Asmat-Kamrau Bay

    Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

    Situation

    The Asmat-Kamrau Bay family is comprised of eight or more languages spoken along the nearly the entirety of the southwestern coastal lowlands of New Guinea, from Kamrau Bay in the northwest to just north of Kolopom in the southeast.

    Subclassification

    The internal classification of Asmat-Kamrau Bay is as follows:

    Asmat-Kamrau Bay
        Kamrau Bay
        Asmat-Kamoro
            Kamoro
            Sempan
            Asmat

    Sources

    Modera (1830) variety of Kamoro (unobtained)
    Miklucho-Maclay (1876) variety of Kamoro (unobtained)
    Robidé van der Aa (1879) Lakahia variety of Kamoro (unobtained)
    van der Sande (1907) vocabularies of Nagramadu, Angadi and Goreda varieties of Kamoro (unobtained)
    Dumas (1911) large vocabulary of Mimika variety of Kamoro (unobtained)
    Ray (1912: 326-330) comparative study of Angadi-Mimika (Kamoro) dialects, including Robidé van der Aa's Lakahia and van der Sande's Angadi, Nagramadu and Goreda as well as Utanata River, Mimika, Kupera Pukwa and Kiruru varieties of Kamoro
    Feuilletau de Bruijn (1915) Kaja Kaja variety of Asmat (unobtained)
    Drabbe (1950) unpublished comparative vocabularies of Kamoro, Sempan and Asmat
    Boelaars (1950: 90-102) English-language recension of Drabbe's then-unpublished grammar of Tarjà Kàmoro
    Drabbe (1953) grammar of Tarjà Kàmoro, comparison of Kamoro dialects and (pp. 96-104) 378 comparative terms for Kàmoro, Sémpan and Asmat
    Drabbe (1954: 232-255) 100 comparative terms for Kàmoro, Sémpan and Kawenak (Central) Asmat
    Drabbe (1959) grammar of Kawenak (Central) Asmat (unobtained)
    Drabbe (1959) dictionary of Kawenak (Central) Asmat (unobtained)
    Drabbe (1963) study of Asmat dialects and (pp. 212-233) 377 comparative terms for Kawenak, Keenok and Keenakap varieties of Central Asmat, Kaünak (Citak) and Kaweinag (Casuarina Coast)
    Drabbe (n.d.) dictionary of Kàmoro (unobtained)
    Drabbe (n.d.) dictionary of Sémpan (unobtained)
    Galis (1955) 16 comparative terms and numbers drawn from the preceding literature
    Anceaux (n.d.) Asienara and Iria vocabularies as excerpted in Voorhoeve (1975) and in Greenberg's notebooks (n.d.)
    Anceaux (1956) (unobtained,) reprinted in English as (1958)
    Anceaux (1958: 119-120) 10 comparative terms for Asienara and Iria
    Voorhoeve (1965) dictionary and grammar of Flamingo Bay variety of Central Asmat
    Voorhoeve (1975: 369-374) general description of member languages based primarily upon Drabbe (1953, 1963) and Anceaux (n.d.)
    Voorhoeve (1980) survey of Asmat dialects and (pp. 61-121) 455 reconstructed terms for Proto-Asmat, including supporting forms from Kamoro and Sempan drawn from Drabbe (1953) and Iria from Anceaux (n.d.)
    Voorhoeve (2005: 148-149, 152-154, 158-164) Proto-Asmat-Kamoro correspondences and (unexempified) reconstructions, including Sabakor (Kamrau Bay)
    Peckham (1991:160-166) 208 comparative terms for Nanesa (Etna Bay) Kamoro

    History of classification

    Drabbe (1950: 545-546, 1953: 3, ibid.) recognized the close relationship between Kamoro, Sempan and Asmat. Voorhoeve would later include Drabbe's Central South Coast as Asmat-Kamoro in his proposed Central and South New Guinea Phylum (1968: 1, 3-4, McElhanon and Voorhoeve 1970: 10.)
    Anceaaux' (1958: 116-117) survey of the Bomberai Peninsula recognized the close relationship between Asienara and Iria, sharply distinguishing them from the other Papuan languages of the Bomberai. Anceaux' divisions are recapitulated in Voegelin and Voegelin (1965: 30-31.)
    Greenberg (1971: 840) joined Kamrau Bay with Asmat, writing: "It has not been previously noted that these two languages [Asienara and Iria] are to be connected with the Kamoro group to the east from which they are separated both by the Etna Bay subgroup of the Western New Guinea subfamily and by Irahutu, an AN language."
    Voorhoeve (1975: 369-374) includes Iria and Asienara as a branch of Asmat-Kamoro alongside Kamoro, Sempan and Asmat, though without explicit citation to Greenberg. He suggests that Iria-Asienara may be closer to Asmat than to Kamoro. Voorhoeve's classification is recapitulated defectively in Wurm (1982: 137-138,) where both Iria and Asienara are given as first-order members coequal to Kamoro, Sempan and Central, Casuarina Coast, Citak and North varieties of Asmat; this defect was to propagate through derivative works such as Ruhlen (1987: 355) and versions of the Ethnologue (q.v. Grimes ed 2000: 469-486.) This is remedied (q.v. Lewis ed. 2009) following Voorhoeve (2005: 148-149) which reiterates (1975''s) four subgroups and designates Iria-Asienara as Sabakor.

    Historical phonology

    Proto-Asmat-Kamrau Bay had 13 consonants and perhaps 5 vowels as follows:

*m *n
*p *t *k
*b *d *g
*f *s
*w *r *j

*i *u
*e *o
*a

    Apicals /*t *r/ do not occur initially. Medial /*t/ is uncommon. Consonant clusters do not occur.

    This differs from the 11-consonant inventory presented in Voorhoeve (2005: 148-149) in two ways. First, Voorhoeve does not recognize the existence of voiced stops /*b *d *g/. Second, he recognizes a palatal /*c/ which we do not, though this is parenthesized in his inventory.

    Besides the correspondences themselves (below,) the originality of Kamrau Bay voiced stops is evidenced indirectly. In all Asmat-Kamoro languages, the lack of phonemic voiced stops leaves nasals /m n/ free to vary with phonetic [mb nd b d] (Drabbe 1953: 6, 88, 1963: 10-11, Voorhoeve 1980: 14-42.) This also occurs in the Cook and Gondu Rivers languages to the south, which likewise lack phonemic /b d/ (Voorhoeve 1971: 84.) This phenomenon is very conspicuous in materials which have not been adjusted to account for this allophony (q.v. Ray 1912: 327, Drabbe 1963: 212-233, Voorhoeve 1980 ibid.) No trace of it is found in Anceaux' (n.d.) phonetic transcriptions of Asienara or Iria, because this phonetic space is already occupied by voiced stops /*b *d/. It is therefore a southwest coast regional phenomenon, probably originating in Proto-Asmat-Kamoro, which must postdate the breakup of Asmat-Kamrau Bay and the subsequent loss of contrastive voice.

    Only a restricted set of consonants occurs finally:

    …

    Voorhoeve gives consonant correspondences as follows, with forward-slashed alternates asserted to represent variation between Sabakor (Kamrau Bay) dialects:

A-K Sabakor Kamoro Sempan Asmat
*m m m m *m
*n n n ≈ r n *n
*p b ≈ p p p *p
*t d/g k t *t
*c j/d k t *c
*k k k k *k
*f f w ≈ ø f *f
*s s t h *s
*r r r r *r
*j ø j ≈ ø j ≈ ø *j
*w w ≈ ø w ≈ ø w ≈ ø *w
    (n.b. Voorhoeve gives /j/ as <y>)

    [under construction]

    We suggest a rather different system of correspondences, initially and medially as follows:

Asmat-Kamrau Kamrau Bay Asmat-Kamoro
*m *m *m
*n *n *n
*p *p *p
*-t- *-t- *-t-
*k- *k
*-k- *k *k
*b *b *p
*d *d *t
*g *g *t
*f *h *f
*s *s *s
*w *w
*-r- *-r- *-r-
*j *j

    Final consonants correspond as follows:

Asmat-Kamrau Kamrau Bay Asmat-Kamoro
*-m *N *m
*-n *N *n
*-p
*-t
*-k
*-b
*-d     *N (?) *t
*-g
f *K *f
*-s *T *s
*-w
*-r *R *r
*-j *D *j
*-ø

    The reconstuction of Proto Asmat-Kamoro adopted in the charts below is largely based upon that presented in Voorhoeve (1980,) but differs from it and the system presumed in (2005) in three significant respects:
    First, we reconstruct /*f/ where Voorhoeve (1980) has zero, or zero alternating with /*f/. Voorhoeve (pp. 62-63, 79-80) was aware of but uncertain about this solution, and didn't consistently implement it across his protoforms; this is addressed in Voorhoeve (2005: 148-149.)
    Second, Voorhoeve's (2005) /*c/ is treated as as an allophone of /*t/, as we believe this phoneme, found as /c/ only in the Kawenak dialect of Central Asmat (1980: 47-48,) did not exist; indeed this is the position taken in (1980: 47-48) in which /*c/ is given as <*T>. His proposed Kamrau Bay equivalents /j d/ rather than /t d/ imply that the originality of /*c/ has since been confirmed through outcomparison, but no evidence is presented to this effect, and what evidence we know of contradicts it. For example, Voorhoeve's /*jic/ "thorn" (2005: 159) is found in Iria as <igi-ra> /*igi/, and should be reconstructed for Asmat-Kamoro as /*iti/ (q.v. 1980: 115.) If the originality of the Kawenak distinction could be proven, we would add one or two palatal stops to the inventory for 15 consonants as follows:

*m *n
*p *t [*c] *k
*b *d *g
*f *s
*w *r *j

    Most ubiquitously, Voorhoeve gives a final vowel where we give none. Because Kamoro and Sempan nominals require a final vowel while Asmat dialects vary in this respect, the superficial impression is that some dialects are dropping them. The regular loss of final consonants in Kamrau Bay (below) suggests that the opposite is the case; descendants of both branches have achieved or are moving towards mandatory vowel finality using different strategies.

    [NOTE: Kamrau Bay finals are being revised]

    Initial and medial nasals /*m *n/ are retained as such in both subfamilies:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *m  *m  *m
 nose  *miC  *miK  *mi
 mucus  *miniC  *miniK  *mini
 thought  *minip    *minip
 hand/arm  *maf...  *maheK  *maf[a]en
 eye  *mana  *manaN  *mana
 saliva  *masap  *masaK  *masaip
 foot/leg  *mawu  *mawu  *mawu
 star  *mawud[a/o]  *mawuda  *mawuto
 sugarcane  *moneC  *moneK  *mone[k]
 water  *moj  *moD  *mui
 root  *mumu  *mumu  *mumu
 testicles  *musak  *musa  *musak
 husband  *Vmao  *amodak  *emao
 milk  *ami[j]  *ami[D]  
 bow  *amoen  *amoN  *amoen
 ashes  *umid  *umiD  *umit
 neck  *fo-emaek  *homa  *fo-emaek
 two  *kaboma  *aboma  *kapoma
 tongue  *komaen  *[o]maD  *komaen
 armpit  *jamopuC  *mopuK  *jamopu
 sky  *wVnam[a/o]  *w[e/a]nama  *w[o]namo
   *n  *n  *n
 eat/drink  *nV  *nV  *n[e/a]
 1 pl.  *na  *naN  *na
 1 sg.  *no  *noN  *no
 come    *anaw[V]  *enao
 mucus  *miniC  *miniK  *mini
 thought  *minip    *minip
 eye  *mana  *mana  *mana
 sugarcane  *moneC  *moneK  *mone[k]
 fish  *enaom  *noN  *enaom
 centipede  *an[i]C  *anV  *ani
 sky  *wVnam[a/o]  *w[e/a]namar  *w[o]namo

    Medial voiceless bilabial stop /*p/ is retained as such in both subfamilies:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *p  *p  *p
 forehead  *mana-pun  *mana-pu  *mana-pun
 older brother  *Vpoda  *apoda  *epota
 high/above  *ope  *ope  *ope
 cheek/jaw  *g[e/o]p[u]aen  *gepua  *t[e/o]paen
 armpit  *jamopuC  *[a]mopuK  *jamopu

    Plain apical stop /*t/ has not been observed to occur initially.

    Medial /*t/ is supported by only one example:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *t  *t  *t
 bad  *batiak  *batia  *pVtiak

    Initial plain velar stop /*k/ is lost in Kamrau Bay:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *k-  *ø  *k
 two  *kaboma  *aboma  *kapoma
 tongue  *komaen  *omaD  *komaen

    As /*k/ is retained only sporadically in Asmat varieties (Voorhoeve 1980: 90, 117, 118,) it's probable that some forms which have been reconstructed here with an initial vowel in fact began with /*k/. Some of these may be recoverable through outcomparison; for example Asmat-Kamoro /*ew/ "crocodile" was probably really /*kew/ as evidenced by Cook and Gondu River /*kVw/, Marind /*kiu/, even though there is no longer any direct evidence for this in Asmat (p. 76.) We conclude that Asmat likely is (or was) in the process of eliminating it altogether.

    Medial /*k/ is retained as such in both families:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *k  *k  *k
 fruit/seed/bone  *eake  *eke  *eake
 black  *aka  *aka  *aka
 tusk  *ok[o]es    *ok[o]es
       

    Asmat-Kamoro merges snterior voiced stops /*b *d/ with voiceless /*p *t/:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *b  *b  *p
 hard  *bebe  *bebe  *pepe
 vagina  *ber  *beR  *per
 see/look  *bor[a]  *bora  *por[a]
 bad  *bVtiak  *batia  *pVtiak
 cassowary  *puriw  *buri  *puriw
 moon  *bura  *bura  *pura
 fly (n.)      
 white  *nabu  *nabu  *napu
 two  *kaboma  *aboma  *kapoma
   *d  *d  *t
 canoe  *diw  *d[u]w  *tiw
 sago palm/grub  *da[o/u]    *ta[o/u]
 one  *dawak  *dawa  *tawak
 older brother  *[e/a]poda  *apoda  *epota
 younger brother  *[e/a]waoda  *awoda  *ewaota
 cry/weep  *made  *meda  *mate
 star  *mawud[a/o]  *mawuda  *mawuto
 woman  *…awoda  *j[e]woda  *tawota
 heavy  *judoro  *idoro  *jutoro

    Voiced velar stop /*g/ was merged with alveolar /*d/ in Asmat-Kamoro prior to devoicing:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *g  *g  *t
 give  *geama  *geama  *team
 rain  *gef  *geK  *tef
 child/son  *gewu  *gewu  *t[i]wu
 cheek/jaw  *g[e/o]p[u]aen  *gepua  *t[e/o]paen
 old  *gar[a]wu  *garu  *tarawu
 thorn  *igi  *igi  *iti
 voice/speech  *aga  *aga  *ata

    /*ɟ/ …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *…  *j  *t
 2 pl.      
 nest      
 woman    *j[e]woda  *tawota

    Kamrau Bay deoccludes /*f/ to /*h/:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *f  *h  *f
 hair  *fin  *hi  *fin
 excrement  *faeC  *har  *fae
 neck  *fo-ema[e]C  *homar  *fo-ema[e]k
 ear  *iaf[a]eC  *jahad  *iaf[a]en
 cold  *iufoC  *ihok  *iufo[t/k]
 leaf  *efe  *ehe  *efe
 tail  *efe  *ehe  
 rotten/soft  *ofoak  *oho  *ofoak
 hand/arm  *maf...  *mahek  *maf[a]en
 men's house  *jafae  *jaha  *jaf[a]e
 wing  *jafor  *ahaR-hu  *jafor
 hole  *jaofa  *aha  *jofa

    Initial and medial fricative /*s/ is retained as such in both families:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *s  *s  *s
 sand  *sin  *siN  *sin
 tooth  *siC  *siK  *sis[i]
 egg  *sa  *sa  *sa
 mosquito  *isi  *isi  *isi
 netbag  *es[ae]C  *eseK  *es[ae]k
 sleep  *es[a/e]  *esa  *ese
 saliva  *masaC  *masaK  *masaip
 testicles  *musak  *musa  *musak
 fire  *jusa  *usa  *jusa

    Initial segment /*ji/ is reduced to /*i/ in Kamrau Bay:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *ji  *i  *ji
 knee  *jinVf  *inik  *jinVf
 small  *jiwu  *iwu  *jiwu

    Initial segment /*ju/ …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *ju  *i  *ju
 cold  *jufoC  *ihoK  *jufo[t/k]
 heavy  *judoro  *idoro  *jutoro
 dog  *juwuir  *iwuR  *juwuir

    Initial segments /*je *ja *jo/ …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *je  *i  *je
 lip(s)  *jewun  *iwuN-hu  *jewun

    Loss of /*j/ in Kamrau Bay …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *j  *ø  *j
 armpit  *jamopuC  *[a]mopuK  *jamopu
 wing  *jafor  *ahaR-hu  *jafor
 rib(s)/side  *jawim  *awiN  *jawim
 hole  *jaofa  *aha  *jaofa
 name  *ju...  *u  *juaes
 fire  *jusaC  *usa  *jusa

    Initial and medial /*w/ is retained as such in both families:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *w  *w  *w
 sky  *wVnamo  *w[e/a]nama  *w[o]namo
 breast  *awo  *awo  *awo
 foot/leg  *mawu  *mawu  *mawu
 star  *mawud[a/o]  *mawuda  *mawuto
 child/son  *gewu  *gewu  *t[i]wu
 lip(s)  *jewun  *iwuN-hu  *jewun
 dog  *juwuir  *iwuR  *juwuir

    Only a restricted set of consonants occurs finally.

    [the previous analysis is undergoing substantial revision]

    Final nasals /*m *n/ yield archiphonemic /*N/ in Kamrau Bay; this segment is discernible only indirectly through the realization of article /*-(r)a/ as [*a]:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *-m  *N  *m
 fish  *[e]naom  *noN  *enaom
 wife  *aiaom  *ajaoN  *eaom
 louse  *aom  *[o]N  *aom
 hot  *am[a]m  *am[u]N  *amam
 rib(s)  *jawim  *awiN  *jawim
   *-n  *N  *n
 bow  *amoen  *amoN  *amoen
 hair  *fin  *hiN  *fin
 sand  *sin  *siN  *sin
 lip(s)  *jewun  *iwuN-hu  *jewun
 ear  *jafaen  *jah[u]N  *jafaen

    Asmat-Kamoro final /*f/ corresponds to Kamrau Bay /*k/:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *-f  *K  *f
 pig  *of  *oK  *of
 rain  *gef  *geK  *tef
 knee  *jinVf  *iniK  *jinVf

    Final apical non-stop /*r/ yields /*R/ in Kamrau Bay. As with /*N/, /*R/ is evidenced by the realization of article /*-(r)a/ as [*a]:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *-r  *R  *r
 vagina  *ber  *beR  *per
 dog  *juwuir  *iwuR  *juwuir
 wing  *jafor  *ahaR-hu  *jafor

    Kamrau Bay final /*D/ appears to be associated with palatal environments:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *-j  *D  *j
 urine  *ej (?)  *eD  *ji
 water  *moj  *moD  *muj
 person  *kawej  *ueD  *kawey

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
       
 tail  *...  *ehe  *e[fe]p (?)
 thought  *minip    *minip
 saliva  *masai...  *masaK  *masaip (?)

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
     *-D  *-n
 hand    *maheD  *mafaen
 tongue    *[o]maD  *komaen
 ear    *jah[u]D  *jafaen

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
     *-ø  *-n
 forehead  *mana-pun  *mana-pu  *mana-pun
 cheek/jaw  *g[e/o]p[u]aen  *gepua  *t[e/o]paen

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
     *k  *ø
 armpit  *jamopuC  *mopuk  *jamopu
 tooth  *si...  *sik  *sis[i]

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
 hand/arm  *maf...  *mahek  *maf[a]en

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *-  *-K  *-k
 netbag  *...  *eseK  
 cold  *jufo...  *ihoK  *jufo[t/k]

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *-d  *-N  *-t
 ashes  *umid  *umiN  *umit

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *-k  *-ø  *-k
 testicles  *musak  *musa  *musak
 bad  *batiak  *batia  *pVtiak
 neck  *fo-emaek  *homa  *fo-emaek
 one  *dawak  *dawa  *tawak

    [under revision]:

    Verbs are mandatorily followed by suffixes and are not affected.
    In the Asmat-Kamoro languaes, there is also a trend toward vowel-finality, but involving the addition of a final vowel which copies that of the preceding segment rather than deletion of the final consonant, resulting in a pattern like that found in the Halmahera languages. Voorhoeve wrongly reconstructs an Asmat final vowel in most of these instance, and misinterprets the recurring pattern as morphological rather than phonological in origin (1980: 41-42): "It is possible that we have here the remnants of an old class marking system. Some evidence that -t, -to, -ne, -ke and perhaps -kot are petrified suffixes can be found when comparing the Asmat languages with other members of the family, especially Iria-Asienara."

    [Sequential vowels remain problematic]

    /*i/ …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *i  *i  *i
 milk  *ami  *ami  
 ashes  *umid  *umiD  *umit
 nose  *mi  *miK  *mi
 mucus  *mini  *miniK  *mini

    /*e/…:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
     *e  
 urine    *eD  *[j]i

    /*u/ …

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *u  *u  *u
 root  *mumu  *mumu  *mumu
 testicles  *musak  *musa  *musak
 forehead  *mana-pu  *mana-pu  *mana-pun
 armpit  *jamopuC  *mopuK  *jamopu
 cassowary  *buriw  *buri  *puriw
 moon  *bura  *bura  *pura
 foot/leg  *mawu  *mawu  *mawu
 star  *mawud[a/o]  *mawuda  *mawuto
 small  *jiwu  *iwu  *jiwu
 lip(s)  *jewun  *iwuN-hu  *jewun
 butterfly  *wuri  *wuri  *wuri

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
 new  *aji  *aji  *aji

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *ea  *ea  *ea
 give  *geama  *geama  *team

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *ea  *e  *ea
 fruit/seed  *eake  *eke  *eake

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *ae  *a  *ae
 thigh  *ae  *a  *ae
 excrement  *fae  *ha  *fae
 neck  *fo-emaek  *homa  *fo-emaek

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *ao  *o  *ao
 louse  *aom  *oN  *aom
 husband  *Vmao  *amodak  *emao
 fish  *enaom  *noN  *enaom

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *oe  *o  *oe
 neck  *fo-emaek  *homa  *fo-ema[e]k

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *ue  *ue  *ue
 fat/grease  ?*[ja]ɸue  *hue  ?*jafue

    …:

   Asmat-Kamrau  Kamrau Bay  Asmat-Kamoro
   *ui  *u  *ui
 smoke  *amuini  *amuni  *amuini

    Pronouns

    [under construction]

Subpages (2): Asmat-Kamoro Kamrau Bay