Digul River-Ok

    Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

    Situation

    [under construction]

    The Digul River-Ok family is comprised of perhaps 32 or more languages spoken …

    Subclassification

    The internal classification of Digul RIver-Ok is as follows:

    Digul River-Ok
        Ok
            Ngalum
            Kopkaka-Kwer
            Nakai-Tangko
            Lowland Ok
            Mountain Ok
        Digul River
            Sawuy
            Central Digul River
                Awyu
                Ndeiram River
                Dumut
            North Digul River
                Awbono-Bayono
                Becking and Dawi Rivers

    It is not clear that Oksapmin belongs with Ok, as is argued by Loughnane and Fedden (2011,) or if the similarities reflect mutual influence between Oksapmin and Mountain Ok, especially Bimin (Healey 1964: 115) alongside a core of common inheritence from Trans New Guinea (i.e. personal pronouns and gender.)

    History of classification

    [under construction]

    Drabbe (1950, 1957, 1059) Awju group
    Healey (1964) Proto-Mountain Ok, Proto Lowland Ok and Proto-Ok
    Voorhoeve (1968: 3-5) Asmat-Awyu-Ok Family in proposed Central and South New Guinea Stock.
    Healey (1970) proto-Awyu-Dumut with some comparisons to his (1964) Mountain Ok reconstructions.
    Voorhoeve (1971) adds Sawuj.
    Greenberg (1971: 825-829) Ok and Awju subgroups of Southwest New Guinea alonside Marind, Tirio and Kukukuku (Angan) subgroups. Greenberg's Ok group wrongly includes Dumut.
    Voorhoeve (2000) adds Kombai
    Voorhoeve (2005) compares his (1980) proto-Asmat-Kamoro to Healey's proto-Awyu-Dumut and proto-Mountain Ok. Despite his equivocal conclusions, the data presented show Awyu-Dumut and Ok to be much more similar to one another than either is to Asmat.
    Loughnane and Fedden (2011) Oksapmin and Ok
     de Vries (2012) …
    van den Heuvel, de Vries et al. (CITE) independently propose the inclusion of Becking-Dawi with Awyu-Dumut in a Greater Awyu family upon the basis of shared morphology.

    Historical phonology

    The following presentation is necessarily greatly indebted to Healey's (1964) proto-Ok, Lowland Ok and Mountain Ok and (1970) Awyu-Dumut. Many of the comparisons presented below are also found in Voorhoeve (2005: 154-158,) with some differences in their details.

    [under construction]

    Digul River-Ok had 15 consonants and … vowels as follows:

*m *n
*p *t *s *k *kʷ
*mb *nd *ndz *ŋg *ŋgʷ
*w *j

*i *u
*… *…
*… *…
*a


    Any consonant and any vowel can occur initially, medially or finally. Consonant clusters occur only in compounds.

    Initially and medially, consonant values are generally unchanged:

Digul-Ok Digul Ok
*m *m *m
*n *n *n
*p *p *p
*t *t *t
*s ? *s
*k *k *k
*kʷ *kʷ *kʷ
*mb *mb *mb
*nd *nd *nd
*ndz *ndz *ndz
 *ŋg- *ŋg *k
*-ŋg- *ŋg *ŋg
*ŋgʷ
*j *j *j
*w *w *w

    The contrast between final plain and prenasalized stops is neutralized in Digul River:

Digul-Ok Digul Ok
*-m *m *m
*-n *n *n
*-p *p *p
*-t *t *t
*-s ? *s
*-k *k *k
*-mb *p *mb
*-nd *t *nd
*-ndz ? *ndz
*-ŋg *n *ŋg
*-ɾ

    These correspondences are exemplified as follows:

    [under construction]
    [vowels undergoing major revision]

    Initial and medial nasals /*m *n/ are retained as such in both families:

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *m  *m  *m
 star  *min  *min  *min-
 hot  *mam[y]n  *mam[y]n  *mam[y]n
 mouth/tooth  *maŋgot  *maŋgot  *maŋgot
 dog  *majaːn  *m[a]jan  *majaːn
 mother's br.  *moːm  *mom  *moːm
 gall/bile  *muːŋg  *mun  *muːŋg
   *n  *n  *n
 rattan/rope  *n[aː/oː]ŋg  *nan  *n[aː/oː]ŋg

    Initial voiceless stops /*p *t *k/ are retained as such in both families:

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *p-  *p  *p
       
 tongue  *poːŋg  *pon-kat  *poːŋg
 blow      
 good  *ja[:]p[i/eː]  *jap[i/e]  *ja[:]p
   *t-  *t  *t
 dog  *t[i/eː]nd  *t[i/e]t  *tind
 hole  *t[eː/oː]mb  *top  *teːmb
 armpit  *taŋgon  *taŋgon  *taŋgon
 fat/grease  *tukur  *tukur  *tukur
   *k-  *k  *k
 eye  *kiːn(-roːp)  *kin-rop  *kiːn(-roːp)
 flower  *keːt  *ket  *keːt
 blood/m's house  *kaim  *kaim  *kaim
 hornbill  *kaweːr  *kawer  *kaweːr
 bitter  *k[aː/oː]k  *k[a/o]k  *k[aː/oː]k
 die  *k[oː/y]m[i]  *k[o/y]m[i]  
 side of neck  *kum[a]  *kum[a]  *kum
 goura pigeon  *k[oː/u]t[i/eː]m  *k[o/u]t[i/e]m  *k[u]t[i]m
 bone  *kundoːR  *kundor  *kundoːR

    Laminal /*s/ is rare:

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *s    *s
 far  *…  *…  *samaːn

    Initial anterior prenasalized stops /*mb *nd *ndz/ are retained as such in both families:

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *mb-  *mb  *mb
 wing      
 not  *mb[eː/a]  *mb[e]  *mba
 elbow  *mbVn-[k/ŋg]up  *mb[o]n-[k/ŋg]up  *mb[a/o]ŋgup
 mouth/lip(s)  *mboːn(-kaːnd)  *mbon(-kat)  *mboːn(-kaːnd)
   *nd-  *nd  *nd
 heart  *nd[y]mb-roːp  *…  *nd[y[mb-roːp
   *ndz-  *ndz  *ndz
 banana  *ndzuːmb  *ndzup  *ndzuːmb

    There is conflicting evidence in regard to the disposition of initial velar /*ŋg/. The bases of the second-person pronouns are reflected as /*ŋg/ in Digul River but as /*k/ in Ok, where comparison to other subfamilies of Trans New Guinea shows /*ŋg/ to be original:

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *ŋg-  *ŋg  *k
 2 sg. m.  *ŋge(-p)  ---  *ke(-p)
 2 sg. f.  *ŋgu(-p)  *ŋgup  *ku(-p)
 2 pl.  *ŋgi(-p)  *ŋgip  *ki(-p)

    …

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *ŋg-  *ŋg  *ŋg
 kidney  *ŋg[ai][nd/r]  *ŋg[ai][nd/r]  *ŋg[ai][nd/r]

    Medial nasals /*m *n/ are retained as such in both families:

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *-m-  *m  *m
 die  *k[oː/y]m[i]  *k[o/y]m[i]  
 side of neck  *kum[a]  *kum[a]  *kum
   *-n-  *n  *n
       
       

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *-p-  *p  *p
 good  *ja[:]p[i/eː]  *jap[i/e]  *ja[:]p
   *-t-  *t  *t
 goura pigeon  *k[oː/u]t[i/eː]m  *k[oː/u]t[i/eː]m  *k[u]t[i]m
   *-k-  *k  *k
 fat/grease  *tukur  *tukur  *tukur

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *-mb-  *mb  *mb
 buttocks  *[eː]mbVm  *mbVm  *[eː]mbim
 laugh  *ambiVn  *amb[e]n  *ambiVn
   *-nd-  *nd  *nd
 bone  *kundoːR  *kundor  *kundoːR
 egg  *w[ai]ndin  *w[ai]ndin  *windin
   *-ŋg-  *ŋg  *ŋg
 mouth/tooth  *maŋgoːt  *maŋgot  *maŋgoːt
       

    The medial reflex of /*ndz/, if one existed, is not known.

    Apical non-stop /*r/ is retained as such in both families:

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *r  *r  *r
 boil (n.)  *[i]r[y:]n  *ryn  *[i]r[y:]n
 seed  *[i]roːp  *rop  *[i]roːp
 thorn  *[a]ruk  *[a]ruk  *ruk
 wing      

    /*j *w/:

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *j  *j  *j
 breadfruit  *jawoːt  *jawoːt  *jawoːt
 good  *ja[:]p[i/eː]  *jap[i/e]  *ja[:]p
   *w  *w  *w
 egg  *w[ai]ndin  *w[ai]ndin  *windin
 left  *wakan  *wakan  *wakan
 moon  *wakoːr  *wakor  *wakoːr
 drum  *woːsV  *…  *woːs
 hornbill  *kaweːr  *kawer  *kaweːr
 breadfruit  *jawoːt  *jawot  *jawoːt

    FInal nasals /*m *n/ are retained as such in both families:

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *-m  *-m  *-m
 buttocks  *[eː]mbVm  *mbVm  *[eː]mbim
 breast  *[aː/oː]m  *[a/o]m  
 mother's br.  *moːm  *mom  *moːm
 blood/m's house  *kaim  *kaim  *kaim
 goura pigeon  *kVtVm  *k[o/u]t[i/e]m  *k[o/u]t[i]m
 liver  *wVm  *wVm  *wVm
   *-n  *-n  *-n
 laugh  *ambiVn  *amb[e]n  *ambiVn
 star  *min  *min  
 hot  *mam[y]n  *mam[y]n  *mam[y]n
 dog  *majaːn  *m[a]jan  *majaːn
 breast  *noːn  *non  
 armpit  *taŋgoːn  *taŋgon  *taŋgoːn
 eye  *kiːn    *kiːn
 lime/gourd  *kameːn  *kamen  *kameːn
 sweat  *koːtin  *kotin  *k[oː]tin
 boil (n.)  *[i]r[y:]n  *r[y]n  *[i]ir[y:]n
 egg  *w[ai]ndin  *w[ai]ndin  *windin

    Final voiceless stops /*p *t *k/ are retained as such in both families:

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *-p  *-p  *-p
 level ground  *ip  *ip  *ip
 sun/day  *[a]taːp  *[a]ta[:]p  *[a]taːp
 wind  *p[oːwu]p  *p[owu]p  *puːp
 elbow/wrist  *mbVn[k/ŋg]up  *mb[o]n[k/ŋg]up  *mb[a/o]ŋgup
 tail  *ka[:]ndi[:]p  *kandip  
 seed  *[i]roːp  *rop  *[i]roːp
   *-t  *-t  *-t
 mouth/tooth  *maŋgot  *maŋgot  *maŋgot
 flower  *keːt  *ket  *keːt
 breadfruit  *jawoːt  *jawot  *jawoːt
   *-k  *-k  *-k
 thorn  *[a]ɾuk  *[a]ɾuk  *ɾuk
 water  *[aː/oː]k  *[a/o][:]k  *oːk
 shoulder  *maːk  *ma[:]k  *maːk
 white  *kajoːk  *kajok  *kaj[oː]k
 bitter  *k[aː/oː]k  *k[a/o]k  *k[aː/oː]k

    Final prenasalized stops /*mb *nd/ are merged with voiceless stops /*p *t/ in Digul River:

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *-mb  *-p  *-mb
 house  *amb  *ap  *amb
 hole  *t[eː/oː]mb  *to[:]p  *teːmb
 banana  *ndzuːmb  *ndzuːp  *ndzuːmb
 heavy  *[i]ɾu[:]mb  *ɾup  *[i]ɾuːmb
   *-nd  *-t  *-nd
 vein/tendon  *mend  *met  *mend
 dog  *tind  *tit  *tind
 skin/bark  *kaːnd  *ka[:]t  *kaːnd
 bandicoot  *kajaːnd  *kaja[:]t  *kajaːnd

    Final prenasalized stop /*ŋg/ is merged with nasal /*n/ in Digul RIver:

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *-ŋg [ŋ]  *-n  *-ŋg [ŋ]
 gall/bile  *muːŋg  *muːn  *muːŋg
 rattan/rope  *n[aː/oː]ŋg  *na[:]n  *n[aː/oː]ŋg

    The difference between this Digul Reflex reflex and those of /*mb *nd/ requires that the allophonic expression of final /*ŋg/ as [*ŋ] predates Digul River's loss of contrastive voice and prenasalization in final stops.

    Final apical non-stop /*ɾ/ is retained as such in both families:

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *-ɾ  *-ɾ  *-ɾ
 excrement  *[ɒ/o]ɾ  *[ɒ/o]ɾ  *oːɾ
 fat/grease  *tukuɾ  *tukuɾ  *tukuɾ
 hornbill  *kaweːɾ  *kaweːɾ  *kaweːɾ
 moon  *wakoɾ  *wakoɾ  *wakoɾ

   Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
   *  *  *
       
       

    Pronouns

    [under construction]

    Digul River-Ok free pronouns are reconstructed as follows:

 Digul River-Ok  Digul River  Ok
 1 sg.  *ne  *nup  *ne
 2 sg. m.  *ŋge-p  ---  *ke-p
 2 sg. f.  *ŋgu-p  *ŋgup  *ku-p
 3 sg. m.  *eː    *eː
 3 sg. f.  *u    *u
 1 pl. excl.  *nu    *nu
 1 pl. incl.  *nu-p  ---  *nu-p
 2 pl.  *ŋgi-p  *ŋgip  *ki-p
 3 pl.  *i    *i

    Digul River no longer distinguishes masculine from feminine gender in the second person singular.
    It was originally considered, based upon analogy with the vowel alternations which distinguish genders in the second and third persons, that Digul River first person singular /*nup/ might reflect a feminine form which had been generalized in Digul River and lost in Ok. There are two reasons why this was rejected. The first is that the first person plural does not observe the expected ablaut to /*ni/. Further, the pronominal augment /*-p/ is found to have a meaning in Ngalum (Hylkema 1996,) where it distinguishes inclusive /nu-p/ from exclusive /nu/. It seems then that /*-p/ was specifically identified with the second person, such that its appearance upon a first singular feminine base would make little sense. Instead, we posit that the first person plural inclusive was generalized to include the exclusive, as it has been in Lowland Ok, and was then further generalized to include the singular, motivating subsequent disambiguation by the addition of a suffix to the plural.

    Comparison with Fly River base forms confirms the originality of gender vocalism:

   Digul River-Ok  Fly River
 3 sg. m.  *e  *e
 3 sg. f.  *u  *u
 3 pl.  *i  *i