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51 Documents: Zionist Collaboration With The Nazis, by Lenni Brenner

Barricade Books has just produced another printing of

51 Documents: Zionist Collaboration With The Nazis
Edited by Lenni Brenner


Permit me to briefly tell you how to get a copy. Then I’ll explain why
you should read and pass along the documents, especially those
detailing the role played by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu’s Zionist-Revisionist movement in the Fascist-Nazi epoch.
Millions in the U.S. and world-wide now closely follow the wave of
Middle Eastern revolts via www.english.aljazeera.net. The more that
vast audience learns about the history of all the actors on that
political stage, the more it will understand the events going on before
our eyes.


ZIONIST REVISIONISM IN THE AGE OF MUSSOLINI AND HITLER

If you want to know what Benjamin Netanyahu really thinks about
coexisting with Palestinians, Vladimir Jabotinsky’s 1923 article, The
Iron Wall (We and the Arabs), is a must read. Benzion Netanyahu, the
Israeli Prime Minister’s father, was Jabotinsky’s secretary. It is one
of six matrix pieces for the 51 documents dealing with Zionist
collaboration with the fascist powers.

When the British Empire declared Palestine to be the future Jewish
national home, Palestine included today’s Jordan. But in 1921 London
separated it from Palestine and gave it to the son of Britain’s puppet
Sharif of Mecca. As no Jews lived there, the World Zionist
Organization’s leaders accepted the loss. But Jabotinsky insisted that
the WZO had to “revise” its policy. Britain giving part of Palestine to
an Arab would inspire Palestinians to struggle on until they got it all
back.

The Iron Wall opens with a sweet “equality” flute tune:

“There will always be two nations in Palestine -- which is good enough
for me, provided the Jews become the majority.... I belong to the group
that once drew up the Helsingfors Programme.... In drawing up that
programme, we had in mind not only the Jews, but all nations
everywhere, and its basis is equality of rights.”

But soon enough you hear his military trumpet:

“It is utterly impossible to obtain the voluntary consent of the
Palestine Arabs for converting “Palestine" from an Arab country into a
country with a Jewish majority.... Zionist colonization must either
stop, or else proceed regardless of the native population. Which means
that it can proceed and develop only under the protection of a power
that is independent of the native population –- behind an iron wall,
which the native population cannot breach. That is our Arab policy; not
what we should be, but what it actually is, whether we admit it or not.
What need, otherwise, of the Balfour Declaration? Or of the Mandate?
Their value to us is that an outside Power has undertaken to create in
the country such conditions of administration and security that if the
native population should desire to hinder our work, they will find it
impossible.”

The Zionist settlement was then too numerically weak to dominate the
Palestinians, so Jabotinsky hoped Italy would replace the softie Brits
as Zionism’s iron wall. He didn’t like dictatorship, in 1926 writing of
Mussolini’s party title:

“They had to coin a new term - ‘Duce’ - which is a translation of that
most absurd of all English words - ‘leader’ - Buffaloes follow a
leader. Civilized men have no leaders.”

Nevertheless the head buffalo’s concentration camps and hanging of
revolting Arabs in Italy’s Libyan colony pleased him. By the mid-1930s,
in spite of cavils re Fascism, Jabotinsky openly orientated towards
Italy. In 1934, Mussolini responded by establishing a squadron of
Betar, the Revisionist youth group, at his maritime academy.

Jabotinsky became Fascism's defense attorney. He wrote an April 11,
1935 article, “Jews and Fascism: Some Remarks - and a Warning", for New
York’s Jewish Daily Bulletin. Most Jews followed common usage and
referred to the fight against Hitler as part of the “anti-Fascist
struggle.” Jabotinsky tried to stop that. If Jews saw Hitler as a
Fascist, they wouldn’t accept Revisionism’s move towards Mussolini. The
brief for the Fascist regime shows how he put objections to buffalo
herd politics well after his wish that Italy would replace Britain as
Zionism's iron wall:

“Whatever any few think of Fascism’s other points, there is no doubt
that the Italian brand of Fascist ideology is at least an ideology of
racial equality. Let us not be so humble as to pretend that this does
not matter – that racial equality is too insignificant an idea to
outbalance the absence of civic freedom. For it is not true. I am a
journalist who would choke without freedom of the press, but I affirm
it is simply blasphemous to say that in the scale of civic rights, even
the freedom of the press comes before the equality of all men. Equality
comes first, always first, super first; and Jews should remember it,
and hold that a regime maintaining that principle in a world turned
cannibal does, partly, but considerably, atone for its other
short-comings: it may be criticized, it should not be kicked at. There
are enough other terms for cussing use – Nazism, Hitlerism,
Polizeistaat, etc. – but the word “fascismo” is Italy’s copyright and
should therefore be reserved only for the correct kind of discussion,
not for exercises in Billingsgate. Especially as it may yet prove very
harmful. That government of the copy right is a very powerful factor,
whose sympathy may yet ward off many a blow, for instance in the League
of Nations councils.

Incidentally, the Permanent Mandate Commission which supervises
Palestinian affairs has an Italian chairman. In short – though I don’t
expect street-urchins (irrespective of age) to follow advise of caution
– responsible leaders ought to take care.”

The March, 1936 issue of L'Idea Sionistica, published during
Mussolini’s conquest of Ethiopia (aka Abyssinia), describes a ceremony
at Betar’s headquarters at the scuola marittima:

“The Order ‘Attention’ - A triple chant ordered by the squad’s
commanding officer - ‘Viva L’Italia! Viva Il Re! Viva Il Duce!’
resounded, followed by the benediction which rabbi Aldo Lattes invoked
in Italian and in Hebrew for God, for the King and for Il Duce.”
“Giovinezza,” the Fascist Party anthem, “was sung with much enthusiasm
by the Betarim.”

The war ended in May and they marched in a victory parade.
Revisionism’s attitude towards Mussolini’s war was best described in
the June 12, 1936 issue of London’s World Jewry magazine. Wolfgang von
Weisl, Revisionism’s Financial Director,

“declared that, although opinions among the Revisionists varied, in
general they sympathized with Fascism.... He, personally, was a
supporter of Fascism, and he rejoiced at the victory of Fascist Italy
in Abyssinia as a triumph of the White races against the Black.”

Their rejoicing ended a few weeks later after General Francisco
Franco’s coup against the left-leaning Spanish Republic. Mussolini
realized that a Spanish workers victory would inspire Italian workers
to try to overthrow him. He had competed with Germany over domination
of Austria, but realized that he had to unite with Hitler against the
left. He knew that he couldn’t have an alliance with the Nazi and have
Jews in his party, so he expelled them and put paid to his ties to
Zionism.

War broke out in 1939. Jabotinsky and Benzion Netanyahu felt that they
had to support Britain. But a Revisionist minority had become so
ideologically fascist in the scuola marittima season that they wouldn’t
fight Hitler. He was a persecutor, but Britain was the enemy because a
1939 London White Paper called off the solution to European
anti-Semitism, i.e., establishing a Jewish state in Palestine. In 1940
they broke with Jabotinsky. In January 1941, their leader, Avraham
Stern, sent a representative to Beirut, controlled by pro-Nazi Vichy
France, to negotiate with a German diplomat. After the war, their

“Proposal of the National Military Organization (Irgun Zvai Leumi)
Concerning the Solution of the Jewish Question in Europe and the
Participation of the NMO in the War on the side of Germany”
was found in the German Embassy in Turkey. They told the Nazis that

“The evacuation of the Jewish masses from Europe is a precondition for
solving the Jewish question; but this can only be made possible and
complete through the settlement of these masses in the home of the
Jewish people, Palestine, and through the establishment of a Jewish
state in its historic boundaries....

The NMO, which is well-acquainted with the goodwill of the German Reich
government and its authorities towards Zionist activity inside Germany
and towards Zionist emigration plans, is of the opinion that:

1. Common interests could exist between the establishment of a new
order in Europe in conformity with the German concept, and the true
national aspirations of the Jewish people as they are embodied by the
NMO.

2. Cooperation between the new Germany and a renewed folkish-national
Hebraium would be possible and,

3. The establishment of the historic Jewish state on a national and
totalitarian basis, bound by a treaty with the German Reich, would be
in the interest of a maintained and strengthened future German position
of power in the Near East.

Proceeding from these considerations, the NMO in Palestine, under the
condition the above-mentioned national aspirations of the Israeli
freedom movement are recognized on the side of the German Reich, offers
to actively lake part in the war on Germany’s side.

This offer by the NMO... would be connected to the military training
and organizing of Jewish manpower in Europe, under the leadership and
command of the NMO. These military units would take part in the fight
to conquer Palestine, should such a front be decided upon.

The indirect participation of the Israeli freedom movement in the New
Order in Europe, already in the preparatory stage, would be linked with
a positive-radical solution of the European Jewish problem in
conformity with the above-mentioned national aspirations of the Jewish
people. This would extraordinarily strengthen the moral basis of the
New Order in the eyes of all humanity.”

The Sternists declared that “The NMO is closely related to the
totalitarian movements of Europe in its ideology and structure.”

The Nazis didn’t respond to the Proposal, but they didn’t lose hope. In
December 1941 another agent was captured in Syria by the British, on
his way to Germany’s Embassy in Turkey.

Until Menachem Begin’s l977 election victory, most Israeli historians
dismissed Revisionism as Zionism’s fanatic fringe. The “Stern Gang”, as
their enemies called Avraham Stern’s NMO (later renamed Lohamei Herut
Yisrael, Fighters for the Freedom of Israel, acronym Lehi) was looked
upon as of more interest to psychiatrists than political scientists.
Nevertheless, Begin’s appointment of Yitzhak Shamir (birth name
Yizernitsky) as Foreign Minister was quietly received, although Shamir
was the Gang’s operations commander after the British killed Stern.

I was in Jerusalem in 1983, when Shamir became Prime Minister
(1983-84/1986-92). I got an English-language Arab weekly to run the
Sternist Proposal. Days later, in Britain for lectures on my first
book, Zionism in the Age of the Dictators, I read that the new PM had
been challenged about it. The October 21 London Times reported that
Shamir

“denied that he had any part in the efforts by Mr. Abraham Stern, the
original commander of Lehi... to establish contact with the Nazis and
Italian Fascists. ‘There was a plan to turn to Italy for help and to
make contact with Germany on the assumption that these could bring
about a massive Jewish immigration to Palestine. I opposed this... but
I did join Lehi after the idea of contacts with the Axis countries was
dropped.’”

I went to The Times with their Proposal, in German and English. After
an editor read the surreal document, it ran my November 4 letter, sure
that my claim of his membership, before 1941, was true.

“As an American, away from my files, I cannot be certain exactly when
in 1940 Shamir joined the group. But in any case, isn’t he confessing
that he knowingly joined an organization of traitors which had offered
to ally itself to the arch-enemy of the Jews? Nor can there be any
doubt that he joined up with Stern before December 1941, when the
Sternists tried to send Nathan Yalin-Mor to Turkey to contact the
German ambassador there with the same proposal: that they be allowed to
ally themselves to the Third Reich.”

My source for 1940 membership was Gerold Frank’s 1963 book, The Deed,
on the 1944 assassination of Lord Moyne, Britain’s Minister Resident in
Cairo:

“In September Stern walked out of the Irgun and set up his own
group.... Eliahu and David Danon... were summoned to a remote
school-house.... the Irgun commander... made a brief speech.... He read
Jabotinsky’s cable to Raziel... and the one sent to Stern:
‘Reappointing R’.... Itzhak Yizernitsky.... spoke tersely, summing up
the reason behind Stern’s decision to walk out of the Irgun.... David,
for his part, could not forget Yizernitsky’s ‘fire and powder’ remark
in the days immediately following the Raziel-Stern split.”

Shamir’s lie re joining the Sternists only after they stopped trying to
fight on Germany’s side, tells us why 51 Documents can be a powerful
weapon against modern Zionism. Trying to ally with Hitler can’t be
justified today, not to Jews nor anyone else. Some Revisionists try to
get out from behind Shamir’s Nazi-philia by reminding us that most
1940s Revisionists supported Britain. But that Revisionist majority
later voted for a Prime Minister who, “on a national and totalitarian
basis,” wanted Adolf Hitler to win World War II.

Let’s go further. Were Jabotinsky and his secretary really much better
than Stern and Shamir? Let’s ask Israel’s Prime Minister if von Weisl
also spoke for his father when he cheered for Italy during the
Ethiopian war? Did Il Duce break with Jabotinsky and Benjamin
Netanyahu’s father? Or did they break with Il Duce? Training the
founding admirals of Israel’s navy at Mussolini’s scuola marittima
during the Ethiopian war can’t be justified today, not to Ethiopians or
Italians nor anyone else.

So, dear reader, permit me to close by pointing out that even the few
Zionist writings quoted above demonstrate that 51 Documents is required
reading for putting today’s Israel in historical perspective. Study all
the documents and let friends and colleagues know that the book is
available.


Americans can get a copy for $22.00 plus $2.77 postage. Send a $24.77
check or postal money order to

Lenni Brenner
POB 20598
Park West Post Office
NY, NY 10025-1521

You’ll get it within 10 days after I get your letter. If you want 5 or
more copies, email BrennerL21@aol.com for bulk prices and shipping
rates.

In Europe, get it via Turnaround Publisher Services.

bill@turnaround-uk.com

will discuss shipping rates to your country.

If you live elsewhere, contact BrennerL21@aol.com.

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