape its men and women according to its best ideal. All its institutions, its legislature, its standard of approbation and condemnation, its conscious and unconscious teachings tend toward that object. The modern civilisation of the west, by all its organised efforts, is trying to turn out men perfect in physical, intellectual, and moral efficiency. There the vast energies of the nations are employed in extending man's power over his surroundings, and people are combining and straining every faculty to possess and turn to account all that they can lay their hands upon, to overcome every obstacle on their path of conquest. They are ever disciplining themselves to fight nature and other races; their armaments are getting more and more stupendous every day; their machines, their appliances, their organisations go on multiplying at an amazing rate. This is a splendid achievement, no doubt, and a wonderful manifestation of man's masterfulness which knows no obstacle, and which has for its object the supremacy of himself over everything else.

The ancient civilisation of India had its own ideal of perfection towards which its efforts were directed. Its aim was not attaining power, and it neglected to cultivate to the utmost its capacities, and to organise men for defensive and offensive purposes, for co-operation in the acquisition of wealth and for military and political ascendancy. The ideal that India tried to realise led her best men to the isolation of a contemplative life, and the treasures that she gained for mankind by penetrating into the mysteries of reality cost her dear in the sphere of worldly success. Yet, this also was a sublime achievement, -it was a supreme manifestation of that human aspiration which knows no limit, and which has for its object nothing less than the realisation of the Infinite.

There were the virtuous, the wise, the courageous; there were the statesmen, kings and emperors of India; but whom amongst all these classes did she look up to and choose to be representative of men?

They were the rishis. What were the rishis? They who having attained the supreme soul in knowledge were filled with wisdom, and having found him in union with the soul were in perfect harmony with the inner self; they having realised him in the heart were free from all selfish desires, and having experienced him in all the activities of the world, had attained calmness. The rishis were they who having reached the supreme God from all sides had found abiding peace, had become united with all, had entered into the life of the Universe.

Rabindranath Tagore, “Sadhana-The Realisation Of Life”, The Macmillan Company, New York, 1914, p. 13-14

Man can destroy and plunder, earn and accumulate, invent and discover, but he is great because his soul comprehends all. It is dire destruction for him when he envelopes his soul in a dead shell of callous habits, and when a  blind fury of works whirls round him like an eddying dust storm, shutting out the horizon. That indeed kills the very spirit of his being, which is the spirit of comprehension. Essentially men is not a slave either of himself or of the world; but he is a lover. His freedom and fulfilment is in love, which is another name for perfect comprehension. By this power of comprehension, this permeation of his being, he is united with all-pervading Spirit, who is also the breath of his soul. Where a man tries to raise himself to eminence by pushing and jostling all others, to achieve a distinction by which he prides himself to be more than everybody else, there he is alienated from that Spirit. This is why Upanishads describe those who have attained the goal of human life as "peaceful" and as "at-one-with-God", meaning that they are in perfect harmony with man and nature, and therefore in undisturbed union with God.

Rabindranath Tagore, “Sadhana-The Realisation Of Life”, The Macmillan Company, New York, 1914, p. 15

(..) Facts are many, but the truth s one. The animal intelligence knows facts, the human mind has power to apprehend truth. The apple falls from the tree, the rain descends upon the earth-you can go on burdening your memory with such facts and never come to an end. But once you get hold of the law of gravitation you can dispense with the necessity of collecting facts ad infinitum. You have got at one truth which governs numberless facts. This discovery of truth is pure joy to a man-its a liberation of his mind. For, a mere fact is like a blind lane, it leads only to itself-it has no beyond. But a truth opens up a whole horizon, it leads us to infinite. That is the reason why, when a man like Darwin discovers some simple general truth about Biology, it does not stop there, but like a lamp shedding its light far beyond the object for which it was lighted, it illumines the whole region of human life and thought, transcending its original purpose.

Rabindranath Tagore, “Sadhana-The Realisation Of Life”, The Macmillan Company, New York, 1914, p. 26

(...) Our great Revealers are they who make manifest the true meaning of the soul by giving up self for the love of mankind. They face calumny and persecution, deprivation and death in their service of love. They live the life of the soul, not of the self, and thus they prove to us the ultimate truth of humanity. We call them Mahatmas, "the men of the great soul."

Rabindranath Tagore, “Sadhana-The Realisation Of Life”, The Macmillan Company, New York, 1914, p. 28

Man's cry is to reach his fullest expression. It is this desire for self-expression that leads him to seek wealth and power. But he has to discover that accumulation is not realisation. It is the inner light that reveals him, not outer things. When this light is lighted, then in a moment he knows that Man's highest revelation is God's own revelation in him. And his cry is for this -the manifestation of his soul, which is the manifestation of God in his soul. Man becomes perfect man, he attains his fullest expression, when his soul realises itself in the Infinite beign who is Avih whose very essence is expression.

Rabindranath Tagore, “Sadhana-The Realisation Of Life”, The Macmillan Company, New York, 1914, p. 40

To the man who lives for an idea, for his country, for the good of humanity, life has an extensive meaning, and to that extent pain becomes less important to him.

Rabindranath Tagore, “Sadhana-The Realisation Of Life”, The Macmillan Company, New York, 1914, p. 56

(..) For only in death are we alone.

Rabindranath Tagore, “Sadhana-The Realisation Of Life”, The Macmillan Company, New York, 1914, p. 60

Man's abiding happiness is not in getting anything but in giving himself up to what is greater than himself, to ideas which are larger than his individual life, the idea of his country, of humanity, of God. They make it easier for him to part with all that he has, not excepting his life. His existence is miserable and sordid till he finds some great idea which can truly claim his all, which can release him from all attachment to his belongings. Buddha and Jesus, and all our great prophets, represent such great ideas.

Rabindranath Tagore, “Sadhana-The Realisation Of Life”, The Macmillan Company, New York, 1914, p. 152-153
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Kamal Salibi (Lebanese Historian, 1929-2011)

Our story begins in the middle decades of the fifth century BC, when an eminent Israelite scholar called Ezra, of the priestly house of Aaron, gathered the sundry scriptures and traditions of his people and redacted them into a formal canon. Ezra at the time lived among the Israelite exiles in Babylonia. Later, when the Achaemenid rulers of Persia permitted the return of the Israelites to their native land of Judah, he led a group of them to Jerusalem, possibly but not necessarily to settle. For the sake of the argument, let us grant that the place in question was not the Jerusalem of Palestine, but the one of Arabia: Uri Shalem, which is probably the present village of Al Sharim, in the Asir highlands, as I have suggested in an earlier work on the subject (see The Bible Came from Arabia). Israelites and other followers of the monotheism of Moses who accepted the authority of Ezra -in Babylonia and Arabia as in Palestine and elsewhere- came to be known as the Jews.
 
Some decades later, in about 400 BC, a man called Issa began to preach a more liberal interpretation of the monotheism of Moses among the Israelites of the same Arabian Jerusalem. His mother Mary, regarded in her time as a holy woman of the temple, allegedly belonged to the priestly house of Aaron -the same Aaron from whom Ezra claimed descent. The somewhat innovative preaching of Issa was apparently opposed and rejected by the people of his home region, many of whom were already Jews. It was accepted, however, in another part of Arabia -apparently the Hijaz- where the followers of Issa came to be known as the Nazarenes (in the Koran, the Nasara). This was perhaps because the first success of the man's preaching was among the inhabitants of the tribal territory of the Nasirah, the Arabian 'Nazareth' (see below). These Nazarens had a special Gospel written in Aramaic whose existence in the seventh century AD -the period of the rise of Islam- is attested by authoritative Islamic traditions. These traditions further indicate that the same Gospel, in Aramaic or in translation, was known at the time in Ethiopia. Since then, this Nazaene Gospel has been lost, and its actual text remains unknown. However, what it originally said concerning the historical person and mission of Issa may be inferred from the Koran.

More than four centuries later, in about AD 30, a man called Jeshu of Nazareth, son of Joseph the Carpenter, left the region of Wadi Jalil in the Hijaz (the Arabian Galilee) and arrived in another region by the same name in Palestine (the Palestinian Galilee). To this day, the tribal inhabitants of his native Arabian Galilee continue to be known as the 'Nazareth' folk (in Arabic, the Nasirah). The Jeshu was recognized by his Israelite contemporaries as a descendant of David, with a legitimate claim to the historical throne of the Biblical kingdom of Judah, which has ceased to exist in Arabia since the sixth century BC. He was apparently a Nazarene, not a Jew; his early followers were certainly called Nazarenes. In Palestine, the man's political pretensions and special religious views got him into serious trouble with a large party of the local Jews, who felt threatened enough by him to demand his execution. Consequently, he was put to death on the cross shortly after he arrived with his partisans in Jerusalem.

Kamal S. Salibi, “Who Was Jesus?-Conspiracy In Jerusalem”, Tauris Park Paperbacks, London, 2007, pp. 87-88

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Jamil Ahmad (Pakistani Writer, 1933-...)
 
These men died a final and total death. They will live in no songs; no memorials will be raised to them. It is possible that with time, even their loved ones will lock them up in some closed recess of their minds. The terrible struggle for life makes it impossible for too much time to be wasted over thoughts for the dead.

What died with them was a part of the Baluch people themselves. A little of their spontaneity in offering affection, and something of their graciousness and trust. That too was tried, sentenced and died with these seven men.

Jamil Ahmad, “The Wandering Falcon”, Hamish Hamilton, Great Britain, 2011, p. 34

The General mused for a while before he spoke again. 'Remember, once when you were a lad of only five summers that I took you to meet Painda Khan, the old man of the Kharots who had crossed his hundred summers? And you sat in the old man's lap and asked him how can a person become so old? Naim Khan nodded silently.

The General's voice rolled on. 'Remember what the old man said? His face brimmed with laughter as he turned to you and answered in a serious manner. "The secret is raw onions. I eat raw onions and I survive."And then over your head his eyes met mine and we understood each other. What he told you that day was the secret of life itself. One lives and survives only if one has the ability to swallow and digest bitter and unpalatable things. We, you and I, and our people shall live because there are only few among us who do not love raw onions.'

Jamil Ahmad, “The Wandering Falcon”, Hamish Hamilton, Great Britain, 2011, p. 62

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Dr. Nureddin Zaza (Kurdish Politician, Activist, 1919-1988)

Beni evlerinde saklayan Kurtlerin tumu de asiri derecede yoksul bir ortamdan geliyorlardi ve yakalarinin iki ucunu biraraya getirebilmek icin didinip duruyorlardi. Guvenligimi saglamak, bol cesitli guzel yemekler yapmak icin ozveride bulunuyorlardi. Masraflara katilmak, ceplerine biraz para koymak icin israr ettigim her seferinde kendilerini hakarete ugramis hissediyorlar ve Kurt olarak, konukseverligin onlara kutsal bir miras olarak kaldigini belirtiyorlardi. Cocukluklarindan beri onlara konuklari karsilamak, hizmet etmek ve saygi gostermek ogretilmisti.

Dr. Nureddin Zaza, "Bir Kurt Olarak Yasamim", Peri Yayinlari, Ceviri: A.Karacoban, Istanbul, Nisan 2000, p. 204

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Allan B. Cunningham (British Historian, 1924-1988)
 
As has been mentioned, English Turcophilism dwindled rapidly in the sixties, and it was precisely then that the first wave of Young Turks-they would have called themselves Young Ottomans- were taking refuge in Viena, Paris and London. Exiled either for their political journalism, as in the case of Namik Kemal, or, like Sinasi and Ziya Pasa, by falling foul of the reactionary bureaucrats under whom they served in the Turkish administration, these men sought sanctuary and opportunity for reading and reflestion, rather than the chance to conspire. By the standards of western political radicalism, they were strongly conservative in their social and political thinking,: by their own standards, they were patriotic Ottoman Muslims. Their weakness lay in their optimistic belief that the parliamentary machanism would export easily, an error which the subsequent history of their country was to expose mercilessly. They read Rousseau, and the second wave of Young Turks read Demolin's A qui tient la superiorite des Anglo-Saxons?, instead of Bagehot or the parliamentary debates. They read too much political theory and not enough history.

Allan Cunningham, “The Wrong Horse?-A Study of Anglo-Turkish Relations Before The First World War”, published in St Antony's Papers, Number 17, Middle Eastern Affairs Number Four, Edited by Albert Hourani, Oxford University Press, Great Britain, 1965, p. 63-64

Two great cemeteries overlook the blue waters of the Straits. They are separated by the sea of Marmara, one lying at the Dardanelles and the other on the Bosphorus. They are separated in time too, but only by a half century. The red-coats laid to rest at Uskudar gave their lives to hold the Straits shut, and to save Turkey. The men in khaki who sleep at Canakkale and the Dardanelles gave theirs to open the Straits despite Turkey, that Russia might be saved.

Allan Cunningham, “The Wrong Horse?-A Study of Anglo-Turkish Relations Before The First World War”, published in St Antony's Papers, Number 17, Middle Eastern Affairs Number Four, Edited by Albert Hourani, Oxford University Press, Great Britain, 1965, p. 76

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H. A. R. Gibb (British Historian, 1895-1971)
 
Among the Turks and Mongols also, Muslim propaganda came into close contact with animism, in the form of shamanism, and had reckon with deeply rooted Turkish customs. The oldest Turkish myistical order, the 'rustic' order of the Yeseviya, for example, owed to Turkish custom the unique feature that women took part in the dhikr unveiled.

Sir Hamilton A. R. Gibb, “Muhammedanism, An Historical Survey”, A Mentor Book, New American Library, New York, 1955, p. 122-123

In Western Asia the Sufi movement reached its climax with the establishment of the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century. It would seem that every village and every trade-guild and class in the cities was affiliated to one or other of the orders, and even the antinomian Melamiya had its followers in the higher ranks of the administration. The only way by which the Ulama could hope to maintain the balance between orthodoxy and Sufism was to reform Sufism from within. Their enrolment led to a considerable revival and extension of the more orthodox orders, especially the Naqshbandiya (originally founded in Central Asia in the fourteenth century and now propagated from India) and the Anatolian order of Khalwatiya, propagated in Egypt and Syria in the eighteenth century by Sheikh Mustafa al-Bakri.

Sir Hamilton A. R. Gibb, “Muhammedanism, An Historical Survey”, A Mentor Book, New American Library, New York, 1955, p. 125

Its starting point was Central Arabia where, about the year 1744, a certain Muhammed ibn Abd al-Wahab opened, with the support of the House of Su'ud, the local emirs of Dar'iya, a revivalist campaign based on the puritan Hanbalite school and the anti-Sufi polemic of Ibn Taimiya and his followers in the fourteenth century. Directed in the first instance against the laxity of manners and corruption of religion in the local settlements and tribes, the Wahhabi movement (as it came to be known) condemned saint-worship and all the other Sufi 'innovations' as heresy and infidelity, and finally attacked the other orthodox schools as well for their compromises with these abominations. In their zeal to restore the primitive purity of the Faith, the Su'udi princes took up arms against their neighbours, and, after conquering Central and Eastern Arabia, turned them against the Ottoman provinces in the north and hereditary Sharifs of Mecca in the Hijaz. Kerbela in Iraq was sacked in 1802, Mecca finally captured, occupied, and 'purified' in 1806. With this double challenge to the Ottoman power and to the catholic tradition of Islam, the Wahabis, hitherto an obscure sect, drew the eyes of the whole Muslim world. The challenge was taken up on behalf of the Sultan by the governor of Egypt, Mohammed Ali, and by 1818 the Wahhabi power was broken, Dar'iya captured and razed, and the reigning Su'udi sent to execution at Constantinople.

Sir Hamilton A. R. Gibb, “Muhammedanism, An Historical Survey”, A Mentor Book, New American Library, New York, 1955, p. 128
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Mordechai Nisan (Canadian Scholar, Writer, 19..-...)

At the same time, [1864-1920] however, a cultural resurgence involving the natural talents of the Maronites progressed in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Along with Melkites, Maronites provided an elite in the fields of journalism and poetry, as well as government service for foreign consulates. Butrus Bustani (d.1882), admittedly a curious case because of his conversion to Protestanism, was a leader in cultivating the modern Arabic vernacular and propagating the enlightenment ideas of Western learning and political consciousness. Beirut was a focus of Arab nationalist stirrings, and Bustani became the secretary of the Society of Arts and Sciences established there in 1847. He acquired a reputation with his work on an Arabic translation of the Bible and Arabic encyclopedia. The Syrian Scientific Society that arose in 1857 included one of his sons. It was in the bosom of foreign ecclesiastical missions sponsored by the Jesuits and the Americans that Maronites, and indeed other Christian denominations, studied and wrote, and planted the intellectual seeds for political change. The epitom of educational developments was the Syrian Protestant College founded in 1866 and St Joseph University in 1875. It was in particular the latter, Catholic-inspired and teaching the French language, that became a home for the new Maronite intelligentsia in Lebanon. Fenced in politically but flourishing educationally, the ground was sown for a potential Maronite national breakthrough. Its intellectuals were dispersed in Beirut, Paris, and Cairo, but their primary focus remained the mountain and Lebanon as a whole.

Mordechai Nisan, “Minorities In The Middle East, A History Of Struggle And Self-Expression", Second Edition, McFarland & Company, USA, 2002, pp. 204-205

The urban mentality of Maronite culture made them bourgeois merchants and anti-revolutionary conservatives. This converged with their Christian mission in the East, a historical holding operation, a last fortress against the fire of Islam ablaze across the region. But the city, while it symbolized Maronite success economically, stood in contrast, for example, with Druze success militarily in the mountain. And it was the Druzes who got the better off the Maronites in the Shouf battles in 1983. Ibn Khaldun's warning that the city breeds complaisance and erodes manly vitality seemed to become, but only in part, a dark Maronite truth. For money and leisure, Maronites not only left the mountain for the city but actually left Lebanon for the West. A joie de vivre replaced group asabiyya as the ethos of the day. Or as John Sykes wrote, the Maronites "were completely like West Europeans." But can you remain Europeans in the vortex of Middle Eastern tribal warfare, and stay alive?

Mordechai Nisan, “Minorities In The Middle East, A History Of Struggle And Self-Expression", Second Edition, McFarland & Company, USA, 2002, p. 217

The origins of Zionism among Ashkenazi Jews in Europe, rather than among oriental Jews in the Middle East, is therefore clarified as a historical necessity. Eastern Jews, politically and psychologically impaired living under Muslim rule, could never turn their dhimmi existence or imagine they could into the stuff of revolutionary politics and national liberation. Mideastern/North African Jews moreover, untouched by the impact of secularism and irreligion, were more attuned to awaiting direct divine intervention in history rather than haughtily assuming they could make history themselves. European Jews, largely unaware of the political dimensions inherent in Islam and Arabism, could imagine in their Enlightenment romanticism that anything was possible. Ignorance became a springboard of a national venture of questionable practicality. But Zionism succeeded in the way Nietzsche believed that people have to forget the past in order to make the future, bacause ignorance-that is, unfamiliarity with all the facts-is sometimes a condition for making history.

Mordechai Nisan
, “Minorities In The Middle East, A History Of Struggle And Self-Expression", Second Edition, McFarland & Company, USA, 2002, pp. 264-265
 
(...) It might be said that Kurds were most decidedly more of a distinct people than Kuwaitis, yet Kuwait existed as a state, but Kurdistan did not.

Mordechai Nisan, “Minorities In The Middle East, A History Of Struggle And Self-Expression", Second Edition, McFarland & Company, USA, 2002, p. 296
 
The mountain hearth, so prevalent a factor in our comparative survey of Mideastern minorities, was definitely a central component in their survival kit. Hisham Sharabi wrote:
    
"The rugged highlands and mountain regions-the Rif and High and Middle Atlas in Morocco, the Aures and Kabyle in Algeria, the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon in Lebanon and Syria, the Jabal al-Druze in Syria, the Kurdish mountains in Iraq... are the home of linguistic, religious, or ethnic minorities."

Mordechai Nisan, “Minorities In The Middle East, A History Of Struggle And Self-Expression", Second Edition, McFarland & Company, USA, 2002, p. 298
 
It is ironic that many states in the world have a decidedly much briefer history and considerably inferior group credentials for political independence than many of the region's peoples. Andorra and Lichtenstein as partial sovereignties, the Seychelles and Western Samoa as tiny countries, dot the international map. Kalat is not the capital of a Free Baluchistan, nor is Juba the capital of a Free Christian Nile State. Suwayda is not the capital of a Druze state, nor is Lattakia, for that matter, a capital of independent Alawite entity. Sulaimaniah is not the capital of a Free Kurdistan, nor is Asyut the capital of a Christian Copt state. But the Marshall Islands, with all due respect, constitute a sovereign state.

Mordechai Nisan, “Minorities In The Middle East, A History Of Struggle And Self-Expression", Second Edition, McFarland & Company, USA, 2002, p. 306

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Elie Kedourie (British historian, 1926-1992)

The Middle East is always a crossroads, leading to Central Asia, India, the Mediterranean and beyond, swept by the wind of conquerors and colonisers, traversed and re-traversed by travellers, traffic and merchandise. For good or evil, its destiny is to receive influences, to assimilate them or, more rarely, to reject them. it may be that such a destiny is a malady, but it has been a perpetual malady, and the attempt to restore the patient to good health may perhaps end in his demise. There exists a sounder and more compassionate doctrine concerning the Levant. A writer, attempting to describe the Lebanon, says of its population that 'it is no more Phoenician than Egyptian, Aegean, Assyrian or Mede, Greek, Roman, Byzantine or Arab, ... it is European in its alliances, Turkish in its customs. We may say at the most that it is a Mediterranean species, probably the most difficult to describe. It has its own physiognomy and none other. And it is not possible to understand the Lebanon of today without accepting it exactly for what it is.'1 Not only the Lebanon but of all the Middle East exactly is, appears nowhere better perhaps than in a passage of Sir Charles Eliot's descriptive of Constantinople: 'Nothing, perhaps, gives one a better idea of the character of its inhabitants than what is styled an Almanach a l'usage du Levant. Every leaf which is daily torn off... bears inscriptons in six languages: Turkish, French, Bulgarian, Greek, Armenian, and Spanish in Hebrew letters. It records the flight of time according to five systems. Thus the same day is described as December 9, 1898, new style, or November 27, old style; or Rejeb 26, 1316, for the devout Muhammedan, who counts from the Hijra; or Teshrin-i-sani 27, 1314, for the official Turk who follows the "financial year" (a remarkable invention of the Sublime Porte); or Kislev 25, 5659, for the Jew who does not pretend to be a Christian.

1 M.Chia, Liban d'Aujourd'hui (1942), Beirut, 1949, p.49

Elie Kedourie, “England and the Middle East, The Destruction of the Ottoman Empire, 1914-1921", The Harvester Press, Great Britain, 1978, p. 76

Wilson recounts a secret meeting he had with three Sunni nationalists in Baghdad in June 1920, in an attempt to dissuade them from violent courses. 'I reminded them that only the Mandate stood between them and the resumption by Turkey of her former position in Iraq. This shot went home, but one of the three remarked that the Turks were after all Muslims and were prepared ... to give Iraq autonomy. I mentioned the Kurdish minority, and the powerful Shi'a elements on the Euphrates...; they replied that both groups were ignorant peasants who could easily be kept in their place, the former by the mutual jealousies of their leaders, the latter by the same agency and through the priesthood, who, they said, were at one with the Nationalist party.'2
2 Loyalties II, pp.268-9.

Elie Kedourie, “England and the Middle East, The Destruction of the Ottoman Empire, 1914-1921", The Harvester Press, Great Britain, 1978, p. 190

'Shortly before Faisal reached Iraq' writes Cox's bioghrapher, 'Cox had saved Faisal's partisans, and the Provisional Government as well, from an awkward situation by his attitude towards a strong delegation from Basra who brought a petition requesting separate treatment for Basra Province. They would accept a common King, but they asked that their province might have a separate Legislature and Army, and raise and spend its own taxes... Cox gave them a sympathetic hearing but told them that the British Government wanted to see a united Iraq.'1 The Kurds stood aloof. Churchill, while introducing Faisal's candidature in the House of Commons had sais: 'The kurd of course does not appreciate the prospect of being ruled by an Arab Government... [The Kurds] have expressed considerable apprehension at the idea of an Arab Government,... We have therefore instituted inquiries throughout the Kurdish areas, and the result has been to confirm the view that the people of southern Kurdistan would only accept union with Iraq if they were dealt with by the High Commissioner direct.'2 But the case of the Shi'a tribes of the middle Euphrates is the most curious. it was their rising which had occasioned Faisal's coming to Iraq. Now however that Faisal was coming to them, they showed not the least desire to welcome him. The plan of their leaders had misfired. These had thought to oust the English with the help of Sharifians and themselves rule the country, leaving a pittance of power to the Sunnis for their timely complicity.
2 H.C.Deb. 5S., vol. CXLIII, col. 281

Elie Kedourie, “England and the Middle East, The Destruction of the Ottoman Empire, 1914-1921", The Harvester Press, Great Britain, 1978, p. 209
  
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Efraim Karsh (Israeli Scholar, Writer, 1953-...)
 
Nor was the Ottoman Empire a passive spectator of European events. It was certainly "sick," and seriously so, but it would not just lie down and die. Instead, it would do whatever it took to survive, be that skillfully pitting its enemies against one another or using European support to arrest, and if possible reverse, domestic disintegration and external decline. A landmark of Ottoman reliance on "infidel" support against fellow Muslims was crossed in the 1830s, when the great powers saved the Muslim Empire from certain destruction at the hands of one of its imperialist subjects, Egypt's Governor Muhammad Ali. Similarly, it was Britain and France, later joined by Sardinia, that bailed out the Ottomans from their ill-conceived "holy war" (jihad) against Russia, triggering the process what came to be known as the Crimean War of 1854-1855. When in the 1870s the Ottomans were confronted with a general revolt in their Balkan provinces that culminated in a full-fledged Turco-Russian war, it was yet again the great powers that redressed the Ottoman setbacks and kept the clinicaly dead Muslim Empire alive. The same scenario was repeated as late as 1913, when Istanbul was about to be overrun by a war coalition of the Balkan states seeking an end to the Ottoman imperial presence in Europe once and for all, only this time it was Russia that played a leading role in securing Ottoman survival.

Efraim Karsh & Inari Karsh, “Empires Of The Sand, The Struggle For Mastery In The Middle East, 1789-1923", Harvard University Press, USA, 1999, pp. 4-5
 
For the Entente, the Ottoman entry into the war was an unwelcome expansion of the conflict. However, as fughting on the Western front degenerated into a bloody and futile stalemate, some prominent British policymakers, notably First Lord of the Admiralty Curchill and Secretary of War Kitchener, suggested throwing the Central Powers off balance by striking at their Achille's heel-'The Sick Man of Europe." By way of achieving this goal the Easterners, as the proponents of a Middle Eastern campaign were dubbed, advanced three possible courses of action:
 
- a landing in the Gulf of Alexandretta with a view to cutting the railroad between Syria and Anatolia, thus forestalling an Ottoman attack against Egypt and encouraging the Arabic-speaking subjects to break with their suzerain;
- dispatch of a force to Salonika strong enough to bring Greece and Bulgaria into the war on the Entente's side; and, finally,
- an attack on the Dardanelles and the landing of a force to take Istanbul.
 
Before long the Dardanelles option reigned supreme over the other two. While the Salonika and Alexandretta landings were complex amphibious operations necessitating large numbers of ground forces, the attack on the straits was seen as a predominantly naval gambit requiring only modest ground forces. Also, the French were adamantly opposed to a British landing in the Levant, for fear that this would jeopardize their future position there, while an attack on the Dardanelles generated no such anxieties. Above all, a successfull naval attack on Istanbul could deliver the knock-out blow to the Ottoman Empire with all its attendant consequences: diverting significant Russian forces from Transcaucasia to the main theater of war in Europe; securing the logistical naval lifeline between the Western Allies and Russia; curtailing German influence in the Middle East and the Balkans and including the uncommitted Balkan states to enter the war on the side of the Entente; and, finally consolidating Britain's position in Egypt and Mesopotamia.

Efraim Karsh & Inari Karsh, “Empires Of The Sand, The Struggle For Mastery In The Middle East, 1789-1923", Harvard University Press, USA, 1999, pp. 142-143
 
The final nail in the coffin of the secret wartime agreements on the partition of the Ottoman Empire was driven in by none other than the intended target of those agreements. The empire was to be stripped not only of its vast Arabic-speaking provinces, but also of most of the Turkish homeland itself: Istanbul and the straits were to go to Russia, together with most of Turkish Armenia, while the rest of Asia Minor, apart from a tiny Turkish state in eastern and nort-central  Anatolia, was to be split between France and Italy.
 
The planned division of spoils never occurred, partly because Russia departed from the war following the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution and repudiated the secret wartime agreements, and partly because the peace conference failed to reach a quick decision on the future of the defunct Ottoman Empire owing to Anglo-French-Italian differences and American indecision. But the foremost factor contributing to the failure of these plans was the surge of a new and vibrant brand of Turkish nationalism, ready to disown the Ottoman imperial legacy but never to accept the partition and subjugation of the Turkish homeland. The person who was almost single-handedly responsible for this historic turning point in Turkish history was the dashing war hero General Mustafa Kemal, later known as Kemal Ataturk.
 
Efraim Karsh & Inari Karsh, “Empires Of The Sand, The Struggle For Mastery In The Middle East, 1789-1923", Harvard University Press, USA, 1999, p. 326
 
***
C. H. Wheeler (American Clergyman, Missionary to Eastern Turkey, 18..-19..)

(...) From the mission press in Constantinople, Dr Riggs has given to the Armenians of northern and eastern Turkey an admirable translation of the Bible in their own tongue, and entered upon the same work for Bulgarians in their language. Dr Goodel, previous to his death, gave to the Armenians of the Central Mission and elsewhere an Armeno-Turkish Bible, that is, in the Turkish language, printed in the Armenian character, and Dr Schauffer does the same for the Turks, by revising the translation which has been made in their tongue, the Arabo-Turkish.
 
From the same press has also been issued the Graeco-Turkish Bible, and the four gospels in Koormangie Koordish, using Armenian alphabet. This is probably the only book ever printed in that language, which is used not only by a large portion of the Koords, but also by many thousands of Armenians, Turks, Yezidees, Jacobites, and Nestorians in Koordistan, the eastern portion of Turkey in Asia. 

Rev. C. H. Wheeler, “Ten Years On Euphrates; Or, Primitive Missionary Policy Illustrated”, American Tract Society, Lockwood, Brooks, and Company, New York, 1868, pp. 21-22

Sometimes, in early spring, the morning light shows the plain of Harpoot covered with a dense fog, the deposit of the past night's darkness and chill, which seems a vast leaden sea, its farther shores the distant mountains. But by and by the sun rises, and, at first agitating the outspread mass, and here and there revealing an outcripping hill, at length lifts and dispels it all, or pours it over the Taurus to be dissipated by more southern heats; and the populous plain, in its vernal bloom and beauty, lies outspread before us.

Rev. C. H. Wheeler, “Ten Years On Euphrates; Or, Primitive Missionary Policy Illustrated”, American Tract Society, Lockwood, Brooks, and Company, New York, 1868, p. 304

***
 
V. S. Naipaul(Trinidad borne British Writer, 1932-...)

General Rahimuddin, the governor of Baluchistan, arrived. On the wharf the bagpipe band, in tartans, paraded and shirled; the inherited British military style, appropriate to a general with a peaked cap, dark glasses, stars and baton, imposed on this pilgrimage to Mecca, a pilgrimage older than Islam, rooted in old Arabian tribal worship, and incorporated by the Prophet into the practices of Islam: layer upon layer of history here.

V. S. Naipaul, “Among The Believers-An Islamic Journey", Andre Deutsch, Great Britain, 1981, p. 105

History makes one aware that there is no finality in human affairs; there is not a static perfection and an unimprovable wisdom to be achieved.

Bertrand Russell: Portraits from Memory

Quoted in V. S. Naipaul, “Among The Believers-An Islamic Journey", Andre Deutsch, Great Britain, 1981, p. 211

***
Umberto Eco (Italian Writer, Scholar, Essayist, 1932-...)

As a scholar I am interested in philosophy of language, semiotics, call it what you want, and one of the main features of the human language is the possibility of lying. A dog doesn't lie. When it barks, it means there is somebody outside. From lies to forgeries the step is not so long., and I have written technical essays on the logic of forgeries and on the influence of forgeries on history. The most famous and terrible of those forgeries is the Protocols.

Quoted in
Stephen Moss, “People Are Tired Of Simple Things", appeared on Gulf Times-Time Out, Doha, Qatar, 7th December 2011, p. 4-5

Italy is not an intellectual country. On the subway in Tokyo everybody reads. In Italy they don't. Don't evaluate Italy from the fact that it produced Raphael and Michelangelo.

Quoted in Stephen Moss, “People Are Tired Of Simple Things", appeared on Gulf Times-Time Out, Doha, Qatar, 7th December 2011, p. 4-5

Sometimes I say I hate The Name Of The Rose, because the following books maybe were better. But it happens to many writers. Gabriel Garcia Marquez can write 50 books, but he will be remembered always for Cien Anos de Soledad. Every time I publish a new novel, sales of The Name Of The Rose go up. What is the reaction? 'Ah, a new book of Eco. But I have never read The Name Of The Rose.' Which by the way, costs less because it is in paperback.

Quoted in Stephen Moss, “People Are Tired Of Simple Things", appeared on Gulf Times-Time Out, Doha, Qatar, 7th December 2011, p. 4-5

***
Niall Ferguson
(British Historian, 1964-...)

Since the eruption of Islam from the Arabian deserts in the seventh century, there have been repeated clashes between West and East. The followers of Muhammad waged jihad against the followers of Jesus Christ,  and the Christians returned the compliment with crusaders  to the Holy Land –nine in all between 1095 and 1272-and reconquest of Spain  and Portugal. For most of the past 300 years, give or take the odd temporary setback, the West has consistently won this clash of civilizations. One of the main reasons for this has been the superiority of Western science.

Niall Ferguson, Civilization-The West and the Rest, Allen Lane an imprint of Penguin Books, Great Britain, 2011, p.50-51


A host of legends sprang up in the wake of Vienna’s relief: that the crescents on the Turkish flags inspired the croissant, that abandoned Ottoman coffee was used to found the first Viennese café and to make the first cappuccino, and that captured Turkish percussion instruments  (cymbals, triangles and bass drums) were adopted by the Austrian regimental bands. The event’s true historical significance was far greater. For the Ottoman Empire, this second failure to take Vienna marked the beginning of the end -a moment of imperial overstretch with disastrous long-term consequences. In battle after battle, culminating in Prince Eugene of Savoy’s crushing victory at Zenta in 1697, the Ottomans were driven from nearly all the European lands conquered by Suleiman the Magnificent. The Treaty of Karlowitz, under which the Sultan renounced all claims to Hungary and Transylvania, was a humiliation.

The raising of the siege of Vienna was not only a turning point in the centuries-old struggle between Christianity and Islam. It was also a pivotal moment in the rise of the West. In the field of battle, it is true, the two sides had seemed quite evenly matched in 1683. Indeed, in many respects there was little to choose between them. Tatars fought on both sides. Christian troops from Turkish-controlled Moldavia and Wallachia were obliged to support the Ottomans. The many paintings and engravings of the campaign make it clear that the differences between two armies were sartorial more than technological or tactical. But the timing of the siege was significant. For the late seventeenth century was a time of accelerating change in Europe in two crucial fields: natural philosophy (as science was then known) and political theory. The years after 1683 saw profound changes in the way the Western mind conceived of both nature and government. In 1687 Isaac Newton published his Pricipia. Three years later, his friend John Locke published his Second Treatise of Government. If one thing came to differentiate the West from the East it was the widely differing  degrees to which such new and profound knowledge was systematically pursued and applied.

Niall Ferguson, Civilization-The West and the Rest, Allen Lane an imprint of Penguin Books, Great Britain, 2011, p.56-57

The poet Lord Byron once wrote to a friend : ‘In England , the vices in fashion are whoring and drinking, in Turkey sodomy and smoking, we prefer a girl and bottle, they a pipe and pathic {catamite]…’

Niall Ferguson, Civilization-The West and the Rest, Allen Lane an imprint of Penguin Books, Great Britain, 2011, p.74

Invigorated by the combination of freedom and foreigners, Prussia experienced a cultural boom marked by the founding of new reading societies, discussion groups, bookshops, journals and scientific societies. Though he himself professed to despise the language, preferring to write in French and speak German only to his horse, Frederick’s reign saw a surge of new publications in German. It was under his rule that Immanual Kant emerged as perhaps the greatest philosopher of the eighteenth century, his Critique of Pure Reason (1781) probing the very nature and limitations of human rationality itself.Living and working throughout his life at the Albertina University at Konigsberg, Kant was an even more austere figure than his king, taking his daily walk so punctually that locals set their watches by him. It mattered not one with to Frederick that the great thinker was the grand son of a Scottish saddle-maker. What mattered was the quality of his mind rather than his birth. Nor did it bother Frederick that one of Kant’s intellectual near-equals , Moses Mendelsshon , was a Jew. Christianity, the King remarked sardonically, was ‘stuffed with miracles, contradictions and absurdities, was spawned in the fevered imaginations of the Orientals and then spread to our Europe, where some fanatics espoused it, some intriguers pretended to be convinced by it and some imbeciles actually believed it’.

Niall Ferguson, Civilization-The West and the Rest, Allen Lane an imprint of Penguin Books, Great Britain, 2011, p.76

In one corner of the Dolmabahce Palace’s many vast halls stands the most extraordinary clock, which is also a thermometer, a barometer and a calendar. It was a gift from the Khedve of Egypt to the Sultan. It even ha an inscription in Arabic: ‘May your every minute be worth an hour and your every hour, a hundred years.’ It looks like a masterpiece of Oriental technology –except for one small detail: it was made in Austria, by Wilelm Kirsch.As Kirsch’s clock perfectly illustrates, the mere importation of Western technology was no substitute for a home-grown Ottomam modernization. The Turks needed not just a new palace, but a new constitution, anew alphabet –in fact a new state. The fact that they finally got all these things was largely due to the efforts of one man. His name was Kemal Ataturk. His ambition was to be Turkey’s Frederick the Great.

Niall Ferguson, Civilization-The West and the Rest, Allen Lane an imprint of Penguin Books, Great Britain, 2011, p.90

(…) By a rich irony, the dream of a racially pure imperium had turned Germany itself into a multi-ethnic state, albeit a slave state. The replacement of East European slaves with Turkish and Yugoslav’guest workers’ after the war did not change the economic argument. Modern Germany did not in fact need ‘living space’. It needed living immigrants.

Niall Ferguson, Civilization-The West and the Rest, Allen Lane an imprint of Penguin Books, Great Britain, 2011, p.194-195

The great puzzle it that, somehow, out of this atrocious age of destruction, there emerged a new model of civilization centred around not colonization but consumption. By 1945, it was time for the West to lay down its arms and pick up its shopping bags –to take off its uniform and put on its blue jeans.

Niall Ferguson, Civilization-The West and the Rest, Allen Lane an imprint of Penguin Books, Great Britain, 2011, p.195

In his Contribution to a Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right, Marx had famously called religion the ‘the opium of the masses’. If so, then nationalism was the cocaine of the middle classes.

Niall Ferguson, Civilization-The West and the Rest, Allen Lane an imprint of Penguin Books, Great Britain, 2011, p.212

(..) In 1986 the French leftist philosopher and former comrade in arms of Che Guevara, Regis Debray, remarked: ‘There is more power in rock music, videos, blue jeans, fast food, news networks and TV satellites than in the entire Red Army.’ Thatmuch was becoming clear by the mid-1980’s. But in 1968, however, it was anything but certain.

Niall Ferguson, Civilization-The West and the Rest, Allen Lane an imprint of Penguin Books, Great Britain, 2011, p.244

(…) Why did the West dominate the Rest and not vice versa? I have argued that it was because the West developed six killer applications that the Rest lacked. These were:

1.       Competition, in that Europe itself was politically fragmented and that within each monarchy or republic there were multiple competing corporate entities.

2.       The Scientific Revolution, in that all the major seventeeth-century breakthroughs in mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry and biology happened in Western Europe.

3.       The rule of law and representative government, in that an optimal system of social and political order emerged in the English-speaking world, based on private property rights and the representation of property-owners in elected legislatures.

4.       Modern medicine, in that nearly all the major nineteeth –and twentieth –century breakthroughs in healthcare, including the control of tropical diseases, were made by Western Europeans and North Americans.

5.       The consumer society, in that the Industrial Revolution took place where there was a both a supply of productivity-enhancing technologies and a demand for more, better and cheaper goods, beginning with cotton garments.

6.       The work ethic, in that Westerners were the first people in the world to combine more extensive and intensive labour with higher savings rates, permitting sustained capital accumulation.

Niall Ferguson, Civilization-The West and the Rest, Allen Lane an imprint of Penguin Books, Great Britain, 2011, p.305-306

(…) What makes acivilization real to its inhabitants, in the end, is not just the splendid edifices at its centre, nor even the smooth functioning of the institutions they house. At its core, a civilization is the texts that are taught in its schools, learned by its students and recollected in times of tribulation. (…)

Niall Ferguson, Civilization-The West and the Rest, Allen Lane an imprint of Penguin Books, Great Britain, 2011, p.324

***
Cemal Madanoglu
(Turkish Soldier, Politician, 1907-1993)

Sason, Siirt'in kuzeybatisinda Turkiye'nin en sarp bolgelerinden birisi, belki de birincisidir. Dersim, Sason'a gore Bati sayilir. Dersim'den Sark hizmetiyle bizim birliklere gelen subaylar sasirirlardi.

Biz Sason bolgesine yonelik bir gorev aldik.

Baslangicta bu gorevin anlamini degerlendirecek durumda degildim. Olaylarin icinde yasadikca kavramaya basladim. Sason'da doganin en sert kosullarinda cok cetin bir yasam surdurdum.

Maresal demisti ki:

- Ben subaylari jandarmaya katip olsunlar diye vermedim. Seyyarlara tayin edin ki biraz kursun sesi duysunlar.

Kursun sesleriyle uyuyup uyanmak, olumle sik-sik karsilasmak Sason'da dogal bir seydi.

Sason, kus ucmaz kervan gecmez dedikleri yabanil ve sarp bir bolgedir. Burada halk askere gitmez, vergi vermez, kendine gore bir duzen icinde ve ilkel kosullarda yasar. Turkiye Buyuk Millet Meclisinden cikarilan bir yasaya gore, hukumet bu yoreyi yasak bolge yapmis. Ankara'dan bir kurul gelmis, Sason cevresindeki sarp tepelerin uzerine birer flama dikmis, bu sinirlar icinde oturmak yasak denmis.

Halk, yonetimin gosterdigi, onerdigi baska bolgelere yerlestirilecek. Ancak bu yasa cikmis, yaptirim kullanilmamis, o bolgedeki asiretlerin ustune gidilmemis.

Boylece yasak bolgede, ya da o yorenin deyimiyle "mintika-i memnu"da yasayanlar hayatlarini bildikleri gibi surduruyorlarmis. Bir olay patlak vermis.

Sason ilce merkezine cok dogrucu bir kaymakam gelmis. Ilcedeki ileri gelenlerin uygunsuz tutum ve davranislarina iliskin dosyalar tutmaya baslamis. Ilcedeki yetkililer de kaymakama karsi birlesmisler. Kaymakam bu cephe karsisinda yenilgiye ugramis. Adamcagizi gorevden almislar. Onun yerine hemen bir kaymakam atanamamis. Ancak o yoreden bir bucak muduru vekil olarak gelmis. Yeni kaymakam vekili hirsli bir kisi olsa gerek. Kaymakamliga asil olarak yerlesmek istiyor. Ordudan uzaklastirilmis eski bir subay oldugu soylenen bu adam hemen ise girismis, ilce merkezindeki ileri gelenleri avucuna amlis; Jandarma Yuzbasisi, Tayyare Cemiyeti Reisi, Muftu, Posta Muduru, kim varsa butunlesmisler! Ilcede karakollari kapatmislar; karakollardan getirdikleri erlerle ilce merkezinde bir boluk kurmuslar. Bu bolugun basina gecerek bolgede vergi toplayacaklar.

Yeni kaymakam vekili de diyecek ki:

- Simdiye dek ilcede vergi toplanamamisti, ilk kez ben topladim.

Bu plan yukariya yaranmak ve goze girmek icin basarili gorunuyor.

Kaymakam vekili, emrindeki birlikle plani uygulamak icin Sason daglarinda yurudukce haber de yayiliyor. Ilk yonelis Harbak vadisine...

Harbak vadisinde, Harbak koyunun bir agasi var.

Adi Tatari Batiki.

Bizimkiler Tatar Badik derlerdi.

Harbak vadisinin icindeki butun koyler, butun halk bu adamin agzinin icine bakiyor. Tatari Batiki'ye askerin geldigini soyledikleri zaman:

- Durun bakalim hele yaklassinlar, diyor.

Jandarma Tatari Batiki'nin koyune varinca tepelerden tepelere seslenip anlasiyorlar. Bulusma saglaniyor. Kaymakam vekili isteklerini bildiriyor:

- Vergi almaya geldik.

Tatari Batiki akilli adam; dusunuyor ve diyor ki:

- Ben istesem elimdeki kuvvetle bu bolugu durdurabilir, en azindan urkutebilirim; ama karsimdaki devlettir; sonra arkadan bir tumen gelir, buyuk zarara ugrariz, iyisi mi, bunlara biraz para verelim gitsinler.

Tatari Batiki diyor ki:

- Asker ilerlemesin, oldugu yerde konaklasin; sizler konugumuz olun; koyumuze buyrun; biz de bu arada istediginiz parayi toplayalim.

Anlasma gerceklesiyor.

Koye yukardan bakan bir tepeye asker yerlesiyor; asagi inmiyor; kaymakam, jandarma komutani, muftu, ve otekiler koyde cesitli evlerde konuk olarak agirlaniyorlar.

Jandarma Yuzbasisini da Tatari Batiki kendi evinde agirliyor.

Yorgun konuklar ellerini yuzlerini yikayip dinlenmek icin cekiliyorlar.

Tatari Batiki adamlarini yoredeki koylere kosturararak para toplamaya calisiyor.

Ancak ters bir is oluyor:

Tatatri Batiki'nin evinde erkek yok; gelin haril haril yemek hazirliyor. Tam o sirada yuzbasi geline yaklasmak isteyince olay cikiyor. Kadin direniyor, basliyor bagirmaya...

Ve kotu rastlantilar birbiri ardina gelisiyor. Oralarin evlerinde pencereler cok kucuk birer delik. Gelin bagirinca elinde mecidiye dolu cikinla yakin bir koyden donen bir erkek duyuyor. Bir kez patirdi gurultu cikmaya gorsun. Herkes birbirine seslenmeye baslar. Erkekler toplanip eve dogrulunca Jandarma Yuzbasisi evin damina cikip durumu goruyor. Oradan bir gubre yigininin ustune atlayip askerin bulundugu tepeye dogru kosmaya basliyor. Pesinden kosanlari korkutmak icin de bir kac el ates ediyor. Bu durumda yuzbasinin ustune gidemiyorlar. Boluk de yuzbasiyi gorunce koruma atesi aciyor.

Yuzbasi kurtuluyor.

Ama koylunun gozunu kan buruyor, ne kaymakam vekili, ne muftu, ne Tayyare Cemiyeti Reisi kurtulabiliyor; hepsini olduruyorlar.

Jandarma yuzbasisi olayi rapor ediyor; ne var ki gercegi oldugu gibi yazmiyor.

Sason'da harekat emri bu gerekceyle veriliyor

Cemal Madanoglu, "Anilar, 1911-1953", Evrim Yayinevi, Istanbul, 1982, p.147-150

***
Paul B. Henze (American Spy, Writer, 1924-2011)

The main characteristic of Islam in Turkey is that it is routine. Islamic traditions are an integral ingredient of Turkish history, but they are not an overwhelming aspect of it, as they are for Arabs. The pre-Islamic Central Asian past has as much appeal to Turks as any period in the Islamic era. Like many peoples worldwide, as education has spread and modern media developed to reach most of the population, Turks have become increasingly interested in their roots. The heroic Turkic element looms larger than Islam in the Turkish past but Turks see little conflict between the two.

Paul B. Henze, "Turkey's New Geopolitics: From the Balkans to Western China", by Graham E. Fuller and Ian O. Lesser with Paul B. Henze and J.F.Brown, Westview Press, A Rand Study, USA, 1993, p.5-6

***
Graham E. Fuller (American Author, Political Analyst, 1937-......)

World events, as well as the evolution of Turkish domestic policies, conspire to give Turkey a new prominence in international politics and a higher profile in the Middle East and the Muslim areas of the Soviet Union and China. While Turkey has traditionally avoided this kind of involvement, it will come under pressure for change, for economic reasons and because other Turkic areas will seek Turkish ties and support. As a major power in the region, Turkey will inevitably need to concern itself more with events in the Arab world, Iran and Israel as well. 

Graham E. Fuller, "Turkey's New Geopolitics: From the Balkans to Western China", by Graham E. Fuller and Ian O. Lesser with Paul B. Henze and J.F.Brown, Westview Press, A Rand Study, USA, 1993, p.91

***
Xenophon (Ancient Greek Soldier, Mercenary, Philosopher, Historian, 430 BC-354 BC)

'You may say, perhaps, that I may have received your pay from Seuthes and I am now trying to deceive you about it. On that assumption, this, anyway, is something one can be certain  about: Seuthes, if he gave me anything, did not, I feel sure, give it to me with the idea of both losing what he gave me and paying out more still to you. No, if he give me anything, he would, I imagine, have given it to me on the understanding that he was giving me a smaller sum as to avoid paying a greater sum to you. So, if you think that this is what happened, you are now in a position to make the whole scheme worthless for both of us, simply by demanding your pay from him. If I have any of his money, it is obvious that Seuthes will ask for it back again, and he will be quite right in doing so if I have not done the job which I was bribed to do.

'In point of fact, I know that I am very far indeed from having your pay. I swear to you by all gods and goddesses that I have not even got what Seuthes promised for myself. He is present here and listening, and he knows whether I am perjuring myself or not. And I swear to you also -to make you even more surprised- that I have not had as much as the other generals have had, and indeed not even as much as some of the captains. Why, you may ask, have I not? This is why: because my friends, I thought that by sharing his original poverty I should make him all the more my friend when he was in a position to show his friendship. Now, of course, I see that he is doing well for himself, and have also learned what his real character is. You may easily say to me, "Are you not ashamed of yourself for being so stupidly taken in?" I should certainly be ashamed if I had been taken by someone who was an enemy: but in the case of a friend I think it is more shameful to practice deception than to suffer from it.

Xenophon, "The Persian Expedition", Translated by Rex Warner, Penguin Classics, Great Britain, 1967, p.282 

 ***
Tristram Hunt
(British Politician, Activist, Columnist, 1974-)

Her (Queen Elizabeth II) reign has encompassed the demise of Britain as a great global power, the transformation of culture and class, the lobotomy of the British economy, the end of deference and a distinctive sense of Britishness, and yet has also maintained a strong sense of national pride and self-belief in which she herself is bound up.

Tristram Hunt, "The Elizabethan Age", article appeared on Time Out supplement of Gulf Times published in Doha, Qatar, 3rd June 2012

***
Wilfred Thesiger (British Explorer, Travel Writer, 1910-2003)

The most interesting character I met in Kurdistan was Sheikh Mahmud. Intensely ambitious and aspiring to rule an independent Kurdistan, he had led his tribesmen in insurrection from 1919 to 1930 against British who then controlled Iraq. Defeated each time after fierce fighting, he would be exiled, pardoned and allowed to return, only to rebel once more. His last uprising was against the Iraqis in 1941. I had known him well by repute. A stout, jovial figure, Sheikh Mahmud often entertained me in his house: in the evening, after we had fed, he would recall ancient battles and British officers he had known. A few years later he died. I am glad I met him.

Wilfred Thesiger, "Among The Mountains-Travels Through Asia", Flamingo, London, 2000, p.4

In 1949, on my way back to England from Oman, I traveled briefly through Persia by car, from Bushire to Shiraz, Isfahan, Tehran and Tabriz, then on through Kurdistan to Baghdad. As we climbed over the pass at Haji Umran, into Iraq, I felt an uplift of the spirit. The mountains, some of them snow-capped, looked magnificent. I felt, at once, an urge to return and travel through them.

Never had I seen such country; the great rock-girt bastion of Hendren above the gorge of Rowunduz; Helgord's twelve thousand feet; the snow-capped range of Qandil, with sheer-faced precipies of five thousand feet; and, higher still, beyond the Turkish frontier, Kara Dagh, the 'Black Mountain'. Everywhere one range was superimposed upon another. The knees of the mountains and the valley sides up to six thousand feet were wooded with holly-oaks interspersed with ash, hawthorn and wild pear, and rare stands of juniper. In the valley bottoms of the Zab, the Little Zab and other smaller rivers and torrents flowed down to join the far-off Tigris, foaming ice-cold through narrow gorges of polished rock and swirling among great boulders fallen from the cliffs above; or calm in deep green pools under grassy banks and overhanging willows.

Wilfred Thesiger, "Among The Mountains-Travels Through Asia", Flamingo, London, 2000, pp. 1-2

***
M. Nuri Dersimi (Kurdish Revolutionary, 1890-1973)

Idlib'de gorevdeydim. 10 Ekim 1954'te Ingiliz Konsolosluguyla Dr. Altunyan'la iliskisi bulunan ve seasen kendisi bizzat Ingiliz subayi olan Ador Leonyan Efendi yanima geldi. Kendisiyle birlikte calismami ve ayda 500 lira ucret karsiliginda kendisine ic ve dis siyasi durum hakkinda bilgi vermemi rica etti. Guzel Turkce konusuyordu. Bircok sohbetten sonra 500 liranin 1000 liraya cikarilacagini belirttti. Cevabimda; "Muhterem Ador bey, benim ne derece keskin bir Kurtcu oldugumu biliyorsunuz" dedim. Cevaben "evet" dedi. "Iste gelecekte bir Kurdistan olsa ve beni de Kurdistan Genel Istihbarat Baskanligina tayin etseler, lanet olsun ve namusumla yemin ederim ve sizi de temin ederim ki o gorevi kabul edemem. Muhbirligi sevmem. Red ederim ve hatta vatanimda bile bu meslegi red ederim." diyerek adi gecen kisiden ayrildim.

Dr. M. Nuri Dersimi, “Hatiratim", Doz Basim-Yayin Ltd Sti, Istanbul, Ekim 1997, pp 211-212

***

Mona Eltahawy (Egyptian Journalist, Writer, 1967-)

The Arab uprisings may have been sparked by an Arab man -- Mohamed Bouazizi, the Tunisian street vendor who set himself on fire in desperation -- but they will be finished by Arab women.

Amina Filali -- the 16-year-old Moroccan girl who drank poison after she was forced to marry, and beaten by, her rapist -- is our Bouazizi. Salwa el-Husseini, the first Egyptian woman to speak out against the "virginity tests"; Samira Ibrahim, the first one to sue; and Rasha Abdel Rahman, who testified alongside her -- they are our Bouazizis. We must not wait for them to die to become so. Manal al-Sharif, who spent nine days in jail for breaking her country's ban on women driving, is Saudi Arabia's Bouazizi. She is a one-woman revolutionary force who pushes against an ocean of misogyny.

Our political revolutions will not succeed unless they are accompanied by revolutions of thought -- social, sexual, and cultural revolutions that topple the Mubaraks in our minds as well as our bedrooms.

Mona Eltahawy, "Why Do They Hate Us? The Real War On Women Is In The Middle East", Foreign Policy, May/June 2012
***
Tacy Atkinson (American Missionary, 1870-1937)

Yesterday a large crowd of Kurdish women and children were brought in from the Dersim. More than two thousand I think. They were captured and brought in because the Kurds are in rebellion. It is supposed they are to be sent and killed just as the Armenians were. They were put in the graveyard where the Armenians were kept last summer. This afternoon they were sent back on the Dersim road. Our men said they were taking them out to kill them, while others said a pardon had come for them and they were sending them back to the Dersim.

Tacy Atkinson, "The German, The Turk and the Devil Made A Triple Alliance-Harpoot Diaries, 1908-1917, with a Foreword by J. Michael Hagopian", Gomidas Institute, Tanderon Press, USA, 2000, p. 70

Late in the summer they quit putting crowds that came from the north into the open camp, but shut them in the Gregorien cemetery which was enclosed with high walls. One day we heard that there were people there from Trebizond, Dr Parmelee wanted to find some friends so I went with her down there. A large crowd had been sent out the night before, leaving only the weak, sick and dying. But there must have been several hundred of them. Bread was given to them, but not enough. They were dying from hunger and disease. A group of soldiers had dug a great big grave as big as a room and some six feet deep. When the people died their friends would climb down into the grave and put their bodies in until they had a layer all over the ground. Then a layer of dirth was thrown on. When I saw it one layer had been finished and another begun and the soldiers stood there leaning on their shovels, smoking their cigarettes and joking with each other. As I look back it seems terrible that there was no way of escape, but at the time I only thought of how glad I was that they could be buried in a cemetery instead of being left for the birds and the beasts, and that they could die quietly and not be killed.

About the end of October Dr Atkinson took a trip around Lake Guljuk, which was about fifteen miles distant. He had only gone a short distance when he began to see bodies by the roadside. Near the feet of the mountain were a great number, these still having their clothes on. But around the lake he estimated that there were between five and ten thousand all entirely naked, nearly all women and children and nearly all of the women showed signs of mutilation, let us hope after death. They showed signs of having been killed in various ways. Some were shot, some beheaded, many were hacked or cut with hatchets or knives. This doubtless done by Kurds rather than soldiers. In one place he found a ravine where the bodies lay four or five deep just as they have fallen. They had evidently been stripped and then crowded over the precipice. In some places, the Kurds who lived in the neighbourhood had evidently tried to rid themselves of the stench by gathering the bodies together and burring them. These evidently were not our own people, but were from the regions north of us, as was indicated many papers that were found scattered about. In the valley where the Americans usually camp at the Lake, there was nothing at all. These people were without doubt some of the thousands who had camped outside Mezereh during the summer. Is it any wonder that Dr Atkinson came home sick at heart, not wanting to live any longer on this wicked earth?

Two months later he died and I was left to face life without him, yet not alone, for God's presence and power were wonderful in those days. The very men who had given us so much trouble, those whose hands were red with human blood, came to grasp my hand and weep over him.

Tacy Atkinson, "The German, The Turk and the Devil Made A Triple Alliance-Harpoot Diaries, 1908-1917, with a Foreword by J. Michael Hagopian", Gomidas Institute, Tanderon Press, USA, 2000, pp. 91-92

***
Sheri Laizer (British Journalist, Writer, 1955-....)

In his book about the new nationalism, Blood and Belonging, Michael Ignatieff uses the term 'master in your own house' in the sense of being in control of your nation and hence of yourself. He asks if the Kurds will ever truly be masters of their own house, commenting: "Statelessness is a state of mind, and it is akin to homelessness. This is what a nationalist understands: a people can become completely human, completely themselves, only when they have a place of their own. The longing for this is too strong to be stopped by (state) terror.

Sheri Lazier, "Martyrs, Traitors and Patriots-Kurdistan After the Gulf War", Zed Books, USA, 1996, p.190

***
Jonathan C. Randal (American Journalist, Writer, 1933-....)

Kurds living in Baghdad, Damascus, Istanbul, or Tehran keep alive a secret Kurdish garden, nurturing it despite the homogenizing erosion of life in these cosmopolitan capitals. A generation ago a French journalistic colleague of mine was amazed at the determined Kurdishness of a young interpreter he met in wartime Iraqi Kurdistan who had been brought up in Baghdad and spoke little Kurdish. Despite the outward evidence, he insisted he felt Kurd, explaining, "There's nothing I can do about it." I myself have marveled at the bedrock nationalism of young Turkish Kurds who speak, read, and write Turkish effortlessly but are prepared to die for a Kurdistan whose language they barely know. So, too, are Kurds as far away as Australia.

Jonathan C. Randal, "After Such Knowledge, What Forgiveness?-My Encounters With Kurdistan", Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 1997, p.5

Every Kurd can quote the passage in Mem o Zin, Ahmed-i Khani's seventeenth-century Kurdish epic poem, lamenting that curse of disunity:

These Kurds who have gained glory by their swords,

How is it that they are denied the empire of the world and are subject to others?

The Turks and the Persians are surrounded by Kurdish walls

[But] each time the Arabs and the Turks act, it is the Kurds who bathe in blood.

Ever disunited, ever discordant, they refuse to obey each other.

If we would only unite, the Turk, the Arab and the Persian [will] be our servants.

Jonathan C. Randal, "After Such Knowledge, What Forgiveness?-My Encounters With Kurdistan", Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 1997, p.43

When in the 1960s Turkey complained to Egypt's president, Gamal Abdel Nasser, about Kurdish language broadcasts on Cairo's Voice of the Arabs radio, then listened to avidly all over the Middle East, Nasser cut short the diplomatic demarche by asking the diplomat, "But are there any Kurds in your country?" Assured there were none officially, Nasser replied, "Then what are you complaining about?"

Jonathan C. Randal, "After Such Knowledge, What Forgiveness?-My Encounters With Kurdistan", Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 1997, p.88 (footnote)

During a visit to Ankara in November 1926, Henry Dobbs, the British High Commissioner in Baghdad, was told by Foreign minister Tewfik Rushdi Bey that the government "had concluded that the Kurds could never be assimilated and must be expelled. Modern Turkey was founded on hecatombs of dead and must continue to be ruthless. She had got rid of the Greeks and the Armenians and her next move would be to get rid of the Kurds." Rushdi Bey justified the Kurds' expulsion by their "hopeless mentality", and said Turkey needed their fertile land and could not trust them on the frontiers. "Turkey will never take them back" once expelled, Dobbs quoted him saying.

Jonathan C. Randal, "After Such Knowledge, What Forgiveness?-My Encounters With Kurdistan", Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 1997, p.289 (footnote)

***
Peter W. Galbraith (American Diplomat, Academic, Author, 1950-....)

Pentagon war plans involved a two-front campaign. The main American force would move north from Kuwait, skirting the souhern Iraqi cities and puhing on to Baghdad. At the same time, the Army's 4th Infantry Division would move south from Turkey toward the capital. Turkey's government reluctantly agreed to the plan but demanded as a quid pro quo that Turkish troops be allowed to enter northern Iraq, ostensibly to stop refugees from fleeing all the way to Turkey. Turkey's demands obviously had nothing to do with refugees, since the territory in question was already under Kurdish control, and it was unthinkable that the Iraqi Army would counterattack north against the U.S. Army. Turkey wanted to be in northern Iraq so as to force the Kurds back under Baghdad's control in the postwar settlement. The Bush Administration was quite happy to accomodate its NATO ally in return for the 4th Infantry Division's transit rights.
 
The problem, as I explained at the Pentagon, was that the Kurds were not going to play dead while Turkey destroyed their freedom. They certainly were not fooled by Turkey's newfound concern for refugees. Barzani, whose peshmerga controlled the part of Kurdistan adjacent to Turkey, told me explicitly that his forces would fight an invading Turkish force.
 
In February 2003, Bush's Special Envoy Zalmay Khalilzad summoned Kurdish leaders to Ankara, and told them that, in spite of their objections, the United States agreed to Turkish troops in Iraqi Kurdistan. Khalilzad brushed off the angry protests. In the sngle-mimded pusuit of their war plan, the Pentagon neoconservatives were willing to risk a war between their two allies, Turkey and the Kurds. Fotunately, the Turkish Parliament failed, by four votes, to allow U.S. troops to cross the country.

Peter W. Galbraith, "The End of Iraq-How American Incompetence Created A War Without End", Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, New York, 2006, pp. 92-93

The Kurds used to saythat they were the second most numerous people without their own state, after the Ukrainians. In September 1991, I was with Karim Khan, a Kurdish Agha (Agha are traditional tribal leaders), in the high mountains where Iraq, Turkey, and Iran come together. A peshmerga and I were listening to the BBC shortwave broadcast in which the Ukraine proclaimed its independence. I turned to my host to congratulate him on the Kurd's new status as the world's most numerous stateless people.

Peter W. Galbraith, "The End of Iraq-How American Incompetence Created A War Without End", Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, New York, 2006, pp. 148 (footnote)

Talabani worked hard to bring Sunni Arabs into the political and constitutional process but mostly encountered hard-headedness from both Sunnis and Shiites. (In a moment of exaseparation, he jokingly complained to me about `your English cousins` who had created such an unworkable country.)

Peter W. Galbraith, "The End of Iraq-How American Incompetence Created A War Without End", Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, New York, 2006, p. 189

Iraq's three-state solution could lead to the country's dissolution. There will be no reason to mourn Iraq's passing. Iraq has brought virtually nonstop misery to the 80 percent of its people who are not Sunni Arabs and could be held together only by force. Almost certainly Kurdistan's full independence is just a matter of time. As a moral matter, Iraq's Kurds are no less entitled to independence than are Lithuanians, Croatians, or Palestinians. And if Iraq's Shiites want to run their own affairs, or even have their own state, on what democratik principle should they be denied? If the price of a unified Iraq is another dictatorship, it is too high price to pay.
 
American policy makers are reflexively commited to the unity of Iraq, as they were to the unity of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. The conventional response to discussions of Iraq's breakup is to say it would be destabilising. This is a misreading of Iraq's modern history. It is the holding of Iraq together by force that has been destabilising. This has led to big armies, repressive governments, squandered oil revenues, genocide et home, and aggression abroad. Today, America's failed effort to build a unified and democratic Iraq has spawned a ferocious insurgency and a Shiite theocracy.
 
In his 2000 election campaign George W. Bush spoke of the need for humility in our approach to the world. Yet we went into Iraq with the arrogant belief that we could remake the country as we wanted it to be. We failed miserably. We should do now what we should have done at the start-defer to the peoples of Iraq. They have concluded that a single country is not possible, except in name. Yhey have incorporated what is effectively a three-state solution into a constitution overwhelmingly approved by 80 percent of the population. It is true that the Sunni Arabs did not accept the constitution, but what was the alternative? A constitution acceptable to the Sunni Arabs would have been rejected by 80 percent of the country.
 
The United States should now try to make Iraq's new political arrangements work, not continue a futil effort to undo them. This means helping Iraq's regions develop their own governments and security forces, including militaries. This in our interest. As Iraq's regions become stable, U.S. and coalition forces can withdraw. And, if one or more of Iraq's people want out, we should facilitate an amicable divorce. Civil war is not inevitable when states break up, as the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia showed. In Yugoslavia in the spring of 1991, the United States and Europe put all their diplomatic energy into a doomed effort to keep the country together when they should have focused on preventing the war that followed. Two hundred thousand people died in a war that might have been prevented with more realistic policies. The same mistake shoul not be made in Iraq, a country already in a civil war.

Peter W. Galbraith, "The End of Iraq-How American Incompetence Created A War Without End", Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, New York, 2006, pp. 206-207

***
George W. Bush (43rd U.S. President, 1946-....) 
 
Freedom is universal. Free markets are fairest. Free societies are based upon good education. Those who fought for freedom should be honored. To whom much is given, much is required.
 
I like chaleges. I find charging up the hill is very rewarding-and frustrating. It's important to set goals in life and have purpose.

Cited in "Looking Back At The Bush Years", by Tom Benning, appeared on Gulf Times, Doha, Qatar, 23 April 2013 

***
Lloyd George (British Statesman, 1863-1945)
 
At the Paris conference [1919] dominated by the United States, Britain and France, Lloyd George was heard to say: "Mesopotomaia... yes... oil... irrigation... we must have Mesopotamia [which was destined to be in Iraq]. Palestine... yes. The Holy Land... Zionism... we must have Palestine. Syria... hm; what is there in Syria? Let the French have that." Henceforth Damascus was under the French, and the Emir Faisal I, King of Greater Syria, was double crossed, and with him, Lawrence of Arabia.
 
Cited in "Syria: A Road Map to Peace", by David Owen, appeared on The Peninsula, Doha, Qatar, 5 May 2013
 
*** 
Bernard Lewis (British Historian, 1916-......)
Gandhi, whom we all admire for his long struggle against British imperialism and his ultimate success, succeded because he was fighting against a civilized democratic enemy. He wouldn't have lasted a week against Hitler or Stalin or even Saddam Hussein. One is reminded, sadly, of Gandhi's advice to the Jews in German-controlled wartime Europe to deal with Hitler "by passive resistance." He seems to have overlooked the fact that Hitler was not British.
 
Bernard Lewis with Buntzie Ellis Churchill  "Notes On A Century-Reflections Of A Middle East Historian", Viking, USA, 2012, p. 150
 
When Sadat went to Jerusalem and addressed the Knesset he had two Egyptian guards with him and an Israeli interpreter, who was my informant on this story. He went in with his guards to address the Knesset and when he spoke the Knesset was completely silent; you could have heard a pin drop. They listened in total silence and respect until he finished his speech. When Begin stood up to reply, the Knesset reverted to its normal behaivour-people coming and going, members talking to each other, interruptions and the like. The two Egyptian guards looked at this in utter amazement and one said to the other, "What is this?" The second one replied, "This is democracy." And the first one shook his head and said, "By Allah, a very sweet thing."
 
Bernard Lewis with Buntzie Ellis Churchill "Notes On A Century-Reflections Of A Middle East Historian", Viking, USA, 2012, p. 207
 
During my travels in Arab countries I heard again and again the line of argument: "We have time, we have patience, history is on our side. We got rid of the Crusaders; we got rid of the Turks; we got rid of the British. We'll get rid of the Jews in due course." Finally, I heard it once too often and sitting with a group of friends, I think it was in Jordan, I said: "Excuse me, but you've got it wrong." They said "What do you mean? That's what happened." I said, "Not quite. The Turks got rid of the Crusaders. The British got rid of the Turks. The Jews got rid of the British. I wonder who's coming here next?"
 
Bernard Lewis with Buntzie Ellis Churchill "Notes On A Century-Reflections Of A Middle East Historian", Viking, USA, 2012, p. 227
 
I believe that the repression of women has caused enormous damage to Islamic society. Not only is it depriving itself of the talents and services of half the population; it is also entrusting the nurture of much of the other half to uneducated and downtrodden mothers. At the present time there is a very interesting shift in emphasis from class to sex, and a new tendency in historical studies to consider the role of women. I see this as the major change in our times in the perception of what happened, and, more particularly, of what went wrong in Middle Eastern society. Women are after all half the population, and in many ways a much more important group than any religious, ethnic or economically defined entity.
 
Bernard Lewis with Buntzie Ellis Churchill "Notes On A Century-Reflections Of A Middle East Historian", Viking, USA, 2012, p. 257
 
A few years ago I was interviewed by a German journalist on my views on the general situation in Europe and I drew attention to the growing Muslim presence due to immigration, conversion and demography and remarked that if this continued unabated probably by the end of the twenty-first century Europe would have a Muslim majority population. The interview was published in a German newspaper and surprisingly attracted enormous worldwide attention, both positive and negative. As far as I can make out, this was the first occasion in which anyone actually drew attention to this possibility. Not long after this I had a telephone call from an Italian journalist asking to interview me. I said "What about?" He said "About the growing Muslim presence in Europe and especially in Italy and how can we defend ourselves and our identity?" "The answer is simple," I said "Marry young and have children." That was not what he wanted to hear. He slammed down the receiver and I never heard from him again.
 
Bernard Lewis with Buntzie Ellis Churchill "Notes On A Century-Reflections Of A Middle East Historian", Viking, USA, 2012, pp. 263-264
 
Until modern times, Saladin was simply a Musl'm hero, and all Muslims could take pride in his victories. In modern times, this was not enough, and attempts have been made to pin an ethnic or national label on him. He has been claimed as a Turk, as an Arab, and as an Iraqi. In a sense, all these claims have some validity. Saladin rose to command in a predominantly Turkish military institution. His career was entirely in countries of Arabic speech and culture, and his historians and panegyrists wrote only in Arabic. He was born in Takrit, the birthplace of Saddam Hussein in Iraq, and he grew to manhood in what is now Syria. From there he moved to Egypt. But if an ethnic identity must be ascribed to him, it is none of these. From the accounts of his family background preserved by the historians, it is clear that Saladin was a Kurd, and a member of Kurdish family. This fact, previously a minor detail, has acquired new significance in our time.
 
Bernard Lewis, "The Multiple Identities of the Middle East", Schocken Books, New York, 1999, p. 21

Twice before the Turks have offered leadership to the region -under the Ottoman sultans in Islamic jihad, under Kemal Ataturk national self-liberation. They may do so again.

Bernard Lewis, "The Multiple Identities of the Middle East", Schocken Books, New York, 1999, p. 137

***
David G. Hogarth (British Archaeologist and Scholar, 1862-1927)
 
They are careless of Allah as, they take it, he is careless of them. When he first made the world, say Bedawis, he ordered Creation during six days, and, very weary on the seventh, was composing himself to sleep, when a man stood before him and said: 'Thou hast apportioned the world, but to us given nothing. Behold us still in the desert!' And the Creator looked and saw the Bedawis indeed forgotten in the Waste; but he would not disturb what he had done. 'This will I give you,' he replied; 'since ye dwell in what is no man's, take what is any man's. Go your way.' And their way from that hour have the Bedawis gone, careless of Creation and Creator.
 
David G. Hogarth "The Wandering Scholar", Humprey Milford, Oxford University Press, England, 1925, p. 142
 
Like Bedawis, who will halt but an hour on the march while a wife is delivered behind a spear-propped screen of cloaks, so too the peasant mothers of the Near East make little trouble of bringing to birth. John Barker, consul in Aleppo, has told how once among the Syrian hills he halted with his wife for the night at a hut, whose mistress was plainly very near her time. In the morning the housewife gathered the family linen to wash it in the stream of a thousand feet below, and, deaf to the English lady's protests, went off down the gorge. At sunset her figure was seen coming slowly up the path again, the new-washed linen on her head, the new=born babe in the crook of her arm.
 
David G. Hogarth "The Wandering Scholar", Humprey Milford, Oxford University Press, England, 1925, p. 173

*** 
George Orwell (English novelist, essayist, journalist, 1903-1950)

Imperialism wasn't an idea; it was a lone official haplessly shooting an elephant.
 
Cited in "Really Good Books, Part 1" by David Brooks, op-ed column appeared on The New York Times, May 22, 2014

As I write, highly civilized human beings are flying overhead, trying to kill me.
 
From his essay called "England Your England" written while sheltering from German bombs during Second World War. Cited in "Really Good Books, Part 1" by David Brooks, op-ed column appeared on The New York Times, May 22, 2014

*** 
                        Ertugrul Ozkok (Turkish Journalist, Writer, 1947-.....)

Jean d'Ormesson'a soruyorlar:
"Iyi bir baba oldunuz mu?"
Cevabini kendi sorusuyla veriyor:
"Bu narsisizmle, bu egoyla iyi bir baba olabilir miydim..."
 
Ertugrul Ozkok "Bir Beyaz Turk'un Hafiza Defteri", Dogan Kitap, Istanbul, 2014, p. 188

"Dunya ne ise oydu, ben de ne isem o oldum-uyusamadik.
Hepsi bu..."
 
Oruc Aruoba, "Zilif", aktaran Ertugrul Ozkok "Bir Beyaz Turk'un Hafiza Defteri", Dogan Kitap, Istanbul, 2014, p. 189

Kurlansky, "1968"in insanlik tarihinde cok ozel bir yil oldugunu soyluyor. O yil, dunyanin her yerinde insanlarin, sanki bir yerden isaret almis gibi harekete gectigini ve bu buyuk devrimi yarattigini anlatiyor. Ben de katiliyorum. 1970 yilinda doktora yapmak icin Fransa'ya gittigimde, 1968 olaylarinin bu ulkede gerceklestirdigi zihniyet devrimini bizzat yasamistim.

Peki ama Turkiye icin de ayni seyleri soyleyebilir miyiz?

Soyleyebilecegimizi dusunmuyorum. Cunku yasadigim bazi olylar hala gozumun onunde.

Nurhak Daglarinda helak olan cocuklari da hatirliyorum, daha sonra bu puriten hareketi dejenere edenleri de. Siyasal Bilgiler gibi, doneminin en ilerici fakultesinde "ulkucu" diye sadece ve sadece iki cocuga dahi tahammul edemeyen devrimciler de gozumun onunde.

Siyasal Bilgiler amfisinde kistirilip linc edilircesine dovulen o cocugun, rahmetli Muammer Aksoy'un ayaklarina sarilip, "Kurtar beni hocam!" diye feryat edisi hala gozumun onunde, hala kulaklarimdan gitmiyor.

Hayali fasist saldirilarina karsi ilan ettigimiz seferberliklerin, hangi planlarla hazirlandigini yasayarak gordum.

Sozde demokratik ogrenci forumlarinda, tarafsiz cocuklarin, ayaklarinin altina catapat atilarak nasil korkutulup oy verdirildigini bizzat yasadim. Mustafa Kuseyri'nin oldurulusunun nasil baskalarinin uzerine yikildigini da...

O yuzden Turk 68'i, benim icin iki yuzlu, hipokrit bir siyasi magmadir.

Samimi inanclilarla inanc tacirlerinin, amator durustlerle profesyonel namussuzlarin, saflarla kasarlanmis hinlerin ayni mitinglerde yan yana yurudugu bir donemdir 68.

Masumlarla gunahkarlarin, samimilerle icten pazarliklilarin ayni kayikta kurek cektigi yillardir.

Nurhak Daglarindakiler de 68'liydi, hayali fasizm senaryolarinin muellifleri de...

1970'li yillarin ilk yarisini Fransa'da gecirdim. O yillar bana sunu ogretti. 70'lilerin gunahlari, 68'lileri yaya birakti. 

Masumlar kaybetti, gunahkarlar kazandi ve Turkiye'nin gencleri birbirini vurmaya basladi.

Bati'ya dusunce ozgurlugunu getiren 68, Turkiye'ye ise kamplasmayi, solda ve sagda tek tip dusunmeyi getirdi.

Sonunda kaybeden Turkiye oldu. 

Maliyeti, bir neslin yitip giden en guzel yillari oldu.

Ve bir de 12 Eylul...

O kamplarin devrim muhafizlari sonraki yillarda baristilar. Hatta ayni saflara gectiler.

Ama kimse Nurhak Daglarinda yitip giden cocuklari geri getiremedi.

Onlardan geriye sadece huznun derin izdusumleri kaldi.
 
Ertugrul Ozkok "Bir Beyaz Turk'un Hafiza Defteri", Dogan Kitap, Istanbul, 2014, pp. 199-200

*** 
Bernard Lewis (British Historian, 1916-......)

The government of Mecca described by Henri Lammens as a merchant republic governed by a syndicate of wealthy business men. But this phrase should not mislead one into thinking of organized republican institutions on the Western model. Quraysh had only recently emerged from nomadism and its ideal was still nomadic-a maximum of freedom of action and a minimum of public authority. Such authority as existed was exercised by the Mala', a kind of urban equivalent of the tribal Majlis, consisting of chiefs and notables from the leading merchant families. The functioning of the Meccan leadership was well exemplified in the struggle against Muhammad and again in the conflicts under his successors. The commercial experience of the Meccan traders gave them powers of co-operation, organization, and discipline which were rare among the Arabs and of unique importance in administering the vast empire soon to fall under their rule.

It was in this milieu that Muhammad, the Prophet of Islam, was born.
 
Bernard Lewis, "The Arabs In History", Oxford University Press, Great Britain, 1993, p. 31

It was the Arabization of the conquered provinces rather than their military conquest that is the true wonder of the Arab expansion. By the eleventh century Arabic had become not only the chief idiom of everyday use from Persia to Pyrenees, but also the chief instrument of culture, superseding old culture languages like Coptic, Aramaic, Greek, and Latin. As the Arabic language spread, the distinction between Arab conqueror and Arabized conquered faded into relative insignificance, and while all who spoke Arabic and professed Islam were felt to belong to a single community the term "Arab' was restricted once again to the nomads who had originally borne it, or was used as a title of aristocratic descent with no great economic or social significance.

Even beyond the vast areas that were permanently Arabized, Arabic exercised a tremendous influence on other Muslim languages. Muslim Persian and Turkish, and later also Urdu, Malay, and Shwaili, were new languages written in the Arabic script and including an enormous Arabic vocabulary, as great as the Greek and Latin elements in English, and covering the whole world of concepts and ideas.
 
Bernard Lewis, "The Arabs In History", Oxford University Press, Great Britain, 1993, pp. 143-144

Islam-the offspring of Arabia and the Arabian Prophet -was not only a system of belief and cult. It was also a system of state, society, law, thought, and art- a civilization with religion as its unifying, eventually dominating factor. From Hijra onwards Islam meant submission not only to the new faith, but to the community -in practice, to the suzerainty of Medina and the Prophet, later of the Empire and Caliph.
 
Bernard Lewis, "The Arabs In History", Oxford University Press, Great Britain, 1993, p. 144

Both these gifts of the Arabs, their language and their faith, were of course subject from the earliest times to external influences. There are foreign words even in pre-Islamic poetry and in the Qur'an, many more in the period of the conquests. Administrative terms from Persian and Greek, theological and religious terms from Hebrew and Syriac, scientific and philosophic terms from Greek show the immense influence of the older civilizations of the area on the new one that was being born. 
 
Bernard Lewis, "The Arabs In History", Oxford University Press, Great Britain, 1993, pp. 145-146

(...) But soon a generation of original Muslim writers arose, mainly Iranian, including such figures as the physician Razi (Rhases)(865-925), the physician and philosopher Ibn Sina (Avicenna)(980-1037), and, greatest of all, al-Biruni (973-1048), physician, astronomer, mathematician, physicist, chemist, geographer, and historian, a profound and original scholar, who was one of the greatest intellectual figures in medieval Islam. In medicine, the Arabs did not touch the basic theory of the Greeks, but enriched it by practical observation and clinical experience. In mathematics, physics, and chemistry their contribution was far greater and more original. The so-called Arabic numerals, a system of positional numbering including the use of the zero, was originally imported from India. It was, however, in the Muslim Middle East that it was incorporated into the main body of mathematical theory and later transmitted to Europe. Algebra and geometry, and especially trigonometry, were largely Arabic developments.

In philosophy, the introduction of Greek ideas was of transcending importance. They first came into their own under al-Ma'mun, when translations of Aristotle affected the whole philosophy and theological outlook of Islam and influenced the works of a series of original Muslim thinkers, including such notable figures as al-Kindi, (d. c.850)-incidentally, the only pure Arab among them- al-Farabi (d.950), Ibn Sina (d.1037), and Ibn Rushd (Averroes)(d.1198).
 
Bernard Lewis, "The Arabs In History", Oxford University Press, Great Britain, 1993, pp. 148-149

Arabic is one of the great languages of human civilization and history. Like Hebrew, it is a language of revelation, of sacred scripture revered by hundreds of millions of believers. Like Greek, it was a language of science and philosophy, providing the basic texts and even the conceptual vocabulary in these fields; like French, the standard of taste and elegance for that same civilization. Like French and English, it has been the language of culture and commerce, of science and politics, of love and war. And even today, like English and Spanish, it is the shared heritage of many nations and the binding thread of a cultural and intellectual association which transcends national, regional, and ideological barriers. 
 
Bernard Lewis, "The Arabs In History", Oxford University Press, Great Britain, 1993, pp. 155-156

During the long period of Arab eclipse three significant changes emerge. The first of these is the transformation of the Islamic Near East from a commercial, monetary economy to one which, despite an extensive and important foreign and transit trade, was internally a quasi-feudal economy, based on subsistence agriculture. The second is the end of the political independence of the sedentary Arabs and Arabic-speaking people and their replacement by the Turks. In the vast but thinly peopled deserts the Arab tribes retained the independence they have recovered during decay of the Abbasids, defying repeated attempts to impose control over them and often eroding the frontiers of the cultivated land in their long struggle with authority. In a few mountain outposts, too, Arabic-speaking peoples remained under Arab rule. But everywhere else, in the cities and in the cultivated valleys and plains of Iraq, Syria, and Egypt, for a thousand years people of Arabic speech were no longer to rule themselves. So deep-rooted was the feeling that only the Turks were equipped by nature to govern that in the fourteenth century we find a Mamluk secretary of Syrian birth addressing the Arabs in Turkish through an interpreter rather than his mother-tongue, for fear lest he should lose face by speaking the despised language of the subject people. As late as the beginning of the nineteenth century Bonaparte, when he invaded Egypt, tried unsuccessfully to appoint Arabic-speaking Egyptians to positions of authority and was forced to resort to Turks who alone could command obedience.

The third change is the shifting of the centre of gravity of the Arabic-speaking world from Iraq to Egypt. The disorganization and weakness of Iraq and its remoteness from the Mediterranean, across which both the traders and the enemies of the later period were to come, ruled that country out as a possible base. The alternative was Egypt, the other trade-route, and the irrigated valley of a single river, which by its very nature demanded a single centralized government -the only powerful centralized state in the Arab East.
 
Bernard Lewis, "The Arabs In History", Oxford University Press, Great Britain, 1993, pp. 174-175 

*** 
Michael Hamilton Morgan (American Diplomat, Political Scientist, Author, 1951-......)

Although Saladin and the Ayyubids will determined to overturn most aspects of Fatimid rule and religious thought, they will not abandon the Fatimid quest for knowledge and civic achievement. Within the overall mission of Muslim education, Saladin and the Ayyubids ensure that al-Azhar becomes one of the most inventive centers of learning in the Muslim world. And Saladin will become best known for his turnaround of the faltering Muslim resistance to the Christian Crusaders in the late 12th century. Not only will Saladin turn the tide for the Muslims; he will become for the Europeans a symbol of Muslim chivalric honor, both for his merciful treatment of the Christians when he retakes Jerusalem, and through his long-distance relationship of mutual respect with Richard the Lionhearted.
 
Michael Hamilton Morgan, "Lost History, The Enduring Legacy of Muslim Scientists, Thinkers, and Artists", Foreword by His Majesty King Abdullah II of Jordan, National Geographic, Washington D.C, June 2008, p. 74

Those star names, which will endure until the time of space travel and beyond, will echo of the days at the House of Wisdom. Even as probes continue to move deeper and deeper into space, they will orient themselves on stars named in Arabic by forgotten Muslim astronomers. Not only do terms like "zenith" and "azimuth" come from Arabic, the very names of the stars will sound of that old desert language of poetry: Vega, Altair, Deneb, Betelguse, Rigel, Aldebaran, Fomalhaut, Algeuze, Elfeta, Alferaz, and Mirac.
 
Michael Hamilton Morgan, "Lost History, The Enduring Legacy of Muslim Scientists, Thinkers, and Artists", Foreword by His Majesty King Abdullah II of Jordan, National Geographic, Washington D.C, June 2008, p. 125

But fortune in physical world is impermanent and terribly relative and ultimately unimportant to the philosopher-scientist al-Kindi. After suffering so many turns of fortune, he will write:

Close your eyes, look down, when villains become masters. Grasp your hands for disapointment, and sit in the corner of your house, in solitude... The real wealth is in the heart of men, and in their soul is glory, so that riches come forth from one who owns little, while another of material wealth turns penniless.
 
Michael Hamilton Morgan, "Lost History, The Enduring Legacy of Muslim Scientists, Thinkers, and Artists", Foreword by His Majesty King Abdullah II of Jordan, National Geographic, Washington D.C, June 2008, p. 167

Ibn Zuhr and his family will flourish under the Almoravids and Almohads, despite an occasional imprisonment or flight into exile. The risk of depending on powerful patrons means one's fate is entwined with one's master's fate. Five generations of this family will be healers.

But even they flourish, one Jewish family will decide that al-Andalus, now fracturing into city-states where the tradition of Muslim-Jewish collaboration is not as strong, may not be the best place to be. The Almohads in particular, together with some of their Christian allies, will persecute the Jews of Cordoba, sending chills through this other family. They will move on to Cairo, no longer under the rule of the Fatimids but under the control of the General Saladin.

In the year 1199, Musa bin Maimun, or Maimonides, astronomer, phlosopher, and physician, is sitting on a carpet while his royal patient reclines on an imperial bed of silk pillows and sips an effervescent drink, droning on and on about what he would like.

"To put it directly Abu Musa," says the sultan "what I need is one of your potions to give me more male prowess. To be able to go five or even six times a night. So that I might please my female companions all the more."
 
The doctor-philosopher ruminates for a moment on how far they have all fallen, since the time of the lordly rule of Saladin. Now his chief patient and employer is Saladin's nephew al-Malik al-Afdal, and he is a far cry from his uncle. This young man is as devoted to conquering women, bottles of wine, and gambling companions as his noble uncle was to trying to bind up the fractured Muslim armies, to find some accomodation with the hot headed crusaders, and when that was not possible, to defeat them in battle, and when victorious, to be magnanimous.

Michael Hamilton Morgan, "Lost History, The Enduring Legacy of Muslim Scientists, Thinkers, and Artists", Foreword by His Majesty King Abdullah II of Jordan, National Geographic, Washington D.C, June 2008, pp. 207-208

The deliberate European slaughter of innocents and noncombatants of all faiths in Jerusalem will number in the thousands. The event will reverberate throughout the Middle East, helping fuel a reinvigorated Muslim effort to resist; it will take them nearly a century to rebuild their power.

In the meantime, the Christians will establish their own Latin kingdom in Jerusalem and other strongholds in Syria and Palestine. Lines will begin to blur. Enemies will gradually become uneasy neighbors.

This period of turmoil will give rise to a new Muslim leader, a deeply religious military man. He will not have the intellect of al-Rashid and al-Mamun, nor al-Hakim in Cairo or Abd al-Rahman III in Cordoba, but he will come to embody a kind of chivalric Muslim honor that will astonish and embarrass the Europeans, who will begin to whisper that their enemy is so good and decent because he has "European" blood.

His name is Saladin. And like al-Rashid, the stories about him will be enveloped in romance and legend, but his basic decency and human rule in the face of much provocation is real and exemplary.

Saladin is a Kurd, raised and educated in Syria. His father is a military man. And they both conclude that the only way the Muslims can resist this Christian onslaught is unite all the fighting factions of the Muslims. Saladin will be the one to pull off this feat.

He will get his chance at revenge in 1187, when after many years of struggle, he and his armies surround Jerusalem to recapture it and destroy the Christian Kingdom. And when the moment of victory comes, and the crescent and star are once again raised above the city walls, everyone, including many of his own troops, expect him to exact the brutal tit-for-tat. Heads must roll; blood must flow.

Except... as ibn al-Athir relates after the battles for Jerusalem:

When the Franks saw how violently the Muslims were attacking, how continuous and effective was the fire from the ballistas and how busily the sappers were breaching the walls, meeting no resistance, they grew desperate, and their leaders assembled to take counsel. They decided to ask for safe-conduct out of the city and to hand Jerusalem over to Saladin. They sent a deputation of their lords and nobles to ask for terms, but when they spoke of it to Saladin he refused to grant request. 'We shall deal with you,' he said 'just as you dealt with the population of Jerusalem when you took it in 1099, with murder and enslavement and other such savageries.' The messengers returned empty-handed. The Balian ibn Barzan asked  for safe conduct for himself so that he might appear before Saladin to discuss developments. Consent was given, and he presented himself and once again began asking for a general amnesty in return for surrender. The Sultan still refused his requests and entreaties to show mercy. Finally despairing of this approach, Balian said: 'Know, O Sultan that there are many of us in this city, God alone knows how many. At the moment we are fighting half-heartedly in the hope of saving our lives, hoping to be spared by you as you have spared others; this is because of the nature of horror of death and our love for life. But if we see that death is inevitable, then by God we shall kill our children and our wives, burn our possessions, so as not leave you with a dinar or drachma or a single man or woman to enslave. When this is done, we shall pull down the Sanctuary of the Rock and the Masjid al-Aqsa and the other sacred places, slaughtering the Muslim prisoners we hold-5'000 of them-and killing every horse and animal we possess. Then we shall come out to fight you like men fighting for their lives, when each man, before he falls dead, kills his equal; we shall die with honour, or win a noble victory!'

Then Saladin took council with his advisors, all of whom were in favour of granting the assurances requested by the Franks, without forcing them to take extreme measures whose outcome could not be foreseen. 'Let us consider them already our prisoners,' they said, 'and allow them to ransom themselves on terms agreed between us.' The Sultan agreed to give the Franks assurances of safety on the understanding that each man, rich or poor alike, should pay ten dinar, children of both sexes two dinar and women five dinar. All who paid this sum within forty days should go free, and those who had not paid at the end of the time should be enslaved. Balian ibn Barzan offered 30'000 dinar as ransom for the poor, which was accepted, and the city surrendered on Friday 2 October 1187, a memorable day on which the Muslim flags were hoisted over the walls of Jerusalem.

The Grand Patriarch of the Franks left the city with the treasures from the Dome of the Rock, the Masjid al-Aqsa, the Church of the Resurrection and others, God alone knows the amount of treasure; he also took an equal quantity of money. Saladin made no difficulties, and when he was advised to sequestrate the whole lot for Islam, replied that he would not go back on his word. He took only ten dinar from him, and let him go, heavily escorted, to Tyre...

Once the city was taken and the infidels had left, Saladin ordered that the shrines should be restored to their original state. The Templars had built their living quarters against al-Aqsa, with store-rooms and latrines and other necessary offices, taking up part of the area of al-Aqsa. This was all restored to its former state. The Sultan ordered that the Dome of the Rock be cleansed of all pollution, and this was done."

At the moment of truth, Saladin does take Jerusalem for his own and for Islam, but he does not exact vengeance.

He allows departing Christians-100'000 of them, to be exact-one month to depart. They must pay a departure tax. They can take their possessions with them, including those very wealthy nobles who have homes overflowing with art and jewels. These people, the descendants of those who executed the slaughter of 1099, will get nothing worse than exile.

When about 30'000 poorer Christians come up short with their departure tax and cannot pay, rumours abound. They will be enslaved, they will be killed, and they will be forced into conversion.

Saladin's advisors point out that the departing Christian Patriarch Heraclius has more than enough wealth to ransom all the remaining Christians. Why not make him pay for them? But Saladin refuses, and to pay the bill, he, his brother, and brother in law pay out of their own pockets. He allows Heraclius to depart with all his wealth and icons.

These acts in themselves would be notable. But a second round occurs in 1192, when the most famous of the Christian crusaders, Richard the Lionhearted, returns to try to recapture the city. Despite a valiant effort, the campaign is stalemated. And then begins perhaps the most unexpected friendship in the history of warfare. Just like al-Rashid and Charlemagne, Saladin and Richard become long-distance admirers. Though battle brings them within a few hundred yards of one another, they never actually meet. But they begin to try to outdo each other in generous and honorable acts.

When Richard falls sick at the siege of Acre in 1192, Saladin not only sends his personal physican Maimonides over to treat him, he sends ice to help him fight the fevers and certain healing fruits. When Richard's horse is killed during the battle, and the English king finds himself on foot facing the entire Muslim army, the Muslims let him walk by their entire phalanx without attacking. Later Saladin sends him two fresh mounts so he will not be at a disadvantage.

Finally Richard must abandon his crusade, based on rumors that rivals are plotting against him back home in England. The longer he stays in the holy land, the more he risks losing his throne. Saladin allows him to withdraw honorably, signalling the last serious effort to recover Jerusalem. The Crusaders will sputter out a few decades later, even as the Mongols bear down on Khorasan and Baghdad.

Long after these and other chivalric gestures, the French historian Rene Grousset will write of Saladin:

It is equally true that his generosity, his piety, devoid of fanaticism, that flower of liberality and courtesy, which had been the model of our old chroniclers, won him no less popularity in Frankish Syria than in the lands of Islam.

But even greater testimonial will come from one of the finest European poets of 13th century, writing only decades after the failed crusader struggle for Jerusalem. When his Divine Comedy ranks, through devoutly Christian eyes, the preeminent figures of history, Dante will distinguish between Christians and non-Christians. No pagan can rise to the highest level. Pagan Greek and Roman figures like Homer and Plato and Caesar will be placed in limbo. But Saladin will be ranked all by himself, in a special category, called "Great-Hearted Souls," by virtue of his noble gestures and policies during the Muslim rollback of crusader power in the Middle East.
 
Michael Hamilton Morgan, "Lost History, The Enduring Legacy of Muslim Scientists, Thinkers, and Artists", Foreword by His Majesty King Abdullah II of Jordan, National Geographic, Washington D.C, June 2008, pp. 268-272
*** 
Simon Sebag Montefiore (British Journalist, Historian, Author, 1965-......)

(...) The Phoenicians, who lived in independent city states along the Lebanese coast, were the most sophisticated artisans and seafaring traders of the Mediterranean, famed for their Tyrian purple dye from which they derived their name and for creating the alphabet. 

Simon Sebag Montefiore, "Jerusalem, The Biography", Phoenix, London, 2012, p. 32

Yet it was there {Babylon} that the Bible began to take shape. While young Jerusalemites such as Daniel were educated in the royal household and the more worldly exiles became Babylonians, Judaeans developed new laws to emphasize that they were still distinct and special-they respected the Sabbath, circumcised their children, adhered to dietary laws, adopted Jewish names-because the fall of Jerusalem had demonstrated what happened when they did not respect God's laws. Away from Judah, the Judaeanes were becoming Jews. 

Simon Sebag Montefiore, "Jerusalem, The Biography", Phoenix, London, 2012, p. 55

Within three years, Darius had defeated all challenges and emerged as one of the most accomplished rulers of the ancient world, establishing a tolerant world empire that stretched from Thrace and Egypt to the Hindu-Kush -the first to extend across three continents.(*)

(*) Darius raided Central Asia east of the Caspian, and probed India and Europe, attacking Ukraine and annexing Thrace. He built his sumptuous palace-capital of Persepolis (in southern Iran), promoted the religion of Zoroaster and Ahura Mazda, organized the first world currency (the Daric), raised a navy of Greeks, Egyptians and Phoenicians, and created the first real postal service, setting up inns every 15 miles along the 1'678 miles of the King's Road from Susa to Sardis. The achievements of this thirty-year reign make him the Augustus of the Persian empire. But even Darius reached his limits. Shortly before his death in 490 BC, he tried to push into Greece, where he was defeated at the Battle of Marathon. 

Simon Sebag Montefiore, "Jerusalem, The Biography", Phoenix, London, 2012, pp. 60-61

Sophronius presented Omar with the keys of the Holy City. When the patriarch saw Omar and his ragged hordes of Arab cameleers and horsemen, he muttered that this was 'the abomination of desolation'. Most of them were tribesman from the Hejaz or the Yemen; they travelled light and fast, draped in turbans and cloaks, living on ilhiz (ground camel hair mixed with blood and then cooked). A far cry from the heavily armored Persian and Byzantine cataphract cavalry, only the commanders wore chain-mail or helmets. The rest 'rode shaggy stumpy horses, their swords highly polished but covered in a shabby cloth scabbard'. They carried bows and spears that were bound with camel sinews, and red cowhide shields resembling 'a thick red loaf of bread'. They cherished their broad swords, their sayf, gave them names and sang poems about them.

Simon Sebag Montefiore, "Jerusalem, The Biography", Phoenix, London, 2012, p. 210

The Jewish War was not quite over. The Masada Fortress held out for three years, under Eleazar the Galilean, as the Romans raised a ramp to storm it. In April 73, their leader addressed his men and their families about the realities of this dark new world: 'Where is this city that was believed to have God himself inhabiting therein?' Jerusalem was gone and now they faced slavery:

We long ago my generous friends resolved never to be servants to the Romans nor to any other than God Himself. We were the first that revolted against them; we are the last that fight against them and I cannot but esteem it as a favour that God has granted us that it is still in our power to die bravely and in a state of freedom, in a glorious manner, together with our dearest friends. Let our wives die before they are abused and our children before they have tasted slavery.

So the 'husbands tenderly embraced their wives, and took their children into their arms, giving the longest parting kisses to them with tears in their eyes'. Each man killed his wife and children; ten men were chosen by lot to slay the rest until 960 were dead.

Simon Sebag Montefiore, "Jerusalem, The Biography", Phoenix, London, 2012, pp. 156-157

(...) Jews continued to live in the country side, but Judaea itself never recovered from Hadrian's ravages. Hadrian not only enforced the ban on circumcision but banned the Jews from even approaching Aelia, on pain of death. Jerusalem had vanished. Hadrian wiped Judaea off the map, deliberately renaming it Palaestina, after the Jews' ancient enemies, the Philistines. 

Simon Sebag Montefiore, "Jerusalem, The Biography", Phoenix, London, 2012, p. 165

Muawiya personified hilm, the wisdom and patience of the Arab sheikh: 'I apply not my sword when my lash suffices nor my lash when my tongue suffices. And even if but one hair is binding me my fellow men, I don't let it break. When they pull, I loosen, if they loosen I pull.' This is almost a definition of statesmanship  and Muawiya, the creator of Arab monarchy and the first of the Umayyad dynasty, is much-neglected paragon of how absolute power does not have to corrupt absolutely. He expanded his realm into eastern Persia, Central Asia and north Africa and he took Cyprus and launched annual assaults on Constantinople, and on one occasion besieged it by land and sea for three years.

Yet Muawiya never lost the ability to laugh at himself, a quality that is rare amongst politicians, let alone conquerors. He became very fat (perhaps for this reason he became the first Arab monarch to recline on a throne instead of sitting on cushions) and teased another fat old grandee: 'I'd like a slave girl with legs like yours.'

'And a bottom like yours, Commander of the Believers,' retorted the old man.

'Fair enough,' laughed Muawiya. 'If you start something, you have to take the consequences.' He never lost his pride in his legendary sexual prowess but even there he could take some mockery: he was cavorting with a Khurasani girl in his harem when he was presented with another whom he took without further ado. When she had left, he turned back to the Khurasani girl, proud of his leonine performance: 'How do you say "lion" in Persian?' he asked her.

'Kaftar' she replied.

'I'm a kaftar,' the Commander boasted to his courtiers until someone asked if he knew what a kaftar was.

'A lion?'

'No, a lame hyena!'

'Well done,' Muawiya chuckled, 'that Khurasani girl knew how to get her own back.' 

Simon Sebag Montefiore, "Jerusalem, The Biography", Phoenix, London, 2012, p. 216

When Haroun died, the civil war between his sons was won by Maamun. The new caliph was an enthusiastic student of science, founding the famous literary-scientific academy, the House of Wisdom, commissioning a world map and ordering his sages to calculate the circumference of the globe. (*)

(*) The Abbasids, particularly Maamun, regularly requested copies of Greek classics from the Byzantines, securing for posterity Plato, Aristotle, Hippocrates, Galen, Euclid and Ptolemy of Alexandria. The Arabs developed an entire new vocabulary of science that entered the English language: alcohol, alembic, alchemy, algebra, almanac are just some of the words thus borrowed. Al Nadim's famous Index shows that they also produced 6'000 new books. Paper was now replacing parchment scrolls; in one of history's decisive battles, the Abbasids had defeated an invasion by the Chinese Tang emperors, ensuring the Middle East would be Islamic not Chinese. And also capturing the secrets of Chinese paper-makers.

Simon Sebag Montefiore, "Jerusalem, The Biography", Phoenix, London, 2012, p. 228

Saladin: The Man

Saladin was never quite the liberal gentleman, superior in manners to the brutish Franks, portrayed by Western writers in the nineteenth century. But by the standards of medieval empire-builders he deserves his attractive reputation. When he gave one of his sons advice about how he had built an empire, he told him: 'I have only achieved what I have by coaxing people. Hold no grudge against any one for Death spares nobody. Take care in your relations with people.' Saladin did not look impressive and lacked vanity. When his silken robes were spattered by a courtier riding through a puddle in Jerusalem, Saladin just burst out laughing. He never forgot that the twists of fate  that had brought him such success could just as easily be reversed. While his rise had been bloody, he disliked violence, advising his favorite son Zahir: 'I warn you against shedding blood, indulging in it and making a habit of it, for blood never sleeps.' When Muslim raiders stole a baby from a Frankish woman, she crossed the lines to appeal to Saladin who, moved to tears, immediately had the baby found and returned it to its mother. On another occasion, when one of his sons asked to be allowed to kill some Frankish prisoners, he reprimanded him and refused, lest he get a taste for killing.

Simon Sebag Montefiore, "Jerusalem, The Biography", Phoenix, London, 2012, pp. 300-301

Allenby climbed the steps to the platform to read his proclamation about 'Jerusalem the Blessed', which was then repeated in French, Arabic, Hebrew, Greek, Russian and Italian-carefully not mentioning the word that was on everyone's mind: Crusade. But when mayor Hussseini finaly handed over the city's keys Allenby is supposed to have said: 'The Crusaders have now ended.' 

Simon Sebag Montefiore, "Jerusalem, The Biography", Phoenix, London, 2012, pp. 503-504

*** 
Albert Hourani (Lebanese descend British Historian, 1915-1993)

The information and manuscripts brought back by travellers and traders were used by scholars and thinkers in the service of the great scholarly endeavours of the nineteenth century, and it is here that the intellectual origins of 'orientalism' must be sought.One of the dominant ideas which moulded was the idea of world history: the idea that human society had developed from one period to another, and that each period had a 'spirit' and civilization of its own, which came to it from its predecessors and which it handed on to its successors. Seen in this perspective, the Islamic period was that in which the civilization of the Greek world was preserved, to some limited extend developed, and then handed on to western Europe. Linked with this was the idea of families of languages. Language, the greatest and most fundamental of human creations, and indeed that which makes us human, could be analysed, and structural similarities between different languages would make it possible to classify them in a number of families derived from the same roots; these families of languages were also families of what was expressed in them, religions, myths, civilizations and 'national character'. Thus the the study of structure of languages, or comparative philology, could reveal the natural history of mankind. 

Albert Hourani, "Islam in European Thought", Cambridge University Press, Great Britain, 1991, p. 64

Praise isn't harmful if you don't inhale.
Adlai Stewenson

Cited in Albert Hourani, "Islam in European Thought", Cambridge University Press, Great Britain, 1991, p. 90

*** 
J.  G. Taylor (British Archaeologist and Diplomat, 18..-18..)

Following the Ak Su for another two miles further north, we quitted it for the higher land about Khozat, reaching that village in three hours from Eyrgan. Khozat, which has retained the old Armenian name of the province or rather district, is the seat of a Mudir who has jurisdiction over 170 villages, all in the Erzingan Kaimakamlik of the Erzeroom Villaiyet, mostly scattered Mohallas, containing 2200 vergoo payers of 52-1/2 piastres each. In the vicinity of the village is a large barrack, overlooked however by the mountain close to, containing a force of 600 regular troops and six guns, in permanent occupancy. The Mudir, an old friend, did his best to make us as comfortable as he could, in the midst of the dung-heaps and squalid houses constituting the boasted capital of his government; where, as he whispered in my ear, all were Zendeep Devil's sons and Asee in the highest degree. 

I.G.Taylor, "Journal of a Tour in Armenia, Kurdistan and Upper Mesopotamia with Notes of Researches in the Deyrsim Dagh, Vol. 38", 1868, Reprint Facsimile Publisher, Delhi, India, 2015, p. 323

It took us half an hour to ride across the plain, nearly north, to our night's camping-ground at Ziaret village at the foot of the Mezoor Dagh. The valley or plain of Owajik is extremely fertile, and has the advantage of being watered by numerous fine streams; the most considerable, upon which we were encamped close to the village, has its sources close to. They rush from five or six different places from under the base of Mezoor Dagh, that stretches in a long line along the whole north side of the plain at a right angle perpendicular to it, without the slightest break or slope. The river is as the mountain, called Mezoor, which after receiving the other numerous streams in the valley, forms the river falling into the Murad Su at Wazgerd, six hours from Peyrtek. At first sight it appears perfectly indescribable where the greater part of this large body of water originally comes from. Most of it seems burst out at once, as if from the stroke of a magic wand from the smooth face of the iron rock; not the slightest fissure or cavity-but with one exception, where it bubbles out of the ground into a large natural basin- being visible. Our subsequent journey explained the cause. The barren rocks of the Mezoor, that spring up suddenly to the height of many thousand feet, enclose in their broad range deep natural basins nearly always filled with snow, that melts partially during the summer heats; but not to an extent sufficient to exhaust these eternal supplies. The water, in the absence of any soil or vegetation to absorb it, filters through the rock at all seasons, an escapes through softer underground strata in the manner noted. When we visited these sources they were icy cold of a crystal  brilliancy, full of fine trout, that sailed up in shoals to the very edge of the mountain; in winter the waters are comparatively warm; but at all times they flow as uninterruptedly as now.

I.G.Taylor, "Journal of a Tour in Armenia, Kurdistan and Upper Mesopotamia with Notes of Researches in the Deyrsim Dagh, Vol. 38", 1868, Reprint Facsimile Publisher, Delhi, India, 2015, p. 326

*** 
Samil Tayyar (Turkish Journalist, Politician, Writer, 1965-...)

1995 yili sonuna gelindiginde Tansu Ciler ve ekibinin onunde, siyasi getirisi en yuksek proje PKK lideri Abdullah Ocalan'in oldurulmesiydi. 24 Aralik 2004 [?][1995] secimleri oncesi, MIT ve Emniyet bu hedefe yonelik suikast projeleri uretti. Kabul etmek gerekir ki faili mechul cinayetlerle desteklenen donemin sertlik yanlisi politikalari, aslinda Milli Guvenlik Kurulu'nda kabul edilmis devlet politikalariydi.

Nitekim Gazeteci Ismet Berkan, 6 Aralik 1996 tarihli Radikal gazetesindeki yazisinda 1993 yilinda izlenen terorle mucadele yonteminin daha once MGK toplantisinda karara baglanmis devlet politikasi oldugunu yazdi. Cumhurbaskani Turgut Ozal ve Jandarma Genel Komutani Esref Bitllis'in bu politikalara karsi ciktigini ifade etti. Malum, ikisi de 1993'te supheli sekilde oldu.

Samil Tayyar "Kurt Ergenekonu, Derin PKK'nin Gizli Kodlari" Timas Yayinlari, Istanbul, 2011, p.91

Bu konuda goruslerine basvurdugum Cumhurbaskani Abdullah Gul, basbakanliginin ilk gunlerindeki PKK'yi dagdan indirmeye yonelik bu plani dogruladi, eksik cikarilan yasayla bu firsatin kacirildigini soyledi. Gul, su tarihi ifadeyi kullandi: "Kurt meselesi cozulmeden buyuk devlet olamayiz. Kim ne derse desin bu olay siyasi bir olaydir, siyasi cozum gerekir."

Samil Tayyar "Kurt Ergenekonu, Derin PKK'nin Gizli Kodlari" Timas Yayinlari, Istanbul, 2011, p.211

***

Ilber Ortayli (Turkish Historian, Writer, 1947-...)

Justinianus onemli bir imparator, Roma hukukuna cok katki yapmistir fakat pagan felfesesini pek sevmez. Atina Mektebi'ni kapatarak pagan dunyaya son darbeyi vurmustur. Butun eski Yunanca felsefe metinleri, Antakya ve Nizip'te yasayan Suryani alimler tarafindan Aramcaya tasinmistir. Aramca zengin bir dil, Yunancayi bile cevirmek icin fazlasiyla yeterli... Bu metinler Abbasiler devrinde Aramcadan Arapcaya cevrildi. Bugunku Suryanilerin, yani Aramilerin torunlarinin medeniyet tarihindeki rolleri bu bakimdan cok onemlidir. 

Ilber Ortayli, "Turklerin Tarihi, Orta Asyanin Bozkirlarindan Avrupa'nin Kapilarina", Timas Yayinlari, 4.Baski, Istanbul, Mayis 2015, p.191
***
Korkut Ozal (Turkish Engineer, Politician, 1929-...)


Benim ufkumu acan ve dunya goruslerimi buyuk olcude rafine eden olay, yurt disina cikisim ve gerek dunyaya gerek Turkiye'ye yurt disindan bakisim olmustur. Bizim tahsil yillarimizda maalesef Turkiye'nin yetistirme sartlari bizi biraz bagnaz yapmistir, diyebilirim. Cok kendimize donuk, egosantrik bir egitimimiz vardi. Cok bagnaz, irkci diyebilecegim bir Turkculuk, milliyetcilik anlayisi vardi. Yurt disina cikip dunyayi taniyinca ve oradan Turkiye'ye bakinca kafamdaki butun o yanlis oturmus kanilari, inanclari yavas yavas bir zaman boyutu icinde duzelttim. Diyebilirim ki ayni sey agabeyim Turgut Ozal icin de kardesim Yusuf icin de olmustur.

Korkut Ozal, "Devlet Sirri", Yakin Plan Yayinlari, 8.Kitap, İlk Baski (2010), İstanbul, p. 18

Mesela Yukselis Muhendis Okulunda oldu. 1977'de Ankara Valisi Durmus Yalcın, bu olayi incelerken yanimda idi. Biz bir sabah erkenden oraya gittik, niye bu olaylar burada oluyor, inceleyelim diye. Baktigimiz zaman, solcular uzun bir grup halinde geliyorlar, upuzun bir kuyruk, iki bin kisi falan. Sagcilar bu tarafta hazirlandi. Daha azlar. Yerden insaat demirlerini alirken bir baktik ki polisler de onlarla birlesti. Meger sagci bir polis grubu  gitmis oraya. Sagci talebeler ondan sonra polisle beraber orada pusuya girdiler. Obur taraf korkuyor, yalniz gelemiyor. Biz de yukardan okulun terasına cıkmısız, oradan seyrediyoruz. Bizi kimse gormuyor. 

Bir baktim, solcularin uzerine bunlar demirlerle, polisler de coplarla saldiriyor. Allah Allah! Aynen bir cephe savasi veriliyor. Yuregim ciz etti. Vali de bir kufur atti: Allah kahretsin! İndik tabi ve tarafsiz bir ekip getirdik. Emin olun kisa surede ortalik duzeldi. Ben burada devlet otoritesinin adil olusunun onemini vurgulamak isterim. Fakat tam isler yumusadi, gruplar azaldi, bir baktik o solcularin birlesip geldikleri iki bin kisi, ikiyuze falan dustu. Ben artik ekipleri kaldiriyordum, cocuklar koridora cikiyordu. O sirada solcularin toplandigi Albayrak kahvesinde, 1977'nin sonlariydi, bir saatli bomba patladi. O bombayi bir istihbarat grubu patlatti ve amaci da bu kavganin devamini saglamakti. Evet, bugun de sikintimiz var, yani Turkiye'nin sahipsizligi... Turkiye, bunlara sahip olabilmeli. Mesela ben Sivas isinin, kesin soyluyorum, bir istihbarat isi oldugunu biliyorum. Sonu gelmiyor ki... Bakın, siz tarafsiz mudahale ediyorsunuz, polis koyuyorsunuz, olayi sonduruyorsunuz tam geliyor bir ajan, bomba koyuyor. Onlar geldiler bana, hatta bizzat Halk Partisinin milletvekilleri geldi, bagira cagira. Cocukların bacaklari falan koptu, feci bir manzaraydi, hic unutmuyorum. Dunyam yikildi.

Korkut Ozal, "Devlet Sirri", Yakin Plan Yayinlari, 8.Kitap, İlk Baski (2010), İstanbul, pp. 25-26

Cogulculuga gelince... Bugun Turkiye'de Arnavut da vardir, Bosnak da vardir, Hirvat da vardir, Cerkez de vardir; hepsi bir yerlerden gelip vatan olarak Turkiye'ye yerlesmislerdir. Ama etnik kimliklerini ve inanclarini korumaktadirlar. Osmanli bunlarin hic birine dokunmamis, baski yapmamistir. Tam laikligin tarif ettigi manada kimsenin dinine dokunmamis, hepsine esit mesafede kalmis. Daha sonralari bizim uygulamalarimizda bir irki aldik, ana dillerinin konusmasini bile yasak ettik. Yanlis uygulamalar oldu. Bunlarin artik gundemden cikmasi lazim.

Korkut Ozal, "Devlet Sirri", Yakin Plan Yayinlari, 8.Kitap, İlk Baski (2010), İstanbul, p. 69

Yoneticilik ile liderlik bazen ust uste biniyor. Ama liderligin yoneticilikten cok daha onemli bir yonu var. Lider onderdir. Yonetici mevcut duzeni iyi isletirse iyi bir yoneticidir, degilse kotu bir yoneticidir. Ama lider sadece yoneticilikle de kalmaz, o sistemi yukari dogru yukseltmeyi hedef alir. Yani liderde onderlik vasfi one cikmalidir.

Korkut Ozal, "Devlet Sirri", Yakin Plan Yayinlari, 8.Kitap, İlk Baski (2010), İstanbul, p. 110

İnsanlarin inanclarini yasamalari anayasal haklaridir. Inanclarin kaynagi olan dini politikada konusmak, tartismak yanlistir. Turkiye'nin politika zemininde hic kimsenin Islam'i konusmaya ve tartismaya hakki yoktur. Asla tartisilamaz. Yalniz su bir gercektir ki her inanc ve fikir sahibi nasil dusunurse dusunsun, konusulan Islam'dir, yani Islam gubdemimizde yer almistir. Refah Partisi yoneticilerinin de Islam'i tartisma ortamina getirmeye yetkileri yoktur. Buna inanan, inanmayan hic kimsenin hakki yoktur. Anayasal hak olan inanc hurriyetine saygili her vatandasin bunu goz onunde tutmasi vatandaslik borcudur.

Korkut Ozal, "Devlet Sirri", Yakin Plan Yayinlari, 8.Kitap, İlk Baski (2010), İstanbul, p. 151

***
Yasar Kaya (Kurdish Journalist, Politician, 1938-...)


Kendimi kismen farkli bir Kurt olarak goruyordum. Ozgur dusunebiliyordum. Turk soluna hic bulasmadim. Sol dusunceden Kurtlere bir yarar gelecegine hic inanmadim. Mesela 1958'de Musa Agabey ile birlikte Sovyet Devrimi'nin yildonumunde Rusya'nin, o zamanki Sovyetler Birligi'nin Istanbul Konsologlugu'na davetliydik. Sonradan Rusya'nin Disisleri Bakani ve Basbakani olan Primakov, o zamanlar kendini gazeteci olarak tanitiyordu. Turkce de biliyordu. Halbuki KGB'nin Orta Dogu'daki en buyuk ajaniydi. Musa Agabey ona, 'Primakov yoldas, siz dunyanin bir cok bolgesinde ulusal kurtulus hareketlerine buyuk destekler verdiniz, ancak Kurtlere ilgisiz kaldiniz, bize yardim etmediniz, niye?' diye sordu. Primakov dedi ki: 'Musa bey, Kurtlerin hatiri icin 80 milyon Arabi ihmal edemeyiz.' Ben daha o zaman, soldan bize bir hayrin gelmeyecegini, kendi basimizin caresine bakmamiz gerektigi kanaatine vardim. Kurt aydinlarinin solcu olmalari basli basina bir sorundu; ama Kurtlerin bir orgutu olsaydi, Kurt aydinlari gidip TIP'e girmezdi. Onde gelen bircok Kurt aydini gidip TIP'te calisti. Bu durumun baska bir nedeni daha vardi. Kurtler Turk solunu iyi taniyamadi. Taniyanlar, zaten ayri orgutlenmeye calisti. PDK ve DDKO o sekilde ortaya cikti. 

Yasar Kaya, "Yasar Kaya'nin Hatiralari", Sefiq Peseng, Avesta, Istanbul, 2015, pp. 175-176

Bizim neslin bir sanssizligi da dunya basinini izleyememesiydi. Yabanci dil bilmiyorduk ve bilgiyi sadece Turk basinindan alabiliyorduk.Benim kusagimin onderleri; iki Sait, Ziya Serefhanoglu ve Musa Anter gibiler bu kosullarda yetisti. 

Yasar Kaya, "Yasar Kaya'nin Hatiralari", Sefiq Peseng, Avesta, Istanbul, 2015, pp. 351-352

Uzun suren yasamim boyunca edindigim deneyim ve cikardigim sonuc; ulusal mucadelelerin mukaddes olduklaridir. Peki, bu mucadeleler neden mukaddestir? Cunku siz, kellenizi ortaya koyuyorsunuz. Kelle ucar ya da ucmaz, o ayri bir mesele. Bir insanin, inanclari ugruna kellesini ortaya koymasi cok onemli bir olaydir. 

Yasar Kaya, "Yasar Kaya'nin Hatiralari", Sefiq Peseng, Avesta, Istanbul, 2015, p. 352

Iki yildir, hasta yatagimda ulke,Orta Dogu ve dunya politikasini dogru durust takip edemiyorum.Ancak buna ragmen bir kanaatim var. Bu kanaatimi soyleyecegim. Bana gore, Kurt sorunu yeni doguyor. PKK'nin kaybetmesi ve sahneden cekilmesi, sadece bir donemin kapanmasindan ibarettir. PKK kazansaydi, bir devlet kursaydi, iktidara gelen parti olsaydi, tereddutsuz bir sekilde buna yine bir donemin kapanmasi diyecektim. Kurtler, 40 milyonluk, dinamikleri olan bir halktir. Cin siseden cikmistir ve bir yenilgi yasanmis olsa da, bu halk yeniden ayaga kalkacak kadar uyanmis ve politize olmustur. Elbette bunda PKK'nin rolu buyuktur. Buyuk bedeller odenerek bugunlere varilmistir.

Yeni depremler olacaktir. O depremlerden bahsetmek istiyorum. Ortadogu'da yeni bir duzenlemeye gidiliyor. Bu yeni duzenlemeyi kim yapiyor? Bati yapiyor. Bu duzenlemenin basini kim cekiyor?Ingiltere cekiyor. Kim ne derse desin, halen Ortadogu politikasinda Ingiltere, Amerika'nin da hocasidir,akil hocasidir ve onundedir. Kurt hareketi, boyle devrim potansiyeli tasidigi muddetce, Kurdistan'in cesitli bolgelerinde ayaklanmalar olacaktir. Bugun Guney Kurdistan'da bir sekillenme olmus, bir federal devlet kurulmus ve butun kurumlar yerli yerine oturtulmus durumdadir. Baska parcalarda da bu gibi olusumlar olacaktir ve birlesmenin onu mutlaka acilacaktir. 

Bagimsiz Kurdistan, Kurtlere lazimdir. 'Ulus devletin modasi gecmistir' demek yanlistir ve ihanettir.

Yasar Kaya, "Yasar Kaya'nin Hatiralari", Sefiq Peseng, Avesta, Istanbul, 2015, p. 364

***
Michael Bar-Zohar (Israeli Historian, Novelist, Politican, Writer, 1938-...)

it's title would eventually be changed to Institute for Intelligence and Special Operations, and its motto chosen from Proverbs 11:14: "Without stratagems would a people fail, and deliverance is in a wise counsel."

But neither the new title nor the motto made Mossad unique. Shiloah was determined to confer upon it an exceptional feature. Mossad would not only be the long arm of Israel, but also the long arm of the entire jewish people.

Michael Bar-Zohar & Nissim Mishal, "Mossad: The Great Operations of Israel's Secret Service", The Robson Press, Great Britain, 2015, p.30

"At the end of 1965" Amit wrote in his memoirs , "our dream started to become a reality. The unbelievable happened. An official Israeli delegation settled in the camp of the mullah Mustafa Barzani (the leader of the Kurdish rebels in Northern Iraq)"

The arrival of Mossad officer in Kurdistan was considered a tremendous victory for Israeli intelligence. For the first time a contact was established with one of the three components of the Iraqi nation-the Kurds, who were waging a stubborn, endless war against the Baghdad government. (The other two components were the Shiite and Sunni Muslims.) The rebels, led by Barzani, controlled a large area inside iraq. If Mossad succeeded in turning the Kurdish rebels into a strong military force, the Iraqi leaderswould be compelled to focus their efforts on their internal problems and their capaccity for fighting Israel would be diminished. The alliance with the Kurds could become a real boon for Israel.

Michael Bar-Zohar & Nissim Mishal, "Mossad: The Great Operations of Israel's Secret Service", The Robson Press, Great Britain, 2015, p.160

In the middle of the nineteenth century, the  sultan of the Ottoman Empire sent commander of the Imperial Navy, a famous and admired admiral, to conquer the Mediterranean island of Malta. The admiral set sail and wandered for many months in the Mediterranean.

But he did not find Malta.

The admiral returned to istanbul, reported to the sultan, and announced: "Malta Yok!" (In Turkish. there is no Malta.)

Michael Bar-Zohar & Nissim Mishal, "Mossad: The Great Operations of Israel's Secret Service", The Robson Press, Great Britain, 2015, p.262








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