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Nawa River

    Timothy Usher, Santa Fe Institute

    Situation

    The Nawa River family consists of two languages, Kaure and Kosare, spoken to either side of the upper Taritatu (Idenburg) river, mostly west of the Nawa and Sobger rivers, in the hill country east of the Lakes Plains in the Airu and Kaureh districts of the Jayapura regency in Indonesiaˈs Papua province (Voorhoeve 1975: 422-423, Wurm 1982: 197, Dommel and Dommel 1991: 2, Dommel 1992: 89-91, Wambaliau 2006: 2-4, q.v. Menanti and Rumaropen 2009: 3.)

    Subclassification

    The internal classification of Nawa River is as follows:

    Nawa River
        Kaure
        Kosare

    Voorhoeve (1975: 45, Smits and Voorhoeve 1992: 9-10) identifies a third language, Narau, following the vocabularies of the Anceaux collection in which smatterings of Narau forms, said to have been collected in the Lakes Plains region, are excerpted from Giël (1959.) Narau is the name of a river which is nowadays seasonally occupied by Kapauri and Kosare people from Pagai and Naira villages respectively (Wambaliau 2006: 2;) the Kaure call this group Mbalu /mbaɺu/ (Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko 1991: 84.) While there are not enough terms in Anceauxˈs excerpts to arrive at a definitive conclusion, there is little in the vocabulary to suggest that Giëlˈs Narau is anything but a variety of Kaure, with Dommel and Dommel (1991: 2) stating that the two are mutually intelligble.

    Sources

    Galis (1956) 114 comparative terms for Kaure
    Giël (1959) Narau (unobtained)
    Smits and Voorhoeve (1992: 18-266) 125 comparative terms for Kaure after D.A. Mallo, for two varieties of Kaure after Anceaux and for Narau after Giël
    Voorhoeve (1975: 114-115) 39 comparative terms for Kaure after Bromley (n.d.) and 12 comparative terms for Narau following Anceaux after Giël
    Heeschen (1978: 41-44) 97 comparative terms for Kosare
    Dommel and Werner (1985) survey of Kaure (unobtained)
    Dommel and Dommel (1991) phonology of Harna-Masta dialect of Kaure
    Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko (1991) comprehensive vocabulary of Harna Kaure
    Auri, Dommel and Pokoko (1991) Kaure conversations and (pp. 107-116) grammar sketch
    Dommel (1992) Kaure kinship
    Dommel (1997) Kaure kinship (unobtained)
    Clouse (1997) 202 comparative terms for Kaure after Dommel and Wener (1985)
    Wambaliau (2006: 24-30) 260 comparative terms for Kosare of Muara Nawa and Naira villages

    History of classification

    Voorhoeve (1971: 51, 77-78,) working from Galisˈ (1956) vocabulary, lists Kaure as an unclassified language having no evident historical relationship to any of its known neighbors. Soon thereafter he gained access to Anceauxˈs collection of vocabularies and by (1975a: 45) placed the Kaure Family, consisting of Kaure and Narau (see comments on Narau above,) in a Kaure Stock alongside Kapori (Kapauri) and Sause, the Kosare language having not appeared in the literature until Heeschen (1978.) This was further asserted to constitute a Subphylum-level Stock within the much larger Trans-New Guinea Phylum (1975b: 422-423.) No arguments were presented in support of this proposal save for what is visible in the accompanying 40-term wordlists (1975a: 114-115.)

    Wurm (1982: 197) expanded Voorhoeveˈs Kaure Family to include the recently-attested Kosare as coequal to Kaure and Narau, otherwise maintaining Voorhoeveˈs classification unchanged, and characterized the degree of relationship between the three as “on the lower medium to high family level” in contrast to the “low stock level” relationship uniting the Kaure Family, Kapori and Sause.

    We find that Kaure and Kosare form one group, designated here as Nawa River, and Kapauri and Sause another which is related most closely to Masep, Isirawa and Apauwar River (i.e. Kwerba) and has no special relationship to Nawa River. This fundamental division is supported by Dommel and Dommel (1999: 1-2,) who counted only 1% lexical similarity between Kaure and Sause of Badrun village, and by Wambaliau (2006: 12-13) and Menanti and Rumaropen (2009: 13-14,) who found only 5-6% lexical similarity between Kosare and Kapauri village, most of which can be attributed to loans (below.) Unfortunately, none of the SIL researchers are known to have compared Kaure with Kosare or Kapauri with Sause, but a fair accounting of the resemblances within each of these two pairs would yield a much higher figure, as demonstrated in the sections which follow.

    Historical phonology

    [under construction]

    Proto-Nawa River had 11 or 12 consonants and perhaps 8 vowels as follows:

*m *n
*p *t *k
*b *g
*s *h
*w [*j]

*i *u
*e̝ *o̝
*a

    In addition to the simple vowels given above, at least four diphthongs are found as follows:

*ɛⁱ *aⁱ
 *ɛᵘ  *aᵘ

    Voiced stops /*b *g/ have not been found to occur intially. Unoccluded voiceless fricative /*h/ has not been found to occur medially. This assymetry suggests that one or more pre-Kaure initial voiceless stops became /*h/, while initial voiced stops were devoiced.
    There is no apical voiced stop /*d/, suggesting non-stop /*ɽ/ to be its systemic equivalent. Initial /*ɽ/ is very uncommon, in keeping with the absence of initial voiced stops /*b *g/; presumably this pre-Kaure /*d/ would be reflected as initial voiceless /*t/.
    Supporting these notions is the fact that the Orya language immediately to the north, along with Orya-Tor River more generally, has undergone the same changes from proto-West North New Guinea; for example bilabial voiced prenasalized /*mb/ is devoiced to /*p/ in Orya-Tor River and then deoccluded to /h/ in Orya, with apical /*nd/ likewise becoming Orya-Tor /*t/.

    Only two archiphonemic consonants are distinguished finally, nasal /*N/ and stop /*C/:

*N
*C

    Dommel and Dommel (1991: 7-15) describe a tonal distinction in Kaure which must be reconstructed for the Nawa River level as well, as it is plainly contrastive and not reducible to any segmental changes within the family. These are given by Dommel and Dommel as high tone and high-mid falling tone, but can be viewed systemically as high tone against low tone, the former being significantly more common. Unfortunately, this distinction is not indicated in Wambaliauˈs Kosare or in Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko (1991) or Auri, Dommel and Pokoko (1991,) only in Dommel and Dommelˈs (1991) phonology, which discusses only a selection of attested roots and even so is not entirely consistent in this respect.

    Initial consonants and consonant clusters correspond as follows:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare
Dommel Heeschen Wambaliau
       *m-/_(C) mb b m
     *m-/_N m m m
     *n-/_C nd n d n d
       *n-/_(N) n n n
 *p- p p p
 *t- t t t
 *k- k k k
 *s- s s s
 *h- h ø ø
 *w- w w w
 *ɽ- ɺ ɽ
 *j-

    Medial consonants and consonant clusters correspond as follows:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare
Dommel Heeschen Wambaliau
*-m- m m m
*-n- ɺ n
*-p- p p p
*-t- t t t
*-k- k k k
*-b- p b b
*-g- k ? g
*-s- s s s
*-w- w w w
*-ɽ- ɺ ɽ
*-j-

    Final consonants correspond as follows:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare
Dommel Heeschen Wambaliau
*-N  ø
*-C  ʔ ø

    Vowels and diphthongs correspond as follows:

Nawa River Kaure Kosare Kosare
Dommel Heeschen Wambaliau
*i i i i
*u ʉ u u
*e̝ ɛ e e i
*o̝ o u
ɛ e ɛ
       *ɛ/_Cu e u u
o o
a ɛ ɛ
*a a a a
*ɛⁱ ɛⁱ i
*aⁱ aⁱ i
 *ɛᵘ  ɛᶶ u
 *aᵘ  aᵒ  aᵘ

    These correspondences are examplified as follows, with Kaure attestations drawn from Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko (1991, Dommel and Dommel 1991,) Kosare from Heeschen (1978: 41-44) and Kosare of Muara Nawa and Naira villages from Wambaliau (2006: 24-30.)
    Kaure stress and tone are indicated only where they are known from Dommel and Dommelˈs (1991) phonology; where their tone assignations are inconsistent, both versions are given. A more vexsome problem is the indication of front mid vowels, as Dommel and Dommel ditinguish high mid /e/from low mid /ɛ/, but this is not indicated in their practical orthography. This distinction is not correlated with that between Nawa River /*e̝/ vs. /*ɛ/, so comparison to Kosare is of no use. However, Dommel and Dommel's high mid /e/ is uncommon, and is found only root-finally (pp. 41, 63-65.) Diphthong /ɛⁱ/ is realized as [e] in some contexts, where it is likewise written as <e> in the dictionary, leading to further questions. We have specified /ɛⁱ/ where it is given in the phonology, but otherwise can do little to address the overall problem other than to state that the effect upon the veracity of the reconstruction presented here is necessarily limited. Where the phonology specifically indicates either /ɛ/ or /e/, we present these as <ɛ e̝> respectively, leaving unmarked <e> to symbolize attestations found only in the dictionary, where its value cannot be determined.


    Any consonant except for voiced stops /*b *g/ can occur initially, though initial apical non-stop /*ɺ/ is only very thinly attested.

    Initial bilabial nasal /*m/, unless followed by a nasal consonant (below,) is reflected as voiced prenasalized stop /mb/ in Kaure. According to Dommel and Dommel (1991: 31,) in some words this is in free varation with [m]. One example in Heeschenˈs Kosare gives voiced stop [b]:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *m-/_V(C)  mb [mb m]  b m  m  m
 water  *mi[jɛ]  mbí  biɛ ~ miɛ-  ˈmijɛ  ˈmijɛ
 fish  *mi[jɛ]  mbí    miˈjɛ  miˈjɛ
 here  *me̝te̝  mbete    ˈmiˈti-  ˈmiˈti-
 guts  *m[e̝/ɛ]pæ  -mbepa    -mɛˈpɛʔ  ˈmiˈpɛʔ
 house  *ma  mbá    ma  ma
 wallaby  *maja  mbaja    maˈjaʔ  

    When followed by a nasal consonant in the next syllable or a nasalized vowel reflecting final nasal archiphoneme /*N/ (below,) initial /*m/ is retained as such in Kaure:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *m-/_VN  m  m  m  m
 louse  *miN  mĩ  mi  miʔ  miʔ
 drink  *mɛN  mɛ̃́      
 breast  *muN  mʉ̃̂    ˈmu  ˈmu
 drink (sg.)  *mnɛN  -mɺẽ  -ˈmɛnɛ  mnɛ  mnɛ

    Initial apical nasal /*n/ … According to Dommel and Dommel (1991: 32-33,) in some words this is in free varation with [n]. One example in Heeschen and one in Wambaliauˈs Kosare of Muara Nawa give voiced stop [d]:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *n-/_VC  nd  n d  n d  n
 rain  *nɛⁱC  ndɛ́ⁱʔ ~ ndɛ̂ⁱʔ    di  ni
 sky  *nɛbu  ndéˈpʉ́  nubʊ  ⁿuˈbuʔ  ⁿuˈbuʔ
 woman/wife  *naⁱ  ndâⁱ  d̡ɪ-    

    … /*n/ …:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *n-/_V#  n nd  n  n  n nd
 eat  *naⁱ  náⁱ ~ -ndáⁱɺ  -nɛ́  -ˈni ~ -ˈnɛ  -ˈni ~ -ˈndi
 1 sg. poss.  *na-  ná- ~ ndá-  na  na-  na-
   *n-/_V(N)  n    n  n
 cry out  *nɛɽæN  néɺã́    -nɛˈɭɛʔ  -nɛˈɭɛʔ

    In one example, initial /*n/ is dropped entirely in Kosare with consequent nasalization of the following vowel; this should probably be viewed as a further development of the reflex given as [ⁿ] (above):

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *nV[N]  nV  Ṽ  Ṽ  Ṽ
 excrement  *na[N]  na; nã  ã  ãʔ ~ a-  ãʔ

    … /*n/ … It may be seen in Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokokoˈs (1991: 140-143) vocabulary that kin terms are disproportionately represented among Kaure words beginning with [n]. This is likely because kin terms are obligatorily possessed, either by an inalienable prefix or by a personl name, and both first and third person inalienables begin with /n/ (Dommel 1992: 94) … :

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *n-  n    n  n
 younger sister  *ne̝pɽaⁱ  nɛ́pˈɺáⁱ    -ˈnipˈɭi  
 girl  *napɽaN  ˈnápɺã́    -napˈɽãʔ  napˈɽãʔ
 friend  *nawɛN  nawẽ    naˈwɛ ~ -nuˈwɛ̃  -nuˈwɛ̃
 husband  *no̝ko̝ɽsaⁱ  nokosaⁱ    ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ  ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ

    Initial bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *p-  p  p  p  p
 pig  *pî  pi  pi  piʔ  piʔ
 tusk/tooth  *pakaⁱ  pakaⁱ ~ -pokaⁱ  pɛki    
 moon  *paka  ˈpáká  paka  paˈkaʔ  paˈkaʔ
 salt  *po̝k[o̝]ɽɛ  pokoɺe    pukɽɛ  pukɽɛ

    Initial apical voiceless stop /*t/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *t-  t  t  t  t
 tree  *tɛⁱC  tɛ́ⁱʔ ~ tɛ̂ⁱʔ  ti-  tiʔ  tiʔ
 that  *tɛ  te    tɛ  tɛ
 wing  *tæji  táˈí    tɛi  tɛi
 net bag  *ta  tá  ta  ta  ta
 knowledge  *tawaji  tawaⁱ  toˈwai  tuwaʲ  tuwaʲ
 knife  *to̝m[w]a  tomwa    ˈtuma  ˈtuma
 paddle  *tɽo̝wa  tɺóˈá    truwaʔ  

    Initial velar voiceless stop /*k/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *k-  k  k  k  k
 skin/bark  *ki  kí  ki  kiʔ  kiʔ
 null object  *kæ-  ká-  kɛ-  kɛ-  kɛ-
 without  *kæji  káⁱ    -ˈkɛi  -ˈˈkɛi
 mountain/hill  *ko̝N  kõ  kõ  kũʔ  kũʔ
 weeping/crying  *ko̝N  kṍ    kʷ-  kʷ-
 crocodile  *ko̝sɛⁱC  kóˈsɛ́ⁱʔ    kʷisi  kʷisi
 tie  *kwɛN  -kwẽ-(tɛɺ)    -kʷɛ-nɛ  -kʷɛ-nɛ
 give (sg.)  *kɽɔN  kɺṍ    -kɭo  -kɭo

    Initial laminal voiceless fricative /*s/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *s-  *s  *s  *s  *s
 root  *siN  sĩ́  -si  -ˈsiʔ  -ˈsiʔ
 say/speak  *si[jɛ]  sî  siɛ  -sjɛ  -sj̪ˈɛ
 dog  *se̝  sɛ́ ~ sɛ̂  sé  siʔ  siʔ
 chin/jaw  *se̝N  sɛ̃́ ~ s(ɛ)-    s(i)-  s(i)-
 mouth  *se̝N-ɽo̝[C/ko̝]  se-ɺoko    su-ɽ-gi ~
 s-ru-ˈgiʔ
 s-ru-ˈgiʔ
 coconut  *sɛgu  sɛ́ˈkʉ̂    ˈsugu-  ˈsugu-
 fire  *sa  sá  sá  sa  sa
 bandicoot  *saᵘtɛⁱC  saᵒtɛⁱʔ    sauti  sawiti
 one more (?)  *sɔɽɔtɔC  soɺtoʔ      sroto
 pig meat  *so̝  só    suʔ  

    Initial unoccluded voiceless fricative /*h/ is dropped altogether in Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *h-  h  ø  ø  ø
 lake  *hɛᵘC  hɛᶶʔ      -u
 hair  *haⁱ  háⁱ  -i  iʔ  iʔ
 sun  *h[æ/a]niC  haɺiʔ  ɛnɛ́ʔ  iˈni  iˈni
 2 sg.  *ha-(nɛ)  há-(ˈné̝)  ɛ-ˈnɛ  a-ˈnɛ ~ i-ˈnɛ  i-ˈnɛ
 leech  *hame̝  hame    ˈaˈmi  ˈaˈmi
 forest  *habaⁱ  hapaⁱ    aˈbi  aˈbi
 wash (pl.)  *ha-tɛⁱɽ[ɛ]  ha-tɛ́ⁱɺ    -aˈtiɽɛ  -aˈtiɽɛ
 wake up  *ho̝ɽapo̝ɽæ  hoɺapoɺa    -ˈɭuapɭɛ  -ˈɭuapɭɛ
 elbow  *hwiN  hwĩ    -ˈy  -ˈy
 eye  *hwe̝N  hwɛ̃́  ɪ̃-  ˈi  ˈi
 hear  *hw[e̝jɛ]  hwé̝-  -βiɛ  -wiɛ  -wiɛ
 ear  *hwɔkɽuC  ˈhókɛ́ɺʉ́ʔ  ˈkɔro  wɔˈɽuʔ  wɔˈɽuʔ

    In one example, initial /*h/ is unexpectedly retained as such in Kosare, perhaps indicating a doublet from Kaure:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *h-  h  ø h  h  h
 bird  *ho̝C  hôʔ  o ~ ho-  hu  huʔ

    Another may be a loan from Kaure or from some third source:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *h-  h    h  
 fear  *ho̝  hó    hʊ̃  

    Another seeming exeption is a loan from Sause (below,) in which /h/ is the regular reflex of Kapauri-Sause /*s/:

   Sause  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   h-  h    h  
 long  hɛwa  hewa    hiwa  

    Initial bilabial non-stop /*w/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *w-  w  w  w  w
 1 pl. excl.  *wɛN  wɛ̃́  wɛ-nɛ  wɛ-ˈnɛ  wɛ-ˈnɛ
 hand/arm  *waⁱ  waⁱ  wɛ  wi-  ˈwi-

    Initial apical non-stop /*ɽ/ has been found in only one root, where it is realized as lateral flap /ɺ/ in Kaure just as are medial and final /ɽ/ (below):

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *ɽ-  ɺ    ɽ  ɽ
 hole  *ɽo̝C  ɺoʔ    ru-  ˈɽu-

    The only known example of initial palatal non-stop /*j/ is a widespread northwest New Guinea regional term (below) and proabably a loan into the Nawa River languages:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *j-  ø      dʒ
 sago porridge  *je̝saⁱ  ésjáⁱ ~ ísjáⁱ      dʒiˈsi


    Any consonant except unoccuded voiceless fricative /*h/ can occur medially.

    Medial bilabial nasal /*n/, unlike initial /*m/ (above,) is retained as such in Kaure as well as Kosare regardless of whether the following vowel is nasalized

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-m-  m  m  m  m
 knee  *a[i]mo̝N  amõ  aimó  aiˈmuʔ  aiˈmuʔ
 knife  *to̝m[w]a  tomwa    ˈtuma  ˈtuma
 leech  *hame̝  hame    ˈaˈmi  ˈaˈmi

    Medial apical nasal /*n/ is merged with the reflex of apical non-stop /*ɽ/ [ɺ] in Kaure, regardless of whether the following vowel is nasalized:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-n-  ɺ  n  n  n
 drink (sg.)  *mnɛN  -mɺẽ  -ˈmɛnɛ  mnɛ  mnɛ
 sun  *h[æ/a]niC  haɺiʔ  ɛnɛ́ʔ  iˈni  iˈni

    Where word-medial apical /*n/ is the first consonant of a root in a compound, it is retained as such in Kaure:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-n-  n  n  n  n
 nominative  *-nɛ  -né  -nɛ  -ˈnɛ  -ˈnɛ

    Medial bilabial voiceless stop /*p/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-p-  p    p  p
 guts  *m[e̝/ɛ]pæ  -mbepa    -mɛˈpɛʔ  ˈmiˈpɛʔ
 younger sister  *ne̝pɽaⁱ  nɛ́pˈɺáⁱ    -ˈnipˈɭi  
 girl  *napɽaN  ˈnápɺã́    -napˈɽãʔ  napˈɽãʔ
 wake up  *ho̝ɽapo̝ɽæ  hoɺapoɺa    -ˈɭuapɭɛ  -ˈɭuapɭɛ

    Medial apical voiceless stop /*t/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-t-  t    t  t
 here  *me̝te̝  mbete    ˈmiˈti-  ˈmiˈti-
 bandicoot  *saᵘtɛⁱC  saᵒtɛⁱʔ    sauti  sawiti
 one more (?)  *sɔɽɔtɔC  soɺtoʔ      sroto
 wash (pl.)  *ha-tɛⁱɽ[ɛ]  ha-tɛ́ⁱɺ    -aˈtiɽɛ  -aˈtiɽɛ

    Medial velar voiceless stop /*k/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-k-  k  k  k  k
 tusk/tooth  *pakaⁱ  pakaⁱ ~ -pokaⁱ  pɛki    
 moon  *paka  ˈpáká  paka  paˈkaʔ  paˈkaʔ
 salt  *po̝k[o̝]ɽɛ  pokoɺe    pukɽɛ  pukɽɛ
 husband  *no̝ko̝ɽsaⁱ  nokosaⁱ    ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ  ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ

    In at least two examples, Kaure medial /k/ corresponds to zero in Wambaliauˈs Kosare. The Kaure word given as /ɺóˈkó/ “hole” is found also as /ɺoʔ/ “ravine, gorge” (Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko 1991: 138) suggesting the intervening vowel below to have been interpolated. In support of this notion, Dommel and Dommel (1991: 19) state that /k/ never occurs syllable-finally. We interpret the correspondences in both of these instances as those of medial cluster /*kC/:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-kb-  kVp    p  b
 inside  *ɽo̝k-bV  ɺókó pa    ru-ˈpaʔ  ˈɽu-bɛ
   *-kɽ-  kVɺ  kVr (?)  ɽ  ɽ
 ear  *hwɔkɽuC  ˈhókɛ́ɺʉ́ʔ  ˈkɔro (?)  wɔˈɽuʔ  wɔˈɽuʔ

    The second of these contrasts directly with /*po̝k[o̝]ɽɛ/ “salt” above, in which both consonants are preserved in Kosare, indicating the presence of an underlying vowel between them.

    Medial laminal voiceless fricative /*s/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-s-  s    s  s
 laughter  *[a]saⁱ  saⁱ    isi-  isi-
 husband  *no̝ko̝ɽsaⁱ  nokosaⁱ    ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ  ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ
 crocodile  *ko̝sɛⁱC  kóˈsɛ́ⁱʔ    kʷisi  kʷisi
 sago porridge  *je̝saⁱ  ésjáⁱ ~ ísjáⁱ      dʒiˈsi

    Unoccluded voiceless fricative /*h/ has not been found to occur root-medially, although it does synchronically in Kaure.

    Medial bilabial voiced stop /*b/ is devoiced and merged with the reflex of voiceless /*p/ in Kaure:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-b-  p  b  b  b
 grandfather  *abɛᵘC  apɛᶶʔ    aˈbu  aˈbu
 sky  *nɛbu  ndéˈpʉ́  nubʊ  ⁿuˈbuʔ  ⁿuˈbuʔ
 forest  *habaⁱ  hapaⁱ    aˈbi  aˈbi

    Medial velar voiced stop /*g/ is uncommon. It is devoiced and merged with the reflex of voiceless /*k/ in Kaure:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-g-  k    g  g
 coconut  *sɛgu  sɛ́ˈkʉ̂    ˈsugu-  ˈsugu-

    One example in which the term for “mouth” (cf. Kaure /sɛ-ɺóˈkó/, literally “chin-hole”) has been suffixed with /*ki/ “skin” to yield the meaning “lip(s)” suggests /*ki/ to be underlyingly /*gi/, with voiced /g/ surfacing as such only in medial position:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-g-      g  g
 lip(s)  *se̝N-ɽo̝C-gi      su-ɽ-gi ~
 s-ru-ˈgiʔ
 s-ru-ˈgiʔ

    Medial bilabial non-stop /*w/ is generally retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-w-  w  w  w  w
 knowledge  *tawaji  tawaⁱ  toˈwai  tuwaʲ  tuwaʲ
 friend  *nawɛN  nawẽ    naˈwɛ ~ -nuˈwɛ̃  -nuˈwɛ̃
 paddle  *tɽo̝wa  tɺóˈá    truwaʔ  

    Medial apical non-stop /*ɽ/ is realized as apical flap /ɺ/ in Kaure:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-ɽ-  ɺ  r  ɽ [ɽ r ɺ]  ɽ [ɽ r ɺ]
 salt  *po̝k[o̝]ɽɛ  pokoɺe    pukɽɛ  pukɽɛ
 younger sister  *ne̝pɽaⁱ  nɛ́pˈɺáⁱ    -ˈnipˈɭi  
 cry out  *nɛɽæN  néɺã́    -nɛˈɭɛʔ  -nɛˈɭɛʔ
 girl  *napɽaN  ˈnápɺã́    -napˈɽãʔ  napˈɽãʔ
 paddle  *tɽo̝wa  tɺóˈá    truwaʔ  
 mouth  *se̝N-ɽo̝[C/ko̝]  se-ɺoko    su-ɽ-gi ~
 s-ru-ˈgiʔ
 s-ru-ˈgiʔ
 one more (?)  *sɔɽɔtɔC  soɺtoʔ      sroto
 give (sg.)  *kɽɔN  kɺṍ    -kɭo  -kɭo
 wash (pl.)  *ha-tɛⁱɽ[ɛ]  ha-tɛ́ⁱɺ    -aˈtiɽɛ  -aˈtiɽɛ
 ear  *hwɔkɽuC  ˈhókɛ́ɺʉ́ʔ  ˈkɔro  wɔˈɽuʔ  wɔˈɽuʔ
 wake up  *ho̝ɽapo̝ɽæ  hoɺapoɺa    -ˈɭuapɭɛ  -ˈɭuapɭɛ

    Medial palatal non-stop /*j/ …

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-j-  j    j  
 wallaby  *maja  mbaja    maˈjaʔ  
   *-j-        
 wing  *tæji  táˈí    tɛi  tɛi
 without  *kæji  káⁱ    -ˈkɛi  -ˈkɛi

    …

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-j-  dʒ    j  j
 father  *[a]jiC  ndá-ˈdʒíʔ    ai  aiʔ


    Only two archiphonemic consonants are distinguished finally, nasal /*N/ and stop /*C/.

    Final nasal archiphoneme /*N/ …:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-VN  Ṽ  Ṽ  V [V Vʔ Ṽ]  V [V Vʔ Ṽ]
 knee  *a[i]mo̝N  amõ  aimó  aiˈmuʔ  aiˈmuʔ
 louse  *miN  mĩ  mi  miʔ  miʔ
 drink  *mɛN  mɛ̃́      
 breast  *muN  mũ̂    ˈmu  ˈmu
 drink (sg.)  *mnɛN  -mɺẽ  -ˈmɛnɛ  mnɛ  mnɛ
 cry out  *nɛɽæN  néɺã́    -nɛˈɭɛʔ  -nɛˈɭɛʔ
 girl  *napɽaN  ˈnápɺã́    -napˈɽãʔ  napˈɽãʔ
 friend  *nawɛN  nawẽ    naˈwɛ  
 mountain/hill  *ko̝N  kõ  kõ  kũʔ  kũʔ
 weeping/crying  *ko̝N  kṍ    kʷ-  kʷ-
 root  *síN  sĩ  -si  -ˈsiʔ  -ˈsiʔ
 chin/jaw  *se̝N  sɛ̃́ ~ s(ɛ)-    s(i)-  s(i)-
 give (sg.)  *kɽɔN  kɺṍ    -kɭo  -kɭo
 tie  *kwɛN  kwẽ-(tɛɺ)    -kʷɛ-nɛ  -kʷɛ-nɛ
 elbow  *hwiN  hwĩ    -ˈy  -ˈy
 eye  *hwe̝N  hwɛ̃́  ɪ̃-  ˈi  ˈi
 1 pl. excl.  *wɛN  wɛ̃́  wɛ-nɛ  wɛ-ˈnɛ  wɛ-ˈnɛ

    Final stop archiphoneme /*C/ …:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *-C  ʔ  ø  ø [ø ʔ]  ø [ø ʔ]
 grandfather  *abɛᵘC  apɛᶶʔ    aˈbu  aˈbu
 father  *[a]jiC  ndá-ˈdʒíʔ    ai  aiʔ
 rain  *nɛⁱC  ndɛ́ⁱʔ ~ ndɛ̂ⁱʔ    di  ni
 tree  *tɛⁱC  tɛ́ⁱʔ ~ tɛ̂ⁱʔ  ti-  tiʔ  tiʔ
 bandicoot  *saᵘtɛⁱC  saᵒtɛⁱʔ    sauti  sawiti
 one more (?)  *sɔɽɔtɔC  soɺtoʔ      sroto
 crocodile  *ko̝sɛⁱC  kóˈsɛ́ⁱʔ    kʷisi  kʷisi
 lake  *hɛᵘC  hɛᶶʔ      -u
 sun  *h[æ/a]niC  haɺiʔ  ɛnɛ́ʔ  iˈni  iˈni
 ear  *hwɔkɽuC  ˈhókɺʉ́ɛ́ʔ  ˈkɔro  wɔˈɽuʔ  wɔˈɽuʔ
 bird  *ho̝C  hôʔ  o ~ ho-  hu  huʔ
 hole  *ɽo̝C  ɺoʔ    ru-  ˈɽu-


    Among the vowels and diphthongs, only low central /*a/ occurs initially, and even so only in a few roots, two of which are kin terms. Thus, very few Nawa River roots are vowel-initial. Any vowel can occur medially or finally.

    High front vowel /*i/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *i  i  i  i  i
 pig  *pi  pî  pi  piʔ  piʔ
 skin/bark  *ki  kí  ki  kiʔ  kiʔ
 louse  *miN  mĩ  mi  miʔ  miʔ
 root  *siN  sĩ́  -si  -ˈsiʔ  -ˈsiʔ
 elbow  *hwiN  hwĩ    -ˈy  -ˈy
 water  *mi[jɛ]  mbí  biɛ ~ miɛ-  ˈmijɛ  ˈmijɛ
 fish  *mi[jɛ]  mbí    miˈjɛ  miˈjɛ
 say/speak  *si[jɛ]  sî  siɛ  -sjɛ  -sj̪ˈɛ
 wing  *tæji  táˈí    tɛi  tɛi
 without  *kæji  káⁱ    -ˈkɛi  -ˈkɛi
 sun  *h[æ/a]niC  haɺiʔ  ɛnɛ́ʔ (?)  iˈni  iˈni
 father  *[a]jiC  ndá-ˈdʒíʔ    ai  aiʔ
 knowledge  *tawaji  tawaⁱ  toˈwai  tuwaʲ  tuwaʲ
    (Wambaliau's [y] “elbow” follows the segment [kʷ] in a compound.)

    High back rounded vowel /*u/ is fronted to central rounded /ʉ/ in Kaure:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Muara Nawa  Naira  Heeschen
   *u  ʉ  u [ʊ]  u  u
 breast  *muN  mʉ̃̂    ˈmu  ˈmu
 sky  *nɛbu  ndéˈpʉ́  nubʊ  ⁿuˈbuʔ  ⁿuˈbuʔ
 coconut  *sɛgu  sɛ́ˈkʉ̂    ˈsugu-  ˈsugu-
 ear  *hwɔkɽuC  ˈhókɛ́ɺʉ́ʔ  ˈkɔro (?)  wɔˈɽuʔ  wɔˈɽuʔ

    High mid front vowel /*e̝/ is raised and merged with the reflex of high front /*i/ in Wambaliauˈs Kosare but not in Heeschenˈs:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *e̝  ɛ e̝  e̝ [ɛ e i]  i  i
 dog  *se̝  sɛ́ ~ sɛ̂  sé  siʔ  siʔ
 chin/jaw  *se̝N  sɛ̃́ ~ s(ɛ)-    s(i)-  s(i)-
 eye  *hwe̝N  hwɛ̃́  ɪ̃-  ˈi  ˈi
 here  *me̝te̝  mbete    ˈmiˈti-  ˈmiˈti-
 mouth  *se̝N-ɽo̝[C/ko̝]  se-ɺoko    su-ɽ-gi ~
 s-ru-ˈgiʔ
 s-ru-ˈgiʔ
 younger sister  *ne̝pɽaⁱ  nɛ́pˈɺáⁱ    -ˈnipˈɭi  
 sago porridge  *je̝saⁱ  ésjáⁱ ~ ísjáⁱ      dʒiˈsi
 leech  *hame̝  hame    ˈaˈmi  ˈaˈmi

    High mid back rounded vowel /*o̝/, variably realized as [o u ɤ ɯ] in Kaure (Dommel and Dommel 1991: 42-44,) is raised and merged with the reflex of high back /*u/ in Wambaliauˈs Kosare but not in Heeschenˈs.:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *o̝  o [o u ɤ ɯ]  o̝ [o]  u [u ʊ]  u
 pig meat  *so̝  só    suʔ  
 fear  *ho̝  hó    hʊ̃  
 mountain/hill  *ko̝N  kõ  kõ  kũʔ  kũʔ
 weeping/crying  *ko̝N  kṍ    kʷ-  kʷ-
 bird  *ho̝C  hôʔ  o ~ ho-  hu  huʔ
 hole  *ɽo̝C  ɺoʔ    ru-  ˈɽu-
 salt  *po̝k[o̝]ɽɛ  pokoɺe    pukɽɛ  pukɽɛ
 husband  *no̝ko̝ɽsaⁱ  nokosaⁱ    ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ  ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ
 knife  *to̝m[w]a  tomwa    ˈtuma  ˈtuma
 paddle  *tɽo̝wa  tɺóˈá    truwaʔ  
 wake up  *ho̝ɽapo̝ɽæ  hoɺapoɺa    -ˈɭuapɭɛ  -ˈɭuapɭɛ
 mouth  *se̝N-ɽo̝[C/ko̝]  se-ɺoko    su-ɽ-gi ~
 s-ru-ˈgiʔ
 s-ru-ˈgiʔ
 knee  *a[i]mo̝N  amõ  aimó  aiˈmuʔ  aiˈmuʔ

    When high mid-back /*o̝/ is followed by a front vowel or diphthong /*ɛ *ɛⁱ/ in the next syllable, it is reflected as [wi] in Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *o̝/_Cɛ Cɛⁱ  o [o u ɤ ɯ]    wi  wi
 crocodile  *ko̝sɛⁱC  kóˈsɛ́ⁱʔ    kʷisi  kʷisi
 weep/cry  *ko̝N nɛɽæN  kṍ néɺã́    kʷi-nɛˈɭɛʔ  kʷi-nɛˈɭɛʔ

    Low mid front vowel /*ɛ/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *ɛ  ɛ e̝  ɛ  ɛ  ɛ
 drink  *mɛN  mɛ̃́      
 nominative  *-nɛ  -né  -nɛ  -ˈnɛ  -ˈnɛ
 that  *tɛ  te    tɛ  tɛ
 1 pl. excl.  *wɛN  wẽ́  wɛ-nɛ  wɛ-ˈnɛ  wɛ-ˈnɛ
 tie  *kwɛN  -kwẽ-(tɛɺ)    -kʷɛ-nɛ  -kʷɛ-nɛ
 drink (sg.)  *mnɛN  -mɺẽ  -ˈmɛnɛ  mnɛ  mnɛ
 cry out  *nɛɽæN  néɺã́    -nɛˈɭɛʔ  -nɛˈɭɛʔ
 salt  *po̝k[o̝]ɽɛ  pokoɺe    pukɽɛ  pukɽɛ
 friend  *nawɛN  nawẽ    naˈwɛ ~ -nuˈwɛ̃  -nuˈwɛ̃

    When low mid /*ɛ/ is followed by high back rounded /*u/ in the next syllable, Kosare merges it with the reflexes of /*u/ just as it would with diphthong /*ɛᵘ/ (below):

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *ɛ/_Cu  e  u  u  u
 sky  *nɛbu  ndéˈpʉ́  nubʊ  ⁿuˈbuʔ  ⁿuˈbuʔ
 coconut  *sɛgu  sɛ́ˈkʉ̂    ˈsugu-  ˈsugu-

    Low mid back rounded vowel /*ɔ/ is retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *ɔ  o  ɔ  o  o
 give (sg.)  *kɽɔN  kɺṍ    -kɭo  -kɭo
 one more (?)  *sɔɽɔtɔC  soɺtoʔ      sroto
 ear  *hwɔkɽuC  ˈhókɛ́ɺʉ́ʔ  ˈkɔro  wɔˈɽuʔ  wɔˈɽuʔ

    Low front vowel /*æ/ is merged with the reflex of low central /*a/ in Kaure and with those of low mid front /*ɛ/ in Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *æ  a  ɛ  ɛ  ɛ
 null object  *kæ-  ká-  kɛ-  kɛ-  kɛ-
 wing  *tæji  táˈí    tɛi  tɛi
 without  *kæji  káⁱ    -ˈkɛi  -ˈkɛi
 guts  *m[e̝/ɛ]pæ  -mbepa    -mɛˈpɛʔ  ˈmiˈpɛʔ
 cry out  *nɛɽæN  néɺã́    -nɛˈɭɛʔ  -nɛˈɭɛʔ
 wake up  *ho̝ɽapo̝ɽæ  hoɺapoɺa    -ˈɭuapɭɛ  -ˈɭuapɭɛ

    Low central vowel /*a/ is generally retained as such in both Kaure and Kosare:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *a  a  a  a  a
 house  *ma  mbá    ma  ma
 1 sg. poss.  *na-  ná- ~ ndá-  na  na-  na-
 excrement  *na[N]  na; nã  ã  ãʔ ~ a-  ãʔ
 net bag  *ta  tá  ta  ta  ta
 fire  *sa  sá  sá  sa  sa
 wallaby  *maja  mbaja    maˈjaʔ  
 moon  *paka  ˈpáká  paka  paˈkaʔ  paˈkaʔ
 girl  *napɽaN  ˈnápɺã́    -napˈɽãʔ  napˈɽãʔ
 father  *[a]jiC  ndá-ˈdʒíʔ    ai  aiʔ
 leech  *hame̝  hame    ˈaˈmi  ˈaˈmi
 wash (pl.)  *ha-tɛⁱɽ[ɛ]  ha-tɛ́ⁱɺ    -aˈtiɽɛ  -aˈtiɽɛ
 grandfather  *abɛᵘC  apɛᶶʔ    aˈbu  aˈbu
 friend  *nawɛN  nawẽ    naˈwɛ  
 forest  *habaⁱ  hapaⁱ    aˈbi  aˈbi
 knife  *to̝m[w]a  tomwa    ˈtuma  ˈtuma
 paddle  *tɽo̝wa  tɺóˈá    truwaʔ  
 wake up  *ho̝ɽapo̝ɽæ  hoɺapoɺa    -ˈɭuapɭɛ  -ˈɭuapɭɛ

    …

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *a/C_wV  a  o  u  u
 knowledge  *tawaji  tawaⁱ  toˈwai  tuwaʲ  tuwaʲ

    …

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *a/CVC_wV  a    u  u
 my friend  *na-nawɛN  na-nawẽ    na-nuˈwɛ̃  na-nuˈwɛ̃

    …

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *ɛⁱ  ɛⁱ  i  i  i
 rain  *nɛⁱC  ndɛ́ⁱʔ ~ ndɛ̂ⁱʔ    di  ni
 tree  *tɛⁱC  tɛ́ⁱʔ ~ tɛ̂ⁱʔ  ti-  tiʔ  tiʔ
 crocodile  *ko̝sɛⁱC  kóˈsɛ́ⁱʔ    kʷisi  kʷisi
 bandicoot  *saᵘtɛⁱC  saᵒtɛⁱʔ    sauti  sawiti
 wash (pl.)  *ha-tɛⁱɽ[ɛ]  ha-tɛ́ⁱɺ    -aˈtiɽɛ  -aˈtiɽɛ

    …

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *aⁱ  aⁱ  e̝ [ɛ ɪ i]  i  i
 eat  *naⁱ  náⁱ ~ -ndáⁱɺ  -nɛ́  -ˈni ~ -ˈnɛ  -ˈni ~ -ˈndi
 woman/wife  *naⁱ  ndâⁱ  d̡ɪ-    
 hair  *haⁱ  háⁱ  -i  iʔ  iʔ
 hand/arm  *waⁱ  waⁱ  wɛ  wi-  ˈwi-
 younger sister  *ne̝pɽaⁱ  nɛ́pˈɺáⁱ    -ˈnipˈɭi  
 sago porridge  *je̝saⁱ  ésjáⁱ ~ ísjáⁱ      dʒiˈsi
 husband  *no̝ko̝ɽsaⁱ  nokosaⁱ    ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ  ˈnukuɽeˈsiʔ
 laughter  *[a]saⁱ  saⁱ    isi-  isi-
 tusk/tooth  *pakaⁱ  pakaⁱ ~ -pokaⁱ  pɛki    
 forest  *habaⁱ  hapaⁱ    aˈbi  aˈbi

    …

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *ɛᵘ  ɛᶶ    u  u
 lake  *hɛᵘC  hɛᶶʔ      -u
 grandfather  *abɛᵘC  apɛᶶʔ    aˈbu  aˈbu

    …

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
   *aᵘ  aᵒ    aᶶ  aᶶ
 bandicoot  *saᵘtɛⁱC  saᵒtɛⁱʔ    sauti  sawiti


    Pronouns

    [under construction]

    … with Kaure attestations drawn from Auri, Dommel and Pokoko (1991: 108) and Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko (1991: 82,) Kosare from Heeschen (1978: 42-43) and Kosare of Muara Nawa and Naira villages from Wambaliau (2006: 24):

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
 1 sg.  *no̝ (?)  wɛ̃́  nõ ~ no  nuʔ  nuʔ
 2 sg.  *ha-(nɛ)  há-(ˈné̝)  ɛ-ˈnɛ  a-ˈnɛ ~ i-ˈnɛ  i-ˈnɛ
 3 sg.  ?  né̝-(ˈné̝)  ---  tɛ-ˈnɛ  tɛ-ˈnɛ
 1 pl. excl.  *wɛN  wɛ̃́  ---  wɛ-ˈnɛ  wɛ-ˈnɛ
 1 pl. incl.  ?  ne-(ˈné̝)  wɛ-nɛ  wɛ-ˈnɛ  wɛ-ˈnɛ
 2 pl.  ?  há-(ˈné̝)  ---  tynɔʔ  tynɔʔ
 3 pl.  ?  né̝-(ˈné̝)  ---  dʒa-ˈnɛ  dʒa-ˈnɛ

    In addition to …:

   Nawa River  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Dommel  Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
 1 sg. poss.  *na-  ná- ~ ndá-  na  na-  na-


    Verbal morphology

    [under construction]

    …


    Loans to and from neighboring languages

    [under construction]

    …

    … Kapauri of Pagai village drawn from Menanti and Rumaropen (2009: 23-30) and Sause of Sebum village drawn from Dommel (n.d.) with Mamberamo River forms presented for comparison:

   Nawa River  Kapauri  Sause  Mamberamo
 grandfather  *abɛᵘC  abu ~ aβu  ?  ?
 moon  *paka  paka-ɽʊ  bɛŋ  *mbɛⁱn
 rain  *nɛⁱC  ny̚  haʔaŋ  *sakan
 knowledge  *tawaji  tawa  sara  ?
 knife  *to̝m[w]a  tuːma  …  ?
 dog  *se̝  unʊ ~ unu  sɛ  *…
 coconut  *sɛgu  suku  …  ?
 bandicoot  *saᵘtɛⁱC  sawitɪ  ?  ?
 fire  *sa(-[n/ɽ]ɛN)  sɛnɛʔ  neʔnaŋ  ?
 crocodile  *ko̝sɛⁱC  jaɽu  …  *kVjaɾo̝m
 leech  *hame̝  bætrʉ  …  ?

    A smaller number of words may be identified as loans from Kapauri-Sause into Kaure and/or Kosare. In the case of “long,” this is mandatory on phonological grounds:

   Kapauri-Sause  Kapauri  Sause  Kaure  Kosare  Kosare
           Muara Nawa  Naira
 breadfruit  *…  baɭe  …  mbaɺe    
 long  *se̝wa  sisuwa ~
 sysuwa
 hɛwa  hewa  hiwa  
 yellow  *kija-kija  kɪja-kɪja  jaʔjaʔ      kija-kija

    One Kapauri word which looks very similar to the Nawa River form and would likely have been included in Wambaliauˈs (2006: 12-13) and Menanti and Rumaropenˈs (2009: 13-14) lexical similarity figures is most likely a legitimate retention from proto-Mamberamo; cf. Grime River /*min/. Somewhat counterintuitively, Menanti and Rumaropenˈs high front rounded vowel [y] appears to be an allophone of unrounded /i/ (cf. “rain” and “long” above and “skin/bark” below):

   Nawa River  Kapauri  Sause  Mamberamo
 breast  *muN  my  miŋ  *min

    In a number of words thusfar found only in Kapauri and Kaure, the direction of borrowing cannot be determined upon distributional grounds:

   Kapauri  Kaure
 skin/bark  ufunʉ ~ uvuny  áhóˈɺîʔ
 mother  ani  ande
 old  aiba-ɽu  adʒepa; aipa
 one  kakʷitija  kákódʒã̂ ~
 kakotẽn
 blunt  hutʊ  hotɛᵘʔ

    The Kaure words above include several marginal sounds, namely medial /h/, which has no known Nawa River origin, medial /nd/ and laminal voiced affricate /dʒ/. Kaure /áhóˈɺîʔ/ “skin/bark” appears to have replaced Nawa River /*ki/ (above) which is now given as “rind, pod, peel” (Dommel, Dommel, Auri and Pokoko 1991: 135) or “shell” (Dommel and Dommel 1991: 10.)

    There are also a number of words which have been found only in Kapauri and Kosare:

   Kapauri  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
 tired  aitehɛnɪ    aitahiˈni  ˈaitahini
 kunai  ufanija    paˈjãʔ  
 paddle  təjka ~ təika    tɛiˈka  tɛiˈka
 goanna  tamakɪja    tamaˈkia  tamakia
 taro  saku    soˈkuʔ  soˈkuʔ
 leaf/hair  su; ɪsuʔ  usu  uˈsuʔ  suʔ; uˈsuʔ
 stone/sand  ɭitɪ  rɪˈti  liti-  liti-

    The Kosare term for “leaf” is likely a loan from Kapauri, where /su/ is given as “hair” (cf. /*haⁱ/ above;) Naira [suʔ] is given as “roof.” The term for “paddle” below is found alongside the reflex of the native term /*tɽo̝wa/ (above.) The term for “kunai grass” is phonologically easier to explain as a loan from Kapauri into Kosare than vice-versa, as is that for “tired,” where there is no known native source for Kosare medial /h/. It seems then probable that most to all of the words listed above are loans from Kapauri into Kosare, which makes a good deal of sense in light of the recent history of Kosare resettlement as described by Wambaliau (2006: 4.)

    … Sause and Kaure …:

   Sause  Kaure
 bush fowl  …  mbahape
 black cockatoo  …  maɺokwĩ
 sago  …  tâⁱ
 mouse/rat  krisiʔ  kɛɺsi
 fat/grease  gʷaⁱtʃa  kʷaⁱsoa
 egg/seed  lɛŋ  ɺɛ̃̂

    Deapite Schiefenhövelˈs (1978: 49) assertion that the Kosare take Sirkai (Ketengban) wives, there is little lexical influence from the Mek family, which is allied first to Momuna and then to the Digul River-Ok languages to the south of the cordillera:

   Mek  Kosare  Kosare  Kosare
     Heeschen  Muara Nawa  Naira
 hot  *bɔᵘbʊ  pɔˈbu  poˈpu  poˈpu

    Another example would seem to be a loan from Kaure into Mek, as while the prefixation of [se- s-] (from /*se̝N/) upon words for mouth-related terms is typical of both Kaure and Kosare, there is no such prefix in Mek, where the initial variation would be irregular (Ketegban from Sims, Sims, Basini, Difur and Uropka 1990: 22, Yale Kosarek from Heeschen 1992: 136):

   Kaure  Ketengban  Yale Kosarek
 tongue  s-ɺomũ  lʲɛmu  sɛlimu

    … regional …:

         Kaure  Kosare
           Naira
 sago porridge        ésjáⁱ ~ ísjáⁱ  dʒiˈsi


Subpages (2): Kaure Kosare