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Book 1 (Cardwell)

This complete edition of the Latin text was produced by R.M. Pollard in June 2017.  It was produced by electronically comparing three OCR'ed versions of the Cardwell edition found on Google Books.  It was subsequently revised and tidied by RMP.  Greek text is to follow soon.

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Cardwell, De Bello Judaico (1837)

Whiston translation of the Greek (1737)

(Numbers in square brackets are Niese sections)

FLAVII JOSEPHI DE BELLO JUDAICO LIBRI SEPTEM, INTERPRETE RUFINO AQUILEIENSI, AD GRAECUM COLLATI ET EMENDATI PER SIGISMUNDUM GELENIUM.

 

LIBER PRIMUS.

Book I

PROLOGUS.

 

QUONIAM bellum, quod cum populo Romano gessere Judaei, omnium maximum, quae nostra aetas vidit, quaeque au ditu percepimus, civitates cum civitatibus gentesve commisisse cum gentibus: quidam, non quod rebus interfuerint, sed vana et incongrua narrantium sermones auribus colligentes, oratorum more perscribunt : qui vero praesto fuerunt, aut Romanorum obsequio, aut odio Judaeorum contra fidem rerum falsa confirmant : scriptis autem eorum partim accusatio, par tim laudatio continetur: nusquam vero exacta fides reperitur historiae : idcirco statui, quae retro barbaris antea misi, patria lingua digesta, Graece nunc his, qui Romano Imperio reguntur exponere, ego Josephus Matathiae filius Hebraeus genere, sacerdos ex Hierosolymis : qui et initio cum Romanis conflixi, posteaque gestis, quia necessitas exegit, interfui.

WHEREAS the war which the Jews made with the Romans hath been the greatest of all those, not only that have been in our times, but, in a manner, of those that ever were heard of; both of those wherein cities have fought against cities, or nations against nations; while some men who were not concerned in the affairs themselves have gotten together vain and contradictory stories by hearsay, and have written them down after a sophistical manner; and while those that were there present have given false accounts of things, and this either out of a humor of flattery to the Romans, or of hatred towards the Jews; and while their writings contain sometimes accusations, and sometimes encomiums, but no where the accurate truth of the facts; I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterwards, [am the author of this work].

2. Nam cum hoc, ut dixi, bellum gravissimum exortum est, Romanorum quidem populum domesticus motus habebat: Judaeorum autem, qui aetate validi, et ingenio turbulenti erant, manu simul ac pecunia vigentes adeo temporibus insolenter abusi sunt, ut pro tumultus magnitudine, hos possidendarum spes, illos amittendarum partium Orientis metus invaderet. Quoniam Judaei quidem cunctos etiam, qui trans Euphratem essent, gentiles suos, secum rebellaturos esse crediderant. Romanos autem et finitimi Galli irritabant : nec Germani quiescebant : dissensionumque plena erant omnia post Nero nem : et multi quidem temporum occasione Imperium affec tabant: lucri autem cupidine exercitus rerum novandarum cupidi erant. Itaque indignum esse duxi, errantem in tantis rebus dissimulari veritatem: et Parthos quidem, ac Babylo nios, Arabumque remotissimos et ultra Euphratem gentis nostrae incolas, itemque Adiabenos, mea diligentia vere cog noscere, unde coepisset bellum, quantisque cladibus consti tuisset, quove modo desiisset: Graecos vero et Romanorum aliquos, qui militiam secuti non essent, figmentis sive adula tionibus captos, ista nescire.

[4] Now at the time when this great concussion of affairs happened, the affairs of the Romans were themselves in great disorder. Those Jews also who were for innovations, then arose when the times were disturbed; they were also in a flourishing condition for strength and riches, insomuch that the affairs of the East were then exceeding tumultuous, while some hoped for gain, and others were afraid of loss in such troubles; for the Jews hoped that all of their nation which were beyond Euphrates would have raised an insurrection together with them. The Gauls also, in the neighborhood of the Romans, were in motion, and the Geltin were not quiet; but all was in disorder after the death of Nero. And the opportunity now offered induced many to aim at the royal power; and the soldiery affected change, out of the hopes of getting money. I thought it therefore an absurd thing to see the truth falsified in affairs of such great consequence, and to take no notice of it; but to suffer those Greeks and Romans that were not in the wars to be ignorant of these things, and to read either flatteries or fictions, while the Parthians, and the Babylonians, and the remotest Arabians, and those of our nation beyond Euphrates, with the Adiabeni, by my means, knew accurately both whence the war begun, what miseries it brought upon us, and after what manner it ended.

3. At qui historias audent eas inscribere, hi praeter hoc (ut mihi quidem videtur) quod nihil sani referunt, etiam de pro posito decidunt. Nam dum Romanos volunt magnos osten dere, Judaeorum res extenuant, et in humilitatem dejiciunt. Non autem intelligo, quonam pacto magni esse videantur, qui parva superaverint. Et neque longi temporis eos pudet, quo bellum tractum est : neque multitudinis Romanorum, quam in ea militia labor exercuit : neque ducum magnitudinis : quorum profecto gloria minuitur, si cum multum pro Hiero solymis desudaverint, rebus per eos prospere gestis aliquid derogetur,

[7] It is true, these writers have the confidence to call their accounts histories; wherein yet they seem to me to fail of their own purpose, as well as to relate nothing that is sound. For they have a mind to demonstrate the greatness of the Romans, while they still diminish and lessen the actions of the Jews, as not discerning how it cannot be that those must appear to be great who have only conquered those that were little. Nor are they ashamed to overlook the length of the war, the multitude of the Roman forces who so greatly suffered in it, or the might of the commanders, whose great labors about Jerusalem will be deemed inglorious, if what they achieved be reckoned but a small matter.

4. Nec tamen ego contentione Romanas res extollentium, gentiles meos amplificare decrevi : sed facta quidem utrorum que sine ullo mendacio prosequar: dicta vero de factis repo nam, dolori atque affectioni meae in deflendis patriae cladibus indulgens. Nam quod domesticis dissensionibus est eversa, et in templum sacrosanctum invitas Romanorum manus at que ignem Judaeorum tyranni traxere, testis est, qui eam vastavit, ipse Caesar Titus: per omne bellum miseratus qui dem populum, quod a seditiosis custodiretur: saepe autem consulto differri passus civitatis excidium, protracto obsidio nis spatio, dummodo belli poeniteret autores. Quod si quis me adversus tyrannos eorumque latrocinium accusatorie loqui putet,vel patriae miseriis ingementem calumniari praeter legem historiae, dolori veniam tribuat. Ex omnibus enim, quae Ro mano Imperio parent, solam nostram civitatem contigit ad summum felicitatis fastigium evadere, eandemque in extre mum miseriae dejici. Denique omnium post condita secula res adversas, si cum Judaeorum calamitatibus conferantur, su peratum iri non ambigo. Et horum autor nullus externus est : unde nec fieri potest, ut a questibus temperetur. Siquis autem durior misericordiae sit judex, res quidem tribuat histo riae, lamenta vero scriptori.

[9] However, I will not go to the other extreme, out of opposition to those men who extol the Romans nor will I determine to raise the actions of my countrymen too high; but I will prosecute the actions of both parties with accuracy. Yet shall I suit my language to the passions I am under, as to the affairs I describe, and must be allowed to indulge some lamentations upon the miseries undergone by my own country. For that it was a seditious temper of our own that destroyed it, and that they were the tyrants among the Jews who brought the Roman power upon us, who unwillingly attacked us, and occasioned the burning of our holy temple, Titus Caesar, who destroyed it, is himself a witness, who, daring the entire war, pitied the people who were kept under by the seditious, and did often voluntarily delay the taking of the city, and allowed time to the siege, in order to let the authors have opportunity for repentance. But if any one makes an unjust accusation against us, when we speak so passionately about the tyrants, or the robbers, or sorely bewail the misfortunes of our country, let him indulge my affections herein, though it be contrary to the rules for writing history; because it had so come to pass, that our city Jerusalem had arrived at a higher degree of felicity than any other city under the Roman government, and yet at last fell into the sorest of calamities again. Accordingly, it appears to me that the misfortunes of all men, from the beginning of the world, if they be compared to these of the Jews are not so considerable as they were; while the authors of them were not foreigners neither. This makes it impossible for me to contain my lamentations. But if any one be inflexible in his censures of me, let him attribute the facts themselves to the historical part, and the lamentations to the writer himself only.

5. Quanquam merito Graecorum disertos increpaverim, qui tantis rebus sua memoria gestis, quarum comparatione prae terita olim bella exigua redduntur, judices resident aliorum facundiae detrahentes : quorum et si doctrinam superant, pro posito vincuntur. Ipsi vero Assyriorum et Medorum gesta perscribunt, veluti minus recte a scriptoribus antiquis fuerint exposita: cum in scribendo tantum eorum viribus cedant, quantum sententiae. Erat enim unicuique studium, quae vi disset facta, conscribere : quoniam et interfuisset rebus ges tis, et efficaciter quod promittebat, impleret : mentirique apud scientes, inhonestum esse videretur. Enimvero nova quidem neque ante cognita memoriae tradere, suique temporis res commendare posteris, laude ac testimonio dignum est. Industrius autem habetur, non qui alienam dispositionem at que ordinem transfert, sed qui nova dicendo etiam corpus proprium conficit historiae. Sed ego quidem sumptu ac la bore maximo, qui cum sim alienigena, Graecis simul et Ro manis gestarum rerum memoriam repono. Ipsis autem indi genis, ad quaestum quidem ac lites, ora patent, linguaeque so lutae sunt, ad historiam vero, in qua verum dicendum est, summaque ope negotia colligenda sunt, obmutescunt: con cessa infirmioribus neque scientibus licentia scribendi res a principibus gestas. Honoratur itaque apud nos historiae veri tas, quae a Graecis negligitur.

[13] However, I may justly blame the learned men among the Greeks, who, when such great actions have been done in their own times, which, upon the comparison, quite eclipse the old wars, do yet sit as judges of those affairs, and pass bitter censures upon the labors of the best writers of antiquity; which moderns, although they may be superior to the old writers in eloquence, yet are they inferior to them in the execution of what they intended to do. While these also write new histories about the Assyrians and Medes, as if the ancient writers had not described their affairs as they ought to have done; although these be as far inferior to them in abilities as they are different in their notions from them. For of old every one took upon them to write what happened in his own time; where their immediate concern in the actions made their promises of value; and where it must be reproachful to write lies, when they must be known by the readers to be such. But then, an undertaking to preserve the memory Of what hath not been before recorded, and to represent the affairs of one's own time to those that come afterwards, is really worthy of praise and commendation. Now he is to be esteemed to have taken good pains in earnest, not who does no more than change the disposition and order of other men's works, but he who not only relates what had not been related before, but composes an entire body of history of his own: accordingly, I have been at great charges, and have taken very great pains [about this history], though I be a foreigner; and do dedicate this work, as a memorial of great actions, both to the Greeks and to the Barbarians. But for some of our own principal men, their mouths are wide open, and their tongues loosed presently, for gain and law-suits, but quite muzzled up when they are to write history, where they must speak truth and gather facts together with a great deal of pains; and so they leave the writing such histories to weaker people, and to such as are not acquainted with the actions of princes. Yet shall the real truth of historical facts be preferred by us, how much soever it be neglected among the Greek historians.

6. Ab origine quidem Judaeos repetere, qui fuerint, quove pacto ab AEgyptiis discesserint, quasque regiones errando peragraverint, et quas vel quoties incoluerint, et quemadmo dum inde migraverint, neque hujus esse temporis, et praeterea supervacaneum existimavi : quoniam multi ante me Judaeo rum de majoribus hujus gentis verissima composuerunt: et nonnulli Graecorum, quae illi scripserant, patria voce prose cuti non multum a veritate deviarunt: ex eo autem historiae principium sumam, quo scriptores eorum et prophetae nostri desierunt. Et bellum quidem meis temporibus gestum, la tius quaque potuero diligentia referam : quae vero aetate mea sunt antiquiora, summatim breviterque percurram.

[17] To write concerning the Antiquities of the Jews, who they were [originally], and how they revolted from the Egyptians, and what country they traveled over, and what countries they seized upon afterward, and how they were removed out of them, I think this not to be a fit opportunity, and, on other accounts, also superfluous; and this because many Jews before me have composed the histories of our ancestors very exactly; as have some of the Greeks done it also, and have translated our histories into their own tongue, and have not much mistaken the truth in their histories. But then, where the writers of these affairs and our prophets leave off, thence shall I take my rise, and begin my history. Now as to what concerns that war which happened in my own time, I will go over it very largely, and with all the diligence I am able; but for what preceded mine own age, that I shall run over briefly.

7. Quomodo Antiochus cognomento Epiphanes, devicta pe nitus Hierosolyma, cum triennium sexque menses eam tenu isset, ab Asamoniae filiis expulsus est : deinde quod eorum posteri de regno dissentientes, ad res suas occupandas popu lum Romanum Pompeiumque traxerunt : quomodoque He rodes Antipatri filius eorum potentiae finem fecerit, auxilio Sosii : tum, quomodo Herode mortuo, plebis in eos orta se ditio est, Augusto quidem imperante Romanis, Quintilio au tem Varo provinciam obtinente: quodque bellum anno duo decimo imperii Neronis eruperit: quamque multa per Ces tium acciderint : quantaque ad primos impetus armis Judaei pervaserint.

[19] [For example, I shall relate] how Antiochus, who was named Epiphanes, took Jerusalem by force, and held it three years and three months, and was then ejected out of the country by the sons of Asamoneus: after that, how their posterity quarreled about the government, and brought upon their settlement the Romans and Pompey; how Herod also, the son of Antipater, dissolved their government, and brought Sosins upon them; as also how our people made a sedition upon Herod's death, while Augustus was the Roman emperor, and Quintilius Varus was in that country; and how the war broke out in the twelfth year of Nero, with what happened to Cestius; and what places the Jews assaulted in a hostile manner in the first sallies of the war.

8. Quoque modo accolas permunierint : et quod Nero prop ter acceptas Cestii ductu clades summae rei metuens, Vespasia num bello praeposuerit: et quod is cum maximo filiorum Ju daeam intraverit, quantumque Romanorum exercitum du cens: quantaque manus auxiliorum per omnem caesa fuerit Galilaeam : et quod ejus civitatum quasdam vi ceperit, alias deditione : ubi etiam Romanorum in bello disciplinam cu ramque rerum, et utriusque Galilaeae spatia, et naturam fines que Judaeae, necnon et peculiarem terrae qualitatem, lacusque et fontes, captarumque civitatum mala, cum fide sicut vidi, aut pertuli, expediam. Nec etiam miserias meas celaverim, cum scientibus eas relaturus sim.

[21] As also [I shall relate] how they built walls about the neighboring cities; and how Nero, upon Cestius's defeat, was in fear of the entire event of the war, and thereupon made Vespasian general in this war; and how this Vespasian, with the elder of his sons made an expedition into the country of Judea; what was the number of the Roman army that he made use of; and how many of his auxiliaries were cut off in all Galilee; and how he took some of its cities entirely, and by force, and others of them by treaty, and on terms. Now, when I am come so far, I shall describe the good order of the Romans in war, and the discipline of their legions; the amplitude of both the Galilees, with its nature, and the limits of Judea. And, besides this, I shall particularly go over what is peculiar to the country, the lakes and fountains that are in them, and what miseries happened to every city as they were taken; and all this with accuracy, as I saw the things done, or suffered in them. For I shall not conceal any of the calamities I myself endured, since I shall relate them to such as know the truth of them.

9. Deinde, quod jam fessis rebus Judaeorum, Nero quidem nortem obierit : Vespasianus autem in Hierosolymam pro perans, imperii causa retractus sit : quaeque signa de hoc ei contigerint, Romaeque mutationes : et quod invitus a militi bus Imperator declaratus sit : et quod eo disponendae rei publicae gratia in AEgyptum digresso, Judaeorum status sedi tionibus agitatus sit : quoque modo tyrannis succubuerint, eorumque inter se discordias moverint.

[23] After this, [I shall relate] how, When the Jews' affairs were become very bad, Nero died, and Vespasian, when he was going to attack Jerusalem, was called back to take the government upon him; what signs happened to him relating to his gaining that government, and what mutations of government then happened at Rome, and how he was unwillingly made emperor by his soldiers; and how, upon his departure to Egypt, to take upon him the government of the empire, the affairs of the Jews became very tumultuous; as also how the tyrants rose up against them, and fell into dissensions among themselves.

10. Et quod ex AEgypto Titus reversus, bis Judaeorum fines ingressus sit : quoque modo exercitum, et quo in loco congre gaverit: vel qualiter, et quoties civitatem affecerit ipso prae sente seditio: aggressus quoque numerosos et quantos erex erit aggeres: triumque murorum ambitum et magnitudinem, sive mensuram, et munitionem civitatis : et fani templique dispositionem : ad haec arae spatium, mensuramque verissime dicam: festorum quoque dierum mores aliquos, septemque lustrationes, et munia sacerdotum. Itemque pontificis vestes, sanctaque templi cujusmodi fuerint, sine aliqua dissimula tione, vel adjectione memorabo.

[25] Moreover, [I shall relate] how Titus marched out of Egypt into Judea the second time; as also how, and where, and how many forces he got together; and in what state the city was, by the means of the seditious, at his coming; what attacks he made, and how many ramparts he cast up; of the three walls that encompassed the city, and of their measures; of the strength of the city, and the structure of the temple and holy house; and besides, the measures of those edifices, and of the altar, and all accurately determined. A description also of certain of their festivals, and seven purifications of purity, and the sacred ministrations of the priests, with the garments of the priests, and of the high priests; and of the nature of the most holy place of the temple; without concealing any thing, or adding any thing to the known truth of things.

11. Narrabo deinde tyrannorum in suos gentiles crudelitatem, Romanorumque in alienigenas humanitatem : quotiesque Ti tus, civitatem simul ac templum servare cupiens, ad con cordiae foedera dissidentes provocavit. Disseram vero populi vulnera, et calamitates: quamque multa mala nunc bello, nunc seditionibus, nunc fame perpessi, postea capti sint. Nec vero, aut perfugarum clades, aut captivorum supplicia praetermittam: vel quemadmodum templum invito Caesare conflagraverit: quamque multae opes sacrae flamma raptae sint: ac totius, quae reliqua erat, civitatis excidium : et quae praecesserant portenta, atque prodigia, vel tyrannorum capti vitatem, vel qui servitio' abducti sunt, multitudinem: aut cui quisque fortunae sit distributus : et quod Romani quidem belli reliquias persecuti sunt, devictorumque munimina fundi tus eruerunt: Titus vero peragrata regione cuncta restituit : ejusdemque reditum in Italiam, ac triumphum.

[27] After this, I shall relate the barbarity of the tyrants towards the people of their own nation, as well as the indulgence of the Romans in sparing foreigners; and how often Titus, out of his desire to preserve the city and the temple, invited the seditious to come to terms of accommodation. I shall also distinguish the sufferings of the people, and their calamities; how far they were afflicted by the sedition, and how far by the famine, and at length were taken. Nor shall I omit to mention the misfortunes of the deserters, nor the punishments inflicted on the captives; as also how the temple was burnt, against the consent of Caesar; and how many sacred things that had been laid up in the temple were snatched out of the fire; the destruction also of the entire city, with the signs and wonders that went before it; and the taking the tyrants captives, and the multitude of those that were made slaves, and into what different misfortunes they were every one distributed. Moreover, what the Romans did to the remains of the wall; and how they demolished the strong holds that were in the country; and how Titus went over the whole country, and settled its affairs; together with his return into Italy, and his triumph.

12. Haec omnia septem libris comprehensa, adnixus ne vi tuperationem a rerum scientibus et qui bello interfuerunt sus ' tineam, studiosis veritatis magis quam voluptatis perscripsi. Narrandi autem initium faciam hoc ordine, quo capitula sunt digesta.

[30] I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves [with fictitious relations]. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter.

CAP. I. CUM potentes Judaeorum inter se dissiderent eo tempore, quo de tota Syria cum Ptolemaeo Sexto Antiochus, qui Epi phanes dictus est, ambigebat (erat autem illis contentio de potentia, quod honoratus quisque graviter ferret similibus subjugari) Onias quidam e pontificibus postquam praevaluit, Tobiae filios expulit civitate. Illi autem supplices ad Antio chum confugerunt, petentes ut ipsis ducibus in Judaeam ir rumperet. Idque regi persuasum est, jampridem sic animato. Quare cum magnis militum copiis egressus et civitatem for titer expugnatam capit, et maximam eorum multitudinem, quibus Ptolemaeus carior erat, interfecit. Dataque passim militibus praedandi licentia, ipse et templum spoliavit, et quo tidianae religionis assiduitatem per annos tres, sexque menses inhibuit. Pontifex autem Onias effugit ad Ptolemaeum : ac ceptoque ab eo in Heliopolitana praefectura solo, ibi oppidum condidit Hierosolymis simile, templumque aedificavit : de qui bus iterum opportune referemus.

[31] AT the same time that Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, had a quarrel with the sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole country of Syria, a great sedition fell among the men of power in Judea, and they had a contention about obtaining the government; while each of those that were of dignity could not endure to be subject to their equals. However, Onias, one of the high priests, got the better, and cast the sons of Tobias out of the city; who fled to Antiochus, and besought him to make use of them for his leaders, and to make an expedition into Judea. The king being thereto disposed beforehand, complied with them, and came upon the Jews with a great army, and took their city by force, and slew a great multitude of those that favored Ptolemy, and sent out his soldiers to plunder them without mercy. He also spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months. But Onias, the high priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its temple concerning which we shall speak more in its proper place hereafter.

2. Veruntamen Antiocho neque praeter spem devicta civitas, neque populatio, neque tantae caedes satis fuere : sed intempe rantia vitiorum, eorumque memoria quae in obsidione pertu lerat, Judaeos cogere coepit : ut abrogato more patrio, nec in fantes suos circumciderent, porcosque super aram immola rent. quibus omnes quidem adversabantur, optimus vero quisque propterea trucidabatur. Et Bacchides praesidiis ab Antiocho praepositus, ad naturalem crudelitatem suam prae ceptis impiis obsecundans, omnimodam iniquitatem excessit, cum et singulatim viros honorabiles verberaret, et communiter quotidie speciem captae urbis exhiberet: donec eos atrocitate incommodorum, qui ea patiebantur, ad vindictae audaciam irritavit.

[34] Now Antiochus was not satisfied either with his unexpected taking the city, or with its pillage, or with the great slaughter he had made there; but being overcome with his violent passions, and remembering what he had suffered during the siege, he compelled the Jews to dissolve the laws of their country, and to keep their infants uncircumcised, and to sacrifice swine's flesh upon the altar; against which they all opposed themselves, and the most approved among them were put to death. Bacchides also, who was sent to keep the fortresses, having these wicked commands, joined to his own natural barbarity, indulged all sorts of the extremest wickedness, and tormented the worthiest of the inhabitants, man by man, and threatened their city every day with open destruction, till at length he provoked the poor sufferers by the extremity of his wicked doings to avenge themselves.

3. Denique Matthias Asamonaei filius, unus ex sacerdotibus, ex vico cui nomen Modin est, cum manu domestica (nam quinque filios habebat) sicis armatus Bacchidem occidit : et statim quidem praesidiorum multitudinem veritus, in montes refugit. Multis vero ex populo sibi sociatis, recepta fiducia descendit : commissoque praelio, superatos duces Antiochi ex Judaeae finibus exegit. Secundis autem rebus potentiam nac tus, suisque volentibus, quod ab alienigenis eos liberasset, imperans, moritur relicto Judae principatu, qui filiorum suo rum natu maximus erat.

[36] Accordingly Matthias, the son of Asamoneus, one of the priests who lived in a village called Modin, armed himself, together with his own family, which had five sons of his in it, and slew Bacchides with daggers; and thereupon, out of the fear of the many garrisons [of the enemy], he fled to the mountains; and so many of the people followed him, that he was encouraged to come down from the mountains, and to give battle to Antiochus's generals, when he beat them, and drove them out of Judea. So he came to the government by this his success, and became the prince of his own people by their own free consent, and then died, leaving the government to Judas, his eldest son.

4. Ille autem (nec enim cessaturum existimabat Antiochum) et indigenarum conflavit exercitum, et cum Romanis primus amicitiam pepigit: Antiochumque Epiphanem iterum in fines suos ingredientem vehementissima percussum plaga repres sit. Adhuc autem fervente victoria, in praesidia civitatis im petum fecit : necdum enim caesa fuerant: habitoque con flictu, milites de superiori civitate, quae pars sacra dicitur, ad inferiorem compellit. Fano autem potitus, et locum purga vit omnem, muroque cinxit: et vasa nova divinis rebus cu randis fabricata, in templum intulit, veluti prioribus profana tis: aramque aliam aedificavit, et religionibus dedit initium. Sacro autem ritu vix civitati reddito, moritur Antiochus : regni autem ejus, et in Judaeos odii filius Antiochus haeres existit.

[38] Now Judas, supposing that Antiochus would not lie still, gathered an army out of his own countrymen, and was the first that made a league of friendship with the Romans, and drove Epiphanes out of the country when he had made a second expedition into it, and this by giving him a great defeat there; and when he was warmed by this great success, he made an assault upon the garrison that was in the city, for it had not been cut off hitherto; so he ejected them out of the upper city, and drove the soldiers into the lower, which part of the city was called the Citadel. He then got the temple under his power, and cleansed the whole place, and walled it round about, and made new vessels for sacred ministrations, and brought them into the temple, because the former vessels had been profaned. He also built another altar, and began to offer the sacrifices; and when the city had already received its sacred constitution again, Antiochus died; whose son Antiochus succeeded him in the kingdom, and in his hatred to the Jews also.

5. Quare coactis peditum millibus L. equitum autem prope v. millibus, Lxxx. vero elephantis, montana Judaeae per partes aggreditur, et Bethsuram quidem oppidum capit. in loco vero cui Bethzachariae nomen est, qua transitus erat angustior, Judas cum suis copiis occurrit. et prius quam congrederen tur agmina, Eleazarus frater ejus, prospecto praeter alios ex celso elephante, turrique maxima et munimentis aureis or nato, illic Antiochum esse ratus, a suis procul excurrit, rupta que hostili acie ad elephantum usque pervenit. sed illum qui dem quem regem esse opinabatur, contingere, quod multum superemineret, minime potuit. beluam vero in alvo percussam super se dejecit, et obtritus interiit : nulla alia re gesta nisi quod magnum opus aggressus, vitam gloriae posthabuit. qui tamen regebat elephantum privatus erat. et si casu in eo fu isset Antiochus, nihil plus Eleazaro praestitisset audacia, quam ut sola spe praeclari facinoris mortem videretur optasse. hoc autem fratri ejus totius praelii praesagium fuit. nam fortiter quidem Judaei diuque decertarunt: sed a regiis secunda for tuna usis, numeroque praestantibus superati sunt: multisque interfectis Judas cum caeteris in Gophniticam toparchiam re fugit. Antiochus autem ad Hierosolymam profectus, ibique dies paucos commoratus, penuria utensilium abstitit : relicto quidem ibi praesidio, quantum satis esse arbitrabatur: caetera vero multitudine ad hyemandum deducta in Syriam.

[41] So this Antiochus got together fifty thousand footmen, and five thousand horsemen, and fourscore elephants, and marched through Judea into the mountainous parts. He then took Bethsura, which was a small city; but at a place called Bethzacharis, where the passage was narrow, Judas met him with his army. However, before the forces joined battle, Judas's brother Eleazar, seeing the very highest of the elephants adorned with a large tower, and with military trappings of gold to guard him, and supposing that Antiochus himself was upon him, he ran a great way before his own army, and cutting his way through the enemy's troops, he got up to the elephant; yet could he not reach him who seemed to be the king, by reason of his being so high; but still he ran his weapon into the belly of the beast, and brought him down upon himself, and was crushed to death, having done no more than attempted great things, and showed that he preferred glory before life. Now he that governed the elephant was but a private man; and had he proved to be Antiochus, Eleazar had performed nothing more by this bold stroke than that it might appear he chose to die, when he had the bare hope of thereby doing a glorious action; nay, this disappointment proved an omen to his brother [Judas] how the entire battle would end. It is true that the Jews fought it out bravely for a long time, but the king's forces, being superior in number, and having fortune on their side, obtained the victory. And when a great many of his men were slain, Judas took the rest with him, and fled to the toparchy of Gophna. So Antiochus went to Jerusalem, and staid there but a few days, for he wanted provisions, and so he went his way. He left indeed a garrison behind him, such as he thought sufficient to keep the place, but drew the rest of his army off, to take their winter-quarters in Syria.

6. Discessu autem regis Judas non quiescebat, sed accessione multorum suae gentis animatus, aggregatis etiam quos ex praelio receperat, apud vicum Adasa cum Antiochi ducibus congreditur: factisque fortibus in praelio cognitus, multis hostibus interfectis occubuit. et in diebus paucis frater ejus Joannes occiditur, insidiis eorum captus, qui cum Antiocho sentiebant.

[47] Now, after the king was departed, Judas was not idle; for as many of his own nation came to him, so did he gather those that had escaped out of the battle together, and gave battle again to Antiochus's generals at a village called Adasa; and being too hard for his enemies in the battle, and killing a great number of them, he was at last himself slain also. Nor was it many days afterward that his brother John had a plot laid against him by Antiochus's party, and was slain by them.

CAP. II. CUM autem successisset ei frater Jonathas, et in aliis quae ad indigenas pertinerent, cautius se ageret, suamque poten tiam Romanorum amicitia corroboraret, Antiochi quidem filio reconciliatur. non tamen horum ei quicquam profuit ad depellemdum periculum. Namque Tryphon tyrannus, Antio chi quidem filii tutor, sed insidiis eum captans, et praeter hoc amicis nudare cupiens, Jonathan, cum ad Antiochum paucis comitatus Ptolemaida venisset, dolo comprehendit. eoque vincto contra Judaeam movit exercitum. unde repulsus a Si mone Jonathae fratre, quodque ab eo superatus esset, iratus, eundem Jonathan interfecit.

[48] WHEN Jonathan, who was Judas's brother, succeeded him, he behaved himself with great circumspection in other respects, with relation to his own people; and he corroborated his authority by preserving his friendship with the Romans. He also made a league with Antiochus the son. Yet was not all this sufficient for his security; for the tyrant Trypho, who was guardian to Antiochus's son, laid a plot against him; and besides that, endeavored to take off his friends, and caught Jonathan by a wile, as he was going to Ptolemais to Antiochus, with a few persons in his company, and put him in bonds, and then made an expedition against the Jews; but when he was afterward driven away by Simon, who was Jonathan's brother, and was enraged at his defeat, he put Jonathan to death.

2. Simon autem fortiter gerendis rebus intentus, Zara qui dem et Joppen, et Jamniam capit. Evertit autem et Acca ron subactis praesidiis: adversusque Tryphonem Antiocho auxilium praebuit, qui Doram ante expeditionem quam in Medos fecit obsidebat. Sed regis aviditatem satiare non po tuit, quamvis neci Tryphonis suam quoque operam adhibu isset. Non multo enim post Antiochus Cendebeum ex duci bus suis ad vastandam Judaeam opprimendumque servitio Si monem cum exercitu misit. Ille autem, quanquam senior erat, bellum tamen juveniliter administrabat : et filios quidem suos cum validissimis praemisit, parte vero multitudinis comi tatus alio latere aggreditur : multisque per multa loca insi diis etiam in montana dispositis, in omnibus superat, clarissi maque potitus victoria, pontifex declaratur : et ducentos sep tuaginta post annos Judaeos liberat a dominatione Macedo mulmm.

[50] However, Simon managed the public affairs after a courageous manner, and took Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia, which were cities in his neighborhood. He also got the garrison under, and demolished the citadel. He was afterward an auxiliary to Antiochus, against Trypho, whom he besieged in Dora, before he went on his expedition against the Medes; yet could not he make the king ashamed of his ambition, though he had assisted him in killing Trypho; for it was not long ere Antiochus sent Cendebeus his general with an army to lay waste Judea, and to subdue Simon; yet he, though he was now in years, conducted the war as if he were a much younger man. He also sent his sons with a band of strong men against Antiochus, while he took part of the army himself with him, and fell upon him from another quarter. He also laid a great many men in ambush in many places of the mountains, and was superior in all his attacks upon them; and when he had been conqueror after so glorious a manner, he was made high priest, and also freed the Jews from the dominion of the Macedonians, after one hundred and seventy years of the empire [of Seleucus].

3. Sed et ipse periit in convivio, captus insidiis Ptolemaei generi sui : qui ejus conjuge, duobusque filiis in custodiam conclusis, certos misit, ut Joannem tertium, cui etiam Hyr canus nomen fuit, interficerent. Cognito autem impetu, qui parabatur, adolescens ad civitatem properabat, multo populo fretus, et propter memoriam paternae virtutis, et quod iniqui tas Ptolemaei cunctis esset invisa. voluit autem Ptolemaeus etiam alia porta ingredi civitatem, sed a populo rejectus est, qui maturius Hyrcanum susceperat. et is quidem statim re cessit in quoddam ultra Hierichunta castellum, quod Dagon vocatur. Hyrcanus autem paternum honorem pontificis asse cutus, postquam Deo sacrificia reddidit, velociter Ptolemaeum petit et matri simul et fratribus adjumento futurus.

[54] This Simon also had a plot laid against him, and was slain at a feast by his son-in-law Ptolemy, who put his wife and two sons into prison, and sent some persons to kill John, who was also called Hyrcanus. But when the young man was informed of their coming beforehand, he made haste to get to the city, as having a very great confidence in the people there, both on account of the memory of the glorious actions of his father, and of the hatred they could not but bear to the injustice of Ptolemy. Ptolemy also made an attempt to get into the city by another gate; but was repelled by the people, who had just then admitted of Hyrcanus; so he retired presently to one of the fortresses that were about Jericho, which was called Dagon. Now when Hyrcanus had received the high priesthood, which his father had held before, and had offered sacrifice to God, he made great haste to attack Ptolemy, that he might afford relief to his mother and brethren.

4. Castellumque aggressus, aliis quidem rebus superior erat, justo autem dolori cedebat. Ptolemaeus enim quoties premeretur, matrem ejus fratresque in murum productos, pa lam ut possent conspici, verberabat: eosdemque praecipitan dos, nisi quam primum recederet, minabatur. Unde Hyrca num quidem plus timor ac misericordia, quam iracundia com movebat. Mater vero ejus nihil plagis, aut intentata nece perterrita, manus protendens, filium precabatur, ne vel suis fractus injuriis, parceret impio : siquidem ipsa sibi mortem a Ptolemaeo propositam immortalitate duceret meliorem, dum modo ille poenas eorum, quae in domum suam contra fas ad misisset, expenderet. Joannes autem nunc obstinationem ma tris cogitans, ac preces ejus audiens, ad irruendum impelleba tur: modo verberari eam lacerarique conspiciens, effoemina batur: totusque plenus doloris erat. Ob haec autem diu tracta obsidione, feriatus annus advenit : quem septimo quo que circuitu redeuntem, apud Judaeos cessare moris est, ex empio septimorum dierum. Et in hoc Ptolemaeus obsidionis requiem nactus, fratribus Joannis una cum matre occisis, ad Zenonem confugit, qui Cotylas cognominatus est, Philadel phiae tyrannum.

[57] So he laid siege to the fortress, and was superior to Ptolemy in other respects, but was overcome by him as to the just affection [he had for his relations]; for when Ptolemy was distressed, he brought forth his mother, and his brethren, and set them upon the wall, and beat them with rods in every body's sight, and threatened, that unless he would go away immediately, he would throw them down headlong; at which sight Hyrcanus's commiseration and concern were too hard for his anger. But his mother was not dismayed, neither at the stripes she received, nor at the death with which she was threatened; but stretched out her hands, and prayed her son not to be moved with the injuries that she suffered to spare the wretch; since it was to her better to die by the means of Ptolemy, than to live ever so long, provided he might be punished for the injuries he done to their family. Now John's case was this: When he considered the courage of his mother, and heard her entreaty, he set about his attacks; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces with the stripes, he grew feeble, and was entirely overcome by his affections. And as the siege was delayed by this means, the year of rest came on, upon which the Jews rest every seventh year as they do on every seventh day. On this year, therefore, Ptolemy was freed from being besieged, and slew the brethren of John, with their mother, and fled to Zeno, who was also called Cotylas, who was tyrant of Philadelphia.

5. Antiochus autem ob ea, quae per Simonem passus fu erat, iratus in Judaeam ducit exercitum : ibique assidens Hie rosolymis, Hyrcanum obsidebat. Ille autem patefacto sepul chro David, qui regum ditissimus fuerat, ablatisque inde pe cuniae plus quam tribus millibus talentorum, et Antiocho per suasit, datis ei trecentis talentis ab obsidione discedere, pri musque Judaeorum privatis opibus alere peregrina coepit auxilia.

[61] And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simon, that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also.

6. Rursusque tamen quando Antiochus contra Medos bello suscepto tempus ei vindictae praebuit, confestim adversus civi tates Syriae perrexit, vacuas propugnatoribus esse ratus : quod et verum fuit. Medabam quidem et Samaeam cum proximis, necnon et Sichimam, et Garizim ipse cepit, et su per his Chuthaeorum gentem, adjacentia fano loca incolen tium, ad exemplum ejus, quod est Hierosolymis, aedificato. Coepit autem et Idumaeae non paucas alias civitates, et prae terea Doreon, et Marisa.

[62] However, at another time, when Antiochus was gone upon an expedition against the Medes, and so gave Hyrcanus an opportunity of being revenged upon him, he immediately made an attack upon the cities of Syria, as thinking, what proved to be the case with them, that he should find them empty of god troops. So he took Medaba and Samea, with the towns in their neighborhood, as also Shechem, and Gerizzim; and besides these, [he subdued] the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt round about that temple which was built in imitation of the temple at Jerusalem; he also took a great many other cities of Idumea, with Adoreon and Marissa.

7. In Samariam vero usque progressus, ubi nunc est Se baste civitas ab Herode rege condita, ex omni eam parte con cludit : filiosque suos Aristobulum et Antigonum obsidioni praefecit. Quibus nihil remittentibus, ad hoc famis penuria, qui erant intra civitatem venerunt, ut etiam insuetam carnem cogerentur attingere. Igitur Antiochum adjutorem sibi ad vocant, Spondium cognominatum. qui cum prompta eis vo luntate paruisset, ab Aristobulo et Antigono superatur. et ille quidem ad Scythopolim usque persequentibus eum memora tis fratribus effugit : hi vero in Samariam reversi, et nmultitu dinem iterum intra murum concludunt, et expugnata civitate ipsam diruunt : et habitatores ejus captos abducunt. Pros pere autem gestis ita cedentibus, alacritatem refrigescere non sinebant : sed cum exercitu Scythopolim usque progressi, et ipsam pervaserunt, et agros intra Carmelum omnes, inter se partiti sunt.

[64] He also proceeded as far as Samaria, where is now the city Sebaste, which was built by Herod the king, and encompassed it all round with a wall, and set his sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus, over the siege; who pushed it on so hard, that a famine so far prevailed within the city, that they were forced to eat what never was esteemed food. They also invited Antiochus, who was called Cyzicenus, to come to their assistance; whereupon he got ready, and complied with their invitation, but was beaten by Aristobulus and Antigonus; and indeed he was pursued as far as Scythopolisby these brethren, and fled away from them. So they returned back to Samaria, and shut the multitude again within the wall; and when they had taken the city, they demolished it, and made slaves of its inhabitants. And as they had still great success in their undertakings, they did not suffer their zeal to cool, but marched with an army as far as Scythopolis, and made an incursion upon it, and laid waste all the country that lay within Mount Carmel.

8. Secundarum autem rerum Joannis et filiorum ejus invi dia seditionem gentilium concitavit, multique adversus eos collecti non quiescebant, donec aperto bello devicti sunt. reliquum vero tempus Joannes cum fortunatissime viveret, et optime rebus per annos xxx. et tres administratis, et quinque filiis relictis moritur : vir plane beatissimus, et qui nullam dedisset occasionem, cur ejus causa de fortuna quispiam que reretur. Denique tria vel maxime praecipua solus habebat. nam et gentis princeps, et pontifex erat, et praeterea pro pheta: cum quo Deus ita colloquebatur, ut futurorum nihil penitus ignoraret. quinetiam de duobus majoribus filiis suis, quod rerum domini permansuri non essent, praevidit atque praedixit. quorum vitae quis fuerit exitus, narrare non indig num videtur, quantumque a paterna felicitate diverterint.

[67] But then these successes of John and of his sons made them be envied, and occasioned a sedition in the country; and many there were who got together, and would not be at rest till they brake out into open war, in which war they were beaten. So John lived the rest of his life very happily, and administered the government after a most extraordinary manner, and this for thirty-three entire years together. He died, leaving five sons behind him. He was certainly a very happy man, and afforded no occasion to have any complaint made of fortune on his account. He it was who alone had three of the most desirable things in the world, - the government of his nation, and the high priesthood, and the gift of prophecy. For the Deity conversed with him, and he was not ignorant of any thing that was to come afterward; insomuch that he foresaw and foretold that his two eldest sons would not continue masters of the government; and it will highly deserve our narration to describe their catastrophe, and how far inferior these men were to their father in felicity.

CAP. III. PATRE nanque mortuo major Aristobulus translato in reg num principatu, diadema sibi primus imposuit : quadringen tis et octoginta uno annis ac tribus mensibus, postquam po pulus in eam terram devenit, servitio quod apud Babylonios sustinuit liberatus. Fratrem vero a se secundum Antigonum (nanque illum diligere videbatur) in honore pari producebat : alios autem vinctos custodiae tradidit. Matremque itidem colligavit, ausam aliquid de potestate contendere. Nanque hanc rerum dominam Joannes reliquerat. Eoque crudelitatis processit, ut vinctam fame necaret.

[70] FOR after the death of their father, the elder of them, Aristobulus, changed the government into a kingdom, and was the first that put a diadem upon his head, four hundred seventy and one years and three months after our people came down into this country, when they were set free from the Babylonian slavery. Now, of his brethren, he appeared to have an affection for Antigonus, who was next to him, and made him his equal; but for the rest, he bound them, and put them in prison. He also put his mother in bonds, for her contesting the government with him; for John had left her to be the governess of public affairs. He also proceeded to that degree of barbarity as to cause her to be pined to death in prison.

2. Horum autem facinorum poenas Antigoni fratris morte persoluit, quem plurimum amabat, quemque regni participem habebat. nam et hunc interemit, adductus criminationibus per malevolos regni compositis. Itaque primo quidem Ari stobulus dictis fidem non habebat, qui et fratrem magnipen deret, et pleraque livore fingi arbitraretur. Sed cum Anti gonus ex militia clarus rediisset, festis diebus, quos taberna culis positis Deo celebrare mos patrius exigebat, evenit eo dem tempore ut adversa valetudo Aristobulum corriperet. Antigonus vero circa festorum solenniorum finem armatis comitatus templum ad orandum quam maxime petivit, plus que in honorem fratris ascendit ornatus. Tumque delatores nequissimi regem adeuntes, et armorum pompam, et Anti goni arrogantiam privata fortuna majorem esse criminaban tur: quodque maxima caterva stipatus, ut illum interficeret eo venisset: nec enim perpeti honorem solum ex regno habere, cui regnum ipsum liceat obtinere.

[72] But vengeance circumvented him in the affair of his brother Antigonus, whom he loved, and whom he made his partner in the kingdom; for he slew him by the means of the calumnies which ill men about the palace contrived against him. At first, indeed, Aristobulus would not believe their reports, partly out of the affection he had for his brother, and partly because he thought that a great part of these tales were owing to the envy of their relaters: however, as Antigonus came once in a splendid manner from the army to that festival, wherein our ancient custom is to make tabernacles for God, it happened, in those days, that Aristobulus was sick, and that, at the conclusion of the feast, Antigonus came up to it, with his armed men about him; and this when he was adorned in the finest manner possible; and that, in a great measure, to pray to God on the behalf of his brother. Now at this very time it was that these ill men came to the king, and told him in what a pompous manner the armed men came, and with what insolence Antigonus marched, and that such his insolence was too great for a private person, and that accordingly he was come with a great band of men to kill him; for that he could not endure this bare enjoyment of royal honor, when it was in his power to take the kingdom himself.

3. His paulatim, quamvis invitus tamen credidit Aristobulus, ac ne vel suspicari quicquam videretur, prospiciens, et ut incerta praecaveret, suos quidem satellites in quendam sub terraneum et tenebrosum locum transire jubet. Ipse autem jacebat in castello, Bari ante, post autem Antonia cognomi nato: et ut inermi quidem parcerent, occiderent autem Anti gonum, praecepit, si cum armis adiret : necnon et ipsi An tigono qui praeciperent misit, ut inermis veniret. ad haec regina satis callidum cum insidiatoribus consilium capit. nan que his qui ad eum missi fuerant persuadet, ut mandata quidem regis taceant, dicant vero Antigono, quod frater audisset, arma sibi eum pulcherrima in Galilaea ornatumque bellicum fabricasse : quae ne singulatim inspiceret, morbo impeditum fuisse : nunc autem, praesertim cum alio discus surus sit libenter cum videret armatum.

[75] Now Aristobulus, by degrees, and unwillingly, gave credit to these accusations; and accordingly he took care not to discover his suspicion openly, though he provided to be secure against any accidents; so he placed the guards of his body in a certain dark subterranean passage; for he lay sick in a place called formerly the Citadel, though afterwards its name was changed to Antonia; and he gave orders that if Antigonus came unarmed, they should let him alone; but if he came to him in his armor, they should kill him. He also sent some to let him know beforehand that he should come unarmed. But, upon this occasion, the queen very cunningly contrived the matter with those that plotted his ruin, for she persuaded those that were sent to conceal the king's message; but to tell Antigonus how his brother had heard he had got a very the suit of armor made with fine martial ornaments, in Galilee; and because his present sickness hindered him from coming and seeing all that finery, he very much desired to see him now in his armor; because, said he, in a little time thou art going away from me.

4. His auditis, Antigonus (ne quid enim male suspicaretur, fratris suadebat affectus) cum armis velut ostentatum se veniens, properabat. Sed ubi ad obscurum transitum, qui Stratonis pyrgus vocabatur, accessit, a satellitibus interemptus est: certumque documentum praebuit, omnem benevolentiam jusque naturae calumniis cedere, nullamque optimatum affec tionem tantum valere, ut invidiae perpetuo possit obsistere.

[77] As soon as Antigonus heard this, the good temper of his brother not allowing him to suspect any harm from him, he came along with his armor on, to show it to his brother; but when he was going along that dark passage which was called Strato's Tower, he was slain by the body guards, and became an eminent instance how calumny destroys all good-will and natural affection, and how none of our good affections are strong enough to resist envy perpetually.

5. In hoc autem etiam Judam quis non recte miretur? Essaeus erat genere, qui nunquam divinando aberravit, neque men titus est. Is Antigono transeunte per templum, mox ut eum vidit, ad notos qui aderant exclamavit (non paucos autem discipulos sive consultores habebat) Papae, nunc mihi pul chrum est mori, quando ante me veritas interiit, mearumque praedictionum aliquod mendacium deprehensum est. vivit enim iste Antigonus, qui hodie deberet occidi. I.ocus autem neci ejus apud Stratonis pyrgum fato fuerat destinatus. et ille quidem sexcentorum abhinc stadiorum intervallo distat. Horae vero diei sunt quatuor: sed et vaticinationem tempus effugit. Haec locutus senior, moesto vultu et mente solicita secum multa reputabat. et paulo post interfectus Antigonus nunciatur, in loco subterraneo, qui eodem nomine quo mari tima Caesarea, Stratonis pyrgus appellabatur: et hoc fuit quod vatem fefellit.

[78] And truly any one would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the sect of the Essens, and had never failed or deceived men in his predictions before. Now this man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance, (they were not a few who attended upon him as his scholars,) "O strange!" said he, "it is good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive, who ought to hare died this day; and the place where he ought to be slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato's Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction impossible to be fill filled." And when the old man had said this, he was dejected in his mind, and so continued. But in a little time news came that Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place, which was itself also called Strato's Tower, by the same name with that Cesarea which lay by the sea-side; and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet's disorder.

6. At vero Aristobulo confestim sceleris poenitudine morbus ingravescit: semperque facinoris cogitatione solicitus, per turbato animo tabescebat, donec moeroris acerbitate visceribus laceratis subito sanguinem vomeret. Hunc ergo unus e servulis ejus ministerio destinatus foras efferens, providentia numinis erravit: et ubi Antigonus erat occisus, super ex tantes adhuc caedis maculas cruorem interfectoris effudit. Ululatu autem eorum qui id conspexerant continuo sublato, tanquam puer de industria sanguinem illic libasset, clamor ad aures regis pervenit, causamque requirebat: et cum eam pro dere nullus auderet, ad resciendum magis ardebat. ad extre mum vero minitanti, vimque adhibenti, verum quod erat indicaverunt: atque ille cum lacrymis opplesset oculos, quan tumque poterat ingemuisset, haec dixit : Sperandum certe non erat, ut maximum Dei lumen facta mea nefaria laterent. nam cito me ultrix cognatae caedis justitia persequitur. Quam diu, o corpus improbum, fratri matrique damnatam animam detinebis ? quam diu paulatim illis libabo sanguinem meum ? simul totum accipiant: neque jam meorum viscerum inferias fortuna derideat. His dictis ilico moritur, cum non plus anno regnasset. -

[81] Hereupon Aristobulus repented of the great crime he had been guilty of, and this gave occasion to the increase of his distemper. He also grew worse and worse, and his soul was constantly disturbed at the thoughts of what he had done, till his very bowels being torn to pieces by the intolerable grief he was under, he threw up a great quantity of blood. And as one of those servants that attended him carried out that blood, he, by some supernatural providence, slipped and fell down in the very place where Antigonus had been slain; and so he spilt some of the murderer's blood upon the spots of the blood of him that had been murdered, which still appeared. Hereupon a lamentable cry arose among the spectators, as if the servant had spilled the blood on purpose in that place; and as the king heard that cry, he inquired what was the cause of it; and while nobody durst tell him, he pressed them so much the more to let him know what was the matter; so at length, when he had threatened them, and forced them to speak out, they told; whereupon he burst into tears, and groaned, and said, "So I perceive I am not like to escape the all-seeing eye of God, as to the great crimes I have committed; but the vengeance of the blood of my kinsman pursues me hastily. O thou most impudent body! how long wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die on account of that punishment it ought to suffer for a mother and a brother slain! How long shall I myself spend my blood drop by drop? let them take it all at once; and let their ghosts no longer be disappointed by a few parcels of my bowels offered to them." As soon as he had said these words, he presently died, when he had reigned no longer than a year.

CAP. IV. UXOR vero fratre ejus vinculis dissolutis regem constituit Alexandrum, qui aetate major erat, et modestia praestare videbatur. Sed ille potestatem adeptus, fratrem quidem alte rum regnum appetentem occidit: alterum autem privata vita contentum ablatis rebus secum habebat.

[85] AND now the king's wife loosed the king's brethren, and made Alexander king, who appeared both elder in age, and more moderate in his temper than the rest; who, when he came to the government, slew one of his brethren, as affecting to govern himself; but had the other of them in great esteem, as loving a quiet life, without meddling with public affairs.

2. Praelium etiam cum Ptolemaeo cognomento Lathyro com mittit: qui oppidum Asochin ceperat, et multos quidem peremit hostium, sed victoria in Ptolemaei partes propensior fuit. Postea vero quam ipse pulsus a matre Cleopatra dis cessit in AEgyptum, et Gadaram obsidione capit Alexander, et castellum Amathuntis, omnium maximum quae trans Jor danem sita erant, ubi preciosissima quaeque bonorum Theodori filii Zenonis habebantur. At Theodorus repente superveniens, et proprias res recipit, et sarcinas regis aufert, Judaeorumque fere decem millia interficit. Verum Alexander receptis post cladem viribus, aggressus maritimas regiones Raphiam capit, et Gazam, itemque Anthedonem, quae postea ab rege Herode Agrippias nominata est.

[86] Now it happened that there was a battle between him and Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He indeed slew a great many of his enemies, but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy. But when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he did Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were about Jordan, and therein were the most precious of all the possessions of Theodorus, the son of Zeno. Whereupon Theodopus marched against him, and took what belonged to himself as well as the king's baggage, and slew ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander recovered this blow, and turned his force towards the maritime parts, and took Raphia and Gaza, with Anthedon also, which was afterwards called Agrippias by king Herod.

3. His autem servitio domitis, concitatur in eum festo die populus Judaeorum. Nam plerunque epulae seditiones accen dunt, nec videbatur insidias posse comprimere, nisi conducti tios haberet auxilio Pisidas et Cilicas: nam Syros mercenarios respuebat, propter ingenitam cum Judaeorum gente discor diam. Caesis autem supra octo millibus ex turba rebellium, Arabiae bellum intulit. Ibique Galaaditis ac Moabitis sub actis, tributoque his imposito, ad Amathunta regressus est. Cumque Theodorum metus ejus secundis successibus percu lisset, castellum sine praesidio repertum funditus eruit.

[88] But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation. And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadires and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Areathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demolished it.

4. Mox autem congressus cum Oboda rege Arabum qui locum fraudi opportunum in Galaadensi regione occupaverat, captus insidiis totum amisit exercitum in vallem altissimam con pulsum, atque obtritum multitudine camelorum. Ipse vero elapsus in Hierosolymam, olim sibi gentem infensam ad no varum rerum motus magnitudine cladis accendit. Fit autem etiam tunc superior, crebrisque praeliis non minus quinqua ginta millibus Judaeorum per sex annos interfecit, nequaquam tamen victoriis laetabatur, quoniam regni sui vires consumeret. Unde armis omissis, sermone placido cum subjectis redire in gratiam conabatur. Illi autem inconstantiam ejus morumque varietatem in tantum oderant, ut percontanti, quonam pacto eos sedare posset : dicerent, si moreretur. nam vix etiam mortuo daturos veniam, qui tam multa scelerate fecisset. simul etiam Demetrii auxilium, cui cognomen Acaero, accer siverunt. qui cum his majorum praemiorum spe facile paru isset, venissetque cum exercitu, miscentur auxiliis ejus Judaei circa Sichimam.

[90] However, when he fought with Obodas, king of the Arabians, who had laid an ambush for him near Golan, and a plot against him, he lost his entire army, which was crowded together in a deep valley, and broken to pieces by the multitude of camels. And when he had made his escape to Jerusalem, he provoked the multitude, which hated him before, to make an insurrection against him, and this on account of the greatness of the calamity that he was under. However, he was then too hard for them; and, in the several battles that were fought on both sides, he slew not fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews in the interval of six years. Yet had he no reason to rejoice in these victories, since he did but consume his own kingdom; till at length he left off fighting, and endeavored to come to a composition with them, by talking with his subjects. But this mutability and irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still more. And when he asked them why they so hated him, and what he should do in order to appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it would be then all they could do to be reconciled to him, who had done such tragical things to them, even when he was dead. At the same time they invited Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, to assist them; and as he readily complied with their requests, in hopes of great advantages, and came with his army, the Jews joined with those their auxiliaries about Shechem.

5. Utrosque tamen Alexander mille quidem equitibus, sex autem peditum mercenariorum millibus excepit, cum haberet rex Judaeis quoque prope ad decem millia bene sibi cupien tium, adversae autem partis essent equitum tria millia, pedi tumque millia quadraginta. Et priusquam veniretur ad manus, intercedentibus nunciis et praeconibus, reges transfugia ten tabant: Demetrius quidem Alexandri mercenarios, Alexander autem Judaeos qui Demetrium sequerentur, obtemperaturos sibi sperantes. Sed cum neque Judaei sacramenta, neque fidem Graeci contemnerent, armis jam comminus decernebant. Superatque praelio Demetrius, quamvis Alexandri mercenarii multa et animose et fortiter gessissent. Eventus autem pugnae praeter spem cedit utrique. nam neque hi qui Deme trium acciverant, in partibus victoris permanserunt: et im mutatae fortunae misericordia, sex Judaeorum millia se ad Alexandrum, qui in montes effugerat, contulerunt. Hujus inclinationis momentum Demetrius ferre non potuit: sed Alexandrum jam quidem collectis viribus praelio sufficere ratus, omnem vero gentem ad eum transire existimans, mox inde digressus est.

[93] Yet did Alexander meet both these forces with one thousand horsemen, and eight thousand mercenaries that were on foot. He had also with him that part of the Jews which favored him, to the number of ten thousand; while the adverse party had three thousand horsemen, and fourteen thousand footmen. Now, before they joined battle, the kings made proclamation, and endeavored to draw off each other's soldiers, and make them revolt; while Demetrius hoped to induce Alexander's mercenaries to leave him, and Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were with Demetrius to leave him. But since neither the Jews would leave off their rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came to an engagement, and to a close fight with their weapons. In which battle Demetrius was the conqueror, although Alexander's mercenaries showed the greatest exploits, both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove different from what was expected, as to both of them; for neither did those that invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him, though he was conqueror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the change of Alexander's condition, when he was fled to the mountains, came over to him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this turn of affairs; but supposing that Alexander was already become a match for him again, and that all the nation would [at length] run to him, he left the country, and went his way.

6. Non tamen reliqua multitudo ob abscessum auxiliorum simultates deposuit: bello autem assiduo tam diu cum Alex andro decertabat, donec plerisque interfectis caeteros in Be meselim civitatem compulit, eaque subacta in Hierosolymam captivos abduxit. Verum immoderata fecit iracundia, ut crudelitas ejus ad impietatem usque procederet. Octingentis enim captivorum in media civitate crucifixis, mulieres earum que filios in conspectu matrum necavit, atque haec potans, et cum suis concubinis recubans, prospectabat. Tantus autem populum terror invasit, ut etiam diversae partis studiosi proxima nocte octo millia hominum extra totam Judaeam profugerent: quorum exilii mors Alexandri finis fuit. Cum ejusmodi factis tandem aegreque regni otium quaesisset, ab armis requievit.

[96] However, the rest of the [Jewish] multitude did not lay aside their quarrels with him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone; but they had a perpetual war with Alexander, until he had slain the greatest part of them, and driven the rest into the city Berneselis; and when he had demolished that city, he carried the captives to Jerusalem. Nay, his rage was grown so extravagant, that his barbarity proceeded to the degree of impiety; for when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon crosses in the midst of the city, he had the throats of their wives and children cut before their eyes; and these executions he saw as he was drinking and lying down with his concubines. Upon which so deep a surprise seized on the people, that eight thousand of his opposers fled away the very next night, out of all Judea, whose flight was only terminated by Alexander's death; so at last, though not till late, and with great difficulty, he, by such actions, procured quiet to his kingdom, and left off fighting any more.

7. Rursus autem fit ei turbarum initium Antiochus, qui etiam Dionysius dictus est, Demetrii quidem frater, sed eorum novissimus, qui Seleucum generis autorem habebant. hunc enim timens qui Arabas parato bello pulsarat, totum quidem super Antipatrida montibus proximum, et inter Ioppes littora spacium, fossa altissima diremit. ante fossam vero murum aedificavit excelsum, turresque ligneas, ut faciles aditus ob strueret, fabricavit : nec tamen Antiochum arcere valuit. Exustis enim turribus fossisque repletis, cum suis copiis transgressus est. Vindictaque posthabita, qua deberet eum a quo prohibitus est ulcisci, protinus contendit in Arabas. Horum autem rex in loca suae nationi commodiora cedens, mox ad pugnam cum equitatu reversus (habebat autem nu merum decem millium) imparatos ex improviso Antiochi nilites invadit. Valido autem praelio commisso, quam diu quidem supererat Antiochus, durabat ejus exercitus, quamvis eum passim Arabes trucidarent. Ubi vero procubuit (suc currendo enim victis semper in periculis aderat) omnes terga dederunt : maximaque pars eorum cum in acie, tum in fuga absumitur. Reliquos autem in vicum Cana delapsos, alimen torum penuria perire contigit, praeter admodum paucos.

[99] Yet did that Antiochus, who was also called Dionysius, become an origin of troubles again. This man was the brother of Demetrius, and the last of the race of the Seleucidse. Alexander was afraid of him, when he was marching against the Arabians; so he cut a deep trench between Antipatris, which was near the mountains, and the shores of Joppa; he also erected a high wall before the trench, and built wooden towers, in order to hinder any sudden approaches. But still he was not able to exclude Antiochus, for he burnt the towers, and filled up the trenches, and marched on with his army. And as he looked upon taking his revenge on Alexander, for endeavoring to stop him, as a thing of less consequence, he marched directly against the Arabians, whose king retired into such parts of the country as were fittest for engaging the enemy, and then on the sudden made his horse turn back, which were in number ten thousand, and fell upon Antiochus's army while they were in disorder, and a terrible battle ensued. Antiochus's troops, so long as he was alive, fought it out, although a mighty slaughter was made among them by the Arabians; but when he fell, for he was in the forefront, in the utmost danger, in rallying his troops, they all gave ground, and the greatest part of his army were destroyed, either in the action or the flight; and for the rest, who fled to the village of Cana, it happened that they were all consumed by want of necessaries, a few only excepted.

8. Hinc Damasceni Ptolemaeo Minnaei filio infensi Aretam sibi sociant : Syriaeque caeles regem constituunt. qui bello illato Judaeae, postquam pugna vicit Alexandrum, pactione discessit. Alexander autem Pella capta Gerasam petivit rursus opum Theodori cupidus : triplicique ambitu circum datis defensoribus, locum expugnavit: necnon et Gaulanem et Seleuciam, et eam quae Antiochi Pharanx dicitur, sub jugum mittit. Ad haec autem capto Gamala castello validis simo, ejusque praefecto Demetrio multis criminibus involuto, in Judaeam regreditur, expleto in militia triennio: laetusque a gentilibus ob res prospere gestas excipitur. Belli autem requiem secutum est morbi principium. Et quoniam quartano febrium recursu fatigabatur, depulsum iri valetudinem cre dens, si rursus animum negotiis occupasset, intempestivae militiae sese dedit: et ultra vires corpus laboribus vexans, inter ipsos tumultus trigesimo et septimo regni anno moritur.

[103] About this time it was that the people of Damascus, out of their hatred to Ptolemy, the son of Menhens, invited Aretas [to take the government], and made him king of Celesyria. This man also made an expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle; but afterwards retired by mutual agreement. But Alexander, when he had taken Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of the covetous desire he had of Theodorus's possessions; and when he had built a triple wall about the garrison, he took the place by force. He also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which, he took the strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was governor therein, of what he had, on account of the many crimes laid to his charge, and then returned into Judea, after he had been three whole years in this expedition. And now he was kindly received of the nation, because of the good success he had. So when he was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper; for he was afflicted with a quartan ague, and supposed that, by exercising himself again in martial affairs, he should get rid of this distemper; but by making such expeditions at unseasonable times, and forcing his body to undergo greater hardships than it was able to bear, he brought himself to his end. He died, therefore, in the midst of his troubles, after he had reigned seven and twenty years.

CAP. V. IDQUE Alexandrae conjugi suae reliquit : Judaeos ejus vel maxime dicto obedientes fore non dubitans: quod longe ab ejus crudelitate discrepans, et iniquitati resistens, benevolen tiam sibi populi comparasset. Neque spes eum fefellit. Nam que opinione pietatis obtinuit muliercula principatum. Quippe quae morem gentis patrium probe norat, et qui sacras leges temerassent ab initio detestabatur. Cum autem duos filios Alexandro genitos haberet, natu quidem maximum Hyrca num, et propter aetatem declarat pontificem, et quod praeterea segnior esset quam ut potestate regia molestus cuiquam vide retur, regem constituit : minorem autem Aristobulum, priva ' tum vivere maluit, quod ferventioris esset ingenii.

[107] NOW Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, and depended upon it that the Jews would now very readily submit to her, because she had been very averse to such cruelty as he had treated them with, and had opposed his violation of their laws, and had thereby got the good-will of the people. Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for this woman kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy laws. And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made Hyrcanus the elder high priest, on account of his age, as also, besides that, on account of his inactive temper, no way disposing him to disturb the public. But she retained the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a private person, by reason of the warmth of his temper.

2. Jungit autem se ejusdem mulieris dominationi quaedam Judaeorum factio, Pharisaei : qui praeter alios pietatem colere putarentur, et peritius leges interpretari : ob eam causam magis eos suspiciebat Alexandra, divinae religioni supersti tiose deserviens. Illi autem paulatim foeminae simplici in sinuati quo suis pro sua libidine summovendo, deponendo, itemque vinciendo, ac solvendo, jam procuratores habebantur: prorsus ut ipsi quidem regiis commodis fruerentur, expensas vero ac difficultates Alexandra perferret. Sed eadem mire callebat res administrare majores: itaque augendis copiis semper intenta, duplicem conflavit exercitum : neque pauca mercenaria paravit auxilia, quibus non modo statum suae gentis roboravit, sed etiam metuendam se reddidit externae potentiae. Imperabat autem aliis, verum Pharisaeis ipsa ultra parebat.

[110] And now the Pharisees joined themselves to her, to assist her in the government. These are a certain sect of the Jews that appear more religious than others, and seem to interpret the laws more accurately. low Alexandrahearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their pleasure; and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra. She was a sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed her.

3. Denique Diogenem quendam insignem virum, qui Alex andro fuerat amicissimus, interficiunt, ejus factum consilio criminati, ut octingenti (quos supra memoravi) regis jussu tollerentur in crucem. nihilominus autem Alexandrae suade bant, ut et alios, quibus autoribus Alexander in eos fuisset concitatus, occideret. Cumque his nimia superstitione nihil abnuendum putaret, quos sibi libuisset ea specie trucidabant, donec optimus quisque periclitantium ad Aristobulum con fugeret. atque ille matri persuasit, ut his propter dignitatem parceret, civitate autem pelleret quos nocentes existimaret. Igitur illi quidem data sibi copia per regionem dispersi sunt. Alexandra vero in Damascum misso exercitu, quoniam Pto lemaeus sine intermissione civitatem premebat, illam quidem nulla re memorabili gesta cepit. Regem autem Armeniorum Tigranem, qui admoto Ptolemaidi milite, Cleopatram circum sedebat, pactionibus donisque solicitat: sed illum domestica rum turbarum metus, ingresso in Armeniam Lucullo, jam dudum inde retraxerat.

[113] Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men [before mentioned.] They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves. But the principal of those that were in danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on account of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she took them to be innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and were dispersed all over the country. But when Alexandra sent out her army to Damascus, under pretense that Ptolemy was always oppressing that city, she got possession of it; nor did it make any considerable resistance. She also prevailed with Tigranes, king of Armenia, who lay with his troops about Ptolemais, and besieged Cleopatra, by agreements and presents, to go away. Accordingly, Tigranes soon arose from the siege, by reason of those domestic tumults which happened upon Lucullus's expedition into Armenia.

4. Inter haec Alexandra morbo laborante, minor ejus filius Aristobulus, cum famulis suis quos multos habebat, omnesque pro aetatis favore fidissimos, universa castella obtinuit : et pecunia quam ibi reperit conductis auxiliis regem se declara vit. Ob haec miserata querelas Hyrcani mater, conjugem Aristobuli cum filiis includit apud castellum quod a Septen trione fano adjacens, Baris antea vocabatur, ut diximus, postea vero Antonia cognominata est, imperante Antonio, quemadmodum de Augusti et Agrippae nomine Sebaste et Agrippias aliae civitates appellatae sunt. Ante tamen Alex andra moritur, quam in Aristobulum fratris ejus Hyrcani contumelias vindicaret : quem dejici regno curaverat, quod ipsa novem annos administravit.

[117] In the mean time, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her younger son, took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of which he had a great many, who were all of them his friends, on account of the warmth of their youth, and got possession of all the fortresses. He also used the sums of money he found in them to get together a number of mercenary soldiers, and made himself king; and besides this, upon Hyrcanus's complaint to his mother, she compassionated his case, and put Aristobulus's wife and sons under restraint in Antonia, which was a fortress that joined to the north part of the temple. It was, as I have already said, of old called the Citadel; but afterwards got the name of Antonia, when Antony was [lord of the East], just as the other cities, Sebaste and Agrippias, had their names changed, and these given them from Sebastus and Agrippa. But Alexandra died before she could punish Aristobulus for his disinheriting his brother, after she had reigned nine years.

CAP. VI. ET haeres quidem omnium fit Hyrcanus, cui regnum etiam viva commiserat. Verum Aristobulus viribus atque autoritate praestabat. Habito autem inter eos circa Hieri chunta de rerum summa conflictu, plerique Hyrcano relicto transeunt ad Aristobulum. Hyrcanus autem cum reliquis fuga pervenit in castellum Antoniam : ibique salutis obsides nactus (erat enim ibi in custodia ut praemisimus, conjunx Aristobuli cum filiis) priusquam gravius aliquid accideret, ea lege in concordiam rediit, ut regnum quidem Aristobulus haberet, ipse vero cederet, quasi frater regis, aliis honoribus contentus. Hoc modo in fano reconciliati, cum in conspectu circumstantis populi benignissime alter alterum complexus esset, domus permutant : et Aristobulus quidem discedit in regiam, Hyrcanus autem in Aristobuli domum.

[120] NOW Hyrcanus was heir to the kingdom, and to him did his mother commit it before she died; but Aristobulus was superior to him in power and magnanimity; and when there was a battle between them, to decide the dispute about the kingdom, near Jericho, the greatest part deserted Hyrcanus, and went over to Aristobulus; but Hyrcanus, with those of his party who staid with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power the hostages that might he for his preservation (which were Aristobulus's wife, with her children); but they came to an agreement before things should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and Hyrcanus should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his dignities, as being the king's brother. Hereupon they were reconciled to each other in the temple, and embraced one another in a very kind manner, while the people stood round about them; they also changed their houses, while Aristobulus went to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus retired to the house of Aristobulus.

2. Metus vero et alios ejus inimicos praeter spem dominantis occupat, et maxime Antipatrum jamdudum Aristobulo in visum. Erat autem genere Idumaeus, et nobilitate ac opibus gentis suae princeps. Is igitur et Hyrcanum ut ad Aretam regem Arabiae confugeret, ejusque auxilio regnum repeteret hortabatur, et ipsi Aretae ut Hyrcanum susciperet atque in reg num deduceret suadebat, multum obtrectans Aristobuli mori bus, multisque Hyrcanum laudibus praedicans. simulque ad monebat quod eum deceret regno clarissimo praesidentem, iniquitate oppressis manum porrigere: Hyrcanum autem in juriam pati, qui principatu jure successionis sibi debito exci disset. Sic instructis et praeparatis ambobus : nocte cum Hyrcano ex civitate profugit : citatoque cursu in oppidum quod Petra dicitur salvus evasit : ea est Arabiae regio. Ibi postquam Hyrcanum in manum regis Aretae tradidit, multis dictis multisque muneribus ut Auxilium praeberet, quo in regnum deduceretur, effecit. Erant autem peditum equi tumque millia L.. quibus nequaquam restitit Aristobulus : sed primo impetu superatus, in Hierosolyma fugere cogitur : atque omnino captus esset, nisi dux Romanorum Scaurus adversis horum temporibus imminens solvisset obsidionem. namque is ex Armenia quidem in Syriam missus erat a Pompeio Magno qui cum Tigrane bellum gerebat. Sed ubi Damascum venit, recens a Metello et Lollio captam reperit: his inde submotis, cognitoque in Judaea quid ageretur, illuc velut ad quaestum cucurrit.

[123] Now those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this concerned Antipater whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: he also persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus, and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a filing it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his assistance to such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by the prerogative of his birth. And when he had predisposed them both to do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from the city, and, continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia, where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas's hand; and by discoursing much with him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem; he also had been taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty.

3. Denique mox ut fines ingressus est, Judaeorum legati ad eum veniunt a fratribus utrisque, ut sibi potius adjumento essent orantibus. Sed trecentis talentis quae Aristobulus ei miserat, justitia posthabita est. Tot enim acceptis Scaurus ad Hyrcanum et Arabes legatos misit Romanorum, eis Pom peii nomen intentans, nisi ab obsidione desisterent. Itaque et Areta ex Judaea in Philadelphiam recedit metu perculsus, et Scaurus Damascum redit. Aristobulus autem quod captus non esset, satis sibi esse non credidit : sed omnibus quas haberet copiis collectis, persequebatur hostes: et circa locum quem Papyrona vocant praelio commisso, supra sex eorum millia caedit : in quibus erat et Cephalon frater Antipatri.

[128] As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there came ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his assistance; but Aristobulus's three hundred talents had more weight with him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with the resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise the siege. So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return to Damascus again; nor was Aristobulus satisfied with escaping [out of his brother's hands,] but gathered all his forces together, and pursued his enemies, and fought them at a place called Papyron, and slew about six thousand of them, and, together with them Antipater's brother Phalion.

4. Hyrcanus vero et Antipater Arabum privati auxilio, spem in adversarios transtulerunt. et cum Pompeius Syriam ingressus Damascum pervenisset, ad ipsum confugiunt. mul tisque muneribus ei datis, eadem illa quibus ad Aretam usi fuerant allegantes, magnopere precabantur ut Aristobuli vio lentia damnata, regno Hyrcanum restitueret, cui tam aetate quam moribus deberetur. sed nec Aristobulus sibi defuit, corruptione Scauri fretus. Venerat autem quantum potuit ormatus cultu regio: deinde offensus obsequiis, neque feren dum existimans abjectius quam regem deceret utilitati servire, a Diospoli regrediebatur.

[131] When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes from the Arabians, they transferred the same to their adversaries; and because Pompey had passed through Syria, and was come to Damascus, they fled to him for assistance; and, without any bribes, they made the same equitable pleas that they had used to Aretas, and besought him to hate the violent behavior of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom on him to whom it justly belonged, both on account of his good character and on account of his superiority in age. However, neither was Aristobulus wanting to himself in this case, as relying on the bribes that Scaurus had received: he was also there himself, and adorned himself after a manner the most agreeable to royalty that he was able. But he soon thought it beneath him to come in such a servile manner, and could not endure to serve his own ends in a way so much more abject than he was used to; so he departed from Diospolis.

5. Ob hoc iratus Pompeius, etiam Hyrcano ejusque sociis hoc precantibus, Aristobulum petit, et Romano simul exer citu et Syrorum instructus auxiliis. Cum vero Pellam et Scythopolim praetergressus Coreas venisset, unde Judaeorum fines incipiunt per mediterranea loca subeuntibus, cognito Aristobulum in Alexandrium confugisse (castellum est mag nifice structum, in monte praecelso situm) mittit per quos eum juberet inde descendere. Ille autem decreverat, quia pro imperio vocaretur periclitari potius quam parere. sed populum videbat horrescere : et amici monebant ut Romanam vim cogitaret, quam sustinere non posset. Itaque horum consiliis obediens, descendit ad Pompeium : quodque juste regnaret, multis pro se dictis im castellum rediit. et cum iterum descendisset provocatus a fratre, ac de suo jure cum eo disceptasset, denuo regreditur non prohibente Pompeio. Erat autem inter spem timoremque medius : et veniebat quidem velut exoraturus Pompeium, ut sibi cuncta permitte ret, ad montem vero revertebatur, ue quid regiae dignitati derogare videretur. quia tamen castellis eum Pompeio cedere placebat, hisque praepositos monere literis ut decederent, qui bus praeceperat ut non nisi manu sua scriptis epistolis obtem perarent: jussa quidem facit : sed in Hierosolymam cum indignatione discessit: belloque jam congredi cum Pompeio cogitabat.

[133] At this his behavior Pompey had great indignation; Hyrcanus also and his friends made great intercessions to Pompey; so he took not only his Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against Aristobulus. But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis, and was come to Corea, where you enter into the country of Judea, when you go up to it through the Mediterranean parts, he heard that Aristobulus was fled to Alexandrium, which is a strong hold fortified with the utmost magnificence, and situated upon a high mountain; and he sent to him, and commanded him to come down. Now his inclination was to try his fortune in a battle, since he was called in such an imperious manner, rather than to comply with that call. However, he saw the multitude were in great fear, and his friends exhorted him to consider what the power of the Romans was, and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their advice, and came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long apology for himself, and for the justness of his cause in taking the government, he returned to the fortress. And when his brother invited him again [to plead his cause], he came down and spake about the justice of it, and then went away without any hinderance from Pompey; so he was between hope and fear. And when he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to allow him the government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel, it was that he might not appear to debase himself too low. However, Pompey commanded him to give up his fortified places, and forced him to write to every one of their governors to yield them up; they having had this charge given them, to obey no letters but what were of his own hand-writing. Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do; but had still an indignation at what was done, and retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to fight with Pompey.

6. Ille autem, nec enim tempus apparatui dandum putavit, statim eum insequitur. multum quippe alacritati ejus addide rat, circa Hierichuntem Mithridatis mors nunciata. Ubi pinguissima Judaeae regio, et palmarum plurimum ac balsa mum nutrit : cujus inciso lapidibus acutis robore stillantem lacrymam ex vulneribus colligunt. Cumque illic pernoctasset, mane in Hierosolymam properabat. Itaque hoc ejus impetu perterritus Aristobulus : supplex occurrit, pecuniamque pol licitus, quodque semetipsum ei cum civitate permitteret, Pompeium mitigat saevientem. Nec tamen quicquam eorum quae promisit effectum est. Gabinium enim qui ad suscipien dam pecuniam missus fuerat, ne in oppidum quidem Aristo buli socii receperunt.

[138] But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations [for a siege], but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which bears a vast number of palm trees besides the balsam tree, whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice, which drops down like tears. So Pompey pitched his camp in that place one night, and then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but Aristobulus was so aftrighted at his approach, that he came and met him by way of supplication. He also promised him money, and that he would deliver up both himself and the city into his disposal, and thereby mitigated the anger of Pompey. Yet did not he perform any of the conditions he had agreed to; for Aristobulus's party would not so much as admit Gabinius into the city, who was sent to receive the money that he had promised.

CAP. VII. HIS commotus Pompeius, Aristobulum in custodiam collocat: ad civitatem vero profectus, explorabat qua ex parte facilior esset accessus. nam et murorum ejus firmitatem oppugnari posse facile non videbat: vallemque pro moenibus horribilem, fanumque illic cernebat proximum, adeo tutissima munitione circumdatum, ut etiam si civitas caperetur, secun dum esset hostibus in eo refugium.

[141] At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus into custody. And when he was come to the city, he looked about where he might make his attack; for he saw the walls were so firm, that it would be hard to overcome them; and that the valley before the walls was terrible; and that the temple, which was within that valley, was itself encompassed with a very strong wall, insomuch that if the city were taken, that temple would be a second place of refuge for the enemy to retire to.

2. Hoc autem diu quid faceret haesitante, seditio intra civitatem orta est: Aristobuli quidem sociis bellum geri potius regemque liberari dignum esse censentibus : qui vero cum Hyrcano sentirent, Pompeio portas aperiri. Metus autem hos plures faciebat, Romanorum constantiam repu tantes. Denique victa pars Aristobuli concessit in templum : et ponte qui ab eo civitati jungebatur abscisso, ut ad ultimum usque resisteret, instruebatur. Cum autem alii Romanos recepissent in civitatem, hisque domum regiam tradidissent, ad hanc obtinendam Pompeius unum e ducibus suis Pisonem cum militibus intromittit. Hisque praesidiis in civitate dis positis, quia nemini eorum qui in templum confugerant, pacem persuadere poterat, omnia quae circum erant, oppu gnationi parabat: Hyrcano ejusque amicis ad consilia con ferenda, et ad efficienda quae juberet alacriter animatis.

[142] Now as be was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus's party being willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were in occasioned these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked upon the excellent order the Roman soldiers were in. So Aristobulus's party was worsted, and retired into the temple, and cut off the communication between the temple and the city, by breaking down the bridge that joined them together, and prepared to make an opposition to the utmost; but as the others had received the Romans into the city, and had delivered up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his great officers, into that palace with an army, who distributed a garrison about the city, because he could not persuade any one of those that had fled to the temple to come to terms of accommodation; he then disposed all things that were round about them so as might favor their attacks, as having Hyrcanus's party very ready to afford them both counsel and assistance.

3. Ipse vero ad partes septentrionales fossamque vallemque replebat omni genere materiae per nmilites comportato, cum per se opus esset difficillimum, propter immensam altitudi nem, et praeterea Judaei modis omnibus desuper obsisterent, mansissetque labor imperfectus, nisi Pompeius observatis diebus septimis, quibus Judaeos religio ab omni opere manus abstinere compellit, per eos aggerem cumulare praecepisset inhibitis a praelio militibus. Pro solo enim corpore Judaeis etiam per sabbata pugnare licet. Igitur jam valle repleta, et impositis aggeri turribus, admotisque machinis Tyro allatis, moenia tentabat. Desuper obstantes lapidibus repellebantur, cum diu turres obsidentium magnitudine simul et pulchritu dine praestantes, vim repugnantium sustinerent.

[145] But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was oil the north side of the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being obliged to carry the materials for that purpose. And indeed it was a hard thing to fill up that valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as the Jews used all the means possible to repel them from their superior situation; nor had the Romans succeeded in their endeavors, had not Pompey taken notice of the seventh days, on which the Jews abstain from all sorts of work on a religious account, and raised his bank, but restrained his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews only acted defensively on sabbath days. But as soon as Pompey had filled up the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank, and brought those engines which they had fetched from Tyre near to the wall, and tried to batter it down; and the slingers of stones beat off those that stood above them, and drove them away; but the towers on this side of the city made very great resistance, and were indeed extraordinary both for largeness and magnificence.

4. Verumtamen Romanis tunc plurimum defatigatis, Pom peius Judaeorum tolerantiam et in aliis admiratus est: et praecipue, quod nihil ceremoniarum inter media tela versantes intermiserunt. sed velut in alta pace civitas ageret, quotidie sacrificia et victimas omnemque Dei cultum diligentissime celebrarunt, nec vel in ipso excidio, cum ad aram in dies singulos trucidarentur, legitimis religionis suae muneribus ab stinuerunt. Mense igitur obsidionis tertio vix una turre dejecta, in fanum irruptum est. Primus autem murum trans cendere ausus est Syllae filius Faustus Cornelius. et post eum centuriones duo Furius et Fabius cum suis cohortibus. et circumsepto undique fano, alios alio confugientes vel etiam paulisper repugnantes interficiunt.

[148] Now here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other instances of the Jews' fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications, and every branch of their religious worship, was still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed when the temple was actually taken, and they were every day slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their Divine worship that were appointed by their law; for it was in the third month of the siege before the Romans could even with great difficulty overthrow one of the towers, and get into the temple. Now he that first of all ventured to get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius the son of Sylla; and next after him were two centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every one of these was followed by a cohort of his own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides, and slew them, some of them as they were running for shelter to the temple, and others as they, for a while, fought in their own defense.

5. Ubi plurimi sacerdotum, quanquam hostes strictis gladiis irruentes videbant, intrepidi tamen in peragendis rebus divinis perseverabant : et in ipso libandi templumque adolendi min isterio mactabantur, saluti quoque praeferentes religionis ob sequium. Multos autem sui gentiles adversae partis studiosi trucidabant, plurimi sese in rupes praecipitabant. nonnulli furibundi cunctis quae circa murum erant in desperatione succensis, pariter conflagrabant. Itaque Judaeorum quidem millia duodecim occubuerunt: Romanorum vero perpauci, sed plures sauciati sunt.

[150] And now did many of the priests, even when they saw their enemies assailing them with swords in their hands, without any disturbance, go on with their Divine worship, and were slain while they were offering their drink-offerings, and burning their incense, as preferring the duties about their worship to God before their own preservation. The greatest part of them were slain by their own countrymen, of the adverse faction, and an innumerable multitude threw themselves down precipices; nay, some there were who were so distracted among the insuperable difficulties they were under, that they set fire to the buildings that were near to the wall, and were burnt together with them. Now of the Jews were slain twelve thousand; but of the Romans very few were slain, but a greater number was wounded.

6. Nihil autem gravius in illa clade Judaeorum genti visum, quam sanctum illud arcanum, neque cuiquam prius visum alienis esse detectum. Denique Pompeius una cum suis comitibus in templum ingressus, ubi neminem praeter ponti ficem adesse fas erat, quae intus erant candelabra cum lychnis et mensis in quibus libare atque adolere moris est, et vas cula ex auro cuncta spectavit : congestamque pigmentorum molem, sacraeque pecuniae ad duo millia talentorum. Nec tamen vel haec vel aliud quicquam de sacrosanctis opibus sive instrumentis attigit : sed postero die post excidium purgare templumf… aedituos jussit, et solennia sacra celebrare. Ipse autem Hyrcanum pontificem declaravit : quod se et in aliis rebus alacrem obsidionis tempore praebuisset, promptam que ad bellum agrestium multitudinem ab Aristobulo revo casset: per quae sicut imperatorem bonum decuit, benevo lentia potius quam timore plebem sibi conciliavit. Inter captivos etiam comprehensus Aristobuli socer idemque pa truus tenebatur: et illos quidem qui maxime belli causa fuissent, securi percussit. Faustum vero et qui una fortiter operam navaverant, praeclaris praemiis donat : et Hierosoly mis tributum indicit.

[152] But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. Now, among the Captives, Aristobulus's father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollatlon; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself.

7. Ablatas autem genti etiam quas in Coelesyria ceperant civitates, Romano qui tunc erat praesidi parere jussit, pro priisque tantum finibus circumclusit. Instauravit autem in gratiam cujusdam ex libertis suis Demetrii Gadarensis, etiam Gadaram, quam Judaei subverterant. Mediterraneas praeterea civitates ab eorum imperio liberavit, quas praeventi non ex ciderant, Hippon, et Scythopolim, et Pellam, et Samariam, et Marisam : itemque Azotum, et Jamniam, et Aretusam : necnon et maritimas, Gazam, et Joppen, et Doram, et quae pridem Stratonis pyrgus vocabatur, post autem ab Herode rege clarissimis aedificiis transformata, Caesarea nominata est: easque omnes indigenis civibus redditas provinciae Syriae conjunxit. Hujus autem et Judaeae, cunctorumque adminis tratione ad AEgypti usque fines ad flumen Euphratem cum duabus legionibus Scauro permissa : Romam ipse per Ciliciam properavit, captivum ducens Aristobulum cum familia. Erant autem filiae duae, totidemque filii : quorum unus Alexander ex itinere fugit, minor autem Antigonus cum sororibus Ro mam vectus est.

[155] He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject to him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president there; and reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara, that had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius, who was of Gadara, and was one of his own freed-men. He also made other cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country, such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, andScythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato's Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Cesarea, by king Herod. All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his captives. They were two daughters and two sons; the one of which sons, Alexander, ran away as he was going; but the younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were carried to Rome.

CAP. VIII. INTEREA Scaurus in Arabiam ingressus, ad Petram qui dem regionum asperitate prohibebatur accedere : quae autem circum erant, omnia vastabat, multis et in hoc malis afflictus. nam exercitum fames premebat : cui tamen Hyrcanus per Antipatrum victui necessaria suppeditabat. quem velut Aretae familiarem etiam Scaurus ad eum legavit, ut bellum pactione deponeret. Itaque persuasum est Arabi, ut ccc. talenta daret: atque ita Scaurus ex Arabia transduxit exercitum.

[159] IN the mean time, Scaurus made an expedition into Arabia, but was stopped by the difficulty of the places about Petra. However, he laid waste the country about Pella, though even there he was under great hardship; for his army was afflicted with famine. In order to supply which want, Hyrcanus afforded him some assistance, and sent him provisions by the means of Antipater; whom also Scaurus sent to Aretas, as one well acquainted with him, to induce him to pay him money to buy his peace. The king of Arabia complied with the proposal, and gave him three hundred talents; upon which Scaurus drew his army out of Arabia

2. Alexander autem Aristobuli filius, quâ Pompeium fuge rat, magna manu medio tempore congregata, Hyrcano gravis imminebat, Judaeamque depopulabatur. quem quidem mature debellare posse credebat : quoniam disturbatum quoque a Pompeio murum Hierosolymis renovatum esse confidebat : nisi Gabinius in Syriam missus, qui Scauro successerat, quum in aliis fortem se praebuisset, tum etiam in Alexandrum movisset exercitum. Hujus autem ille impetum veritus, et ampliorem militum manum congregabat: donec facta sunt decem millia peditum, et mille quingenti equites : locaque opportuna muris, hoc est, Alexandrium et Hyrcanium, et Machaerunta non longe ab Arabiae montibus, muniebat.

[160] But as for Alexander, that son of Aristobulus who ran away from Pompey, in some time he got a considerable band of men together, and lay heavy upon Hyrcanus, and overran Judea, and was likely to overturn him quickly; and indeed he had come to Jerusalem, and had ventured to rebuild its wall that was thrown down by Pompey, had not Gabinius, who was sent as successor to Scaurus into Syria, showed his bravery, as in many other points, so in making an expedition against Alexander; who, as he was afraid that he would attack him, so he got together a large army, composed of ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen. He also built walls about proper places; Alexandrium, and Hyrcanium, and Machorus, that lay upon the mountains of Arabia.

3. Igitur Gabinius cum parte copiarum praemisso M. An tonio, ipse cum toto exercitu sequebatur. Lecti autem Antipatri comites, aliaque Judaeorum multitudo, quorum Ma lichus et Pitholaus principes erant : junctis cum M. Antonio viribus suis, Alexandro obviam processerunt: neque ita multo post aderat cum suis copiis Gabinius. Alexander autem, quod tum in unum confertam hostium multitudinem sustinere non poterat, abscessit. Cumque Hierosolymis appropin quasset, coactus praelio decertavit : amissisque sex millibus, quorum tria viva capta sunt, tria vero prostrata, cum reliquis effugit.

[162] However, Gabinius sent before him Marcus Antonius, and followed himself with his whole army; but for the select body of soldiers that were about Antipater, and another body of Jews under the command of Malichus and Pitholaus, these joined themselves to those captains that were about Marcus Antonius, and met Alexander; to which body came Oabinius with his main army soon afterward; and as Alexander was not able to sustain the charge of the enemies' forces, now they were joined, he retired. But when he was come near to Jerusalem, he was forced to fight, and lost six thousand men in the battle; three thousand of which fell down dead, and three thousand were taken alive; so he fled with the remainder to Alexandrium.

4. Gabinius autem ubi Alexandrium castellum venit, quia multos deseruisse castra cognovit, promissa delictorum venia conabatur eos ante praelium sibi conjungere. Cum autem illi nihil mediocre cogitarent, plerisque interfectis, reliquos in castellum concludit. In hoc praelio dux M. Antonius multa praeclare gessit : et quamvis semper et ubique vir fortis apparuisset, tamen nunc etiam suum vicit exemplum : Gabi nius autem relictis, qui castellum expugnarent, ipse civitates adire, et intactas quidem confirmare, subversas autem eri gere curabat. denique jussu ejus et Scythopolis habitari coepit, et Samaria, et Anthedon, et Apollonia, et Jamnia, et Raphia, et Marisa, et Dora, et Gadara, et Azotus, aliaeque multae, laetis civibus atque incolis ad eas concurrentibus.

[164] Now when Gabinius was come to Alexandrium, because he found a great many there en-camped, he tried, by promising them pardon for their former offenses, to induce them to come over to him before it came to a fight; but when they would hearken to no terms of accommodation, he slew a great number of them, and shut up a great number of them in the citadel. Now Marcus Antonius, their leader, signalized himself in this battle, who, as he always showed great courage, so did he never show it so much as now; but Gabinius, leaving forces to take the citadel, went away himself, and settled the cities that had not been demolished, and rebuilt those that had been destroyed. Accordingly, upon his injunctions, the following cities were restored: Scythopolis, and Samaria, and Anthedon, and Apollonia, and Jamnia, and Raphia, and Mariassa, and Adoreus, and Gamala, and Ashdod, and many others; while a great number of men readily ran to each of them, and became their inhabitants.

5. His autem recte dispositis regressus Alexandrium, ve hementius urgebat obsidium. Qua re territus Alexander, omnibus desperatis legatos ad eum misit, et ignosci delictis orans, et quae sibi parerent castella Machaerunta et Hyrca nium tradere non dubitans : quinetiam Alexandrium ejusdem potestati permisit. Quae quidem Gabinius omnia consilio matris Alexandri funditus eruit, ne rursus belli alterius re ceptaculum fierent. Aderat autem, quo suis Gabinium pal paret obsequiis, viro suo caeterisque captivis metuens, qui Romam fuerant abducti. Post haec ergo Gabinius Hyrcano Hierosolymam deducto, eique fani cura mandata, caeteris rei publicae partibus optimates praefecit : omnemque Judaeorum gentem in conventus quinque divisit : uno Hierosolymis, altero Doris, itemque tertio ut apud Amathunta respondeat, destinatis, quarto Hierico, et quinto Sephoris Galilaeae civitas attributa est. Singulari autem unius dominatione Judaei liberati, libenter ab optimatibus regebantur.

[167] When Gabinius had taken care of these cities, he returned to Alexandrium, and pressed on the siege. So when Alexander despaired of ever obtaining the government, he sent ambassadors to him, and prayed him to forgive what he had offended him in, and gave up to him the remaining fortresses, Hyrcanium and Macherus, as he put Alexandrium into his hands afterwards; all which Gabinius demolished, at the persuasion of Alexander's mother, that they might not be receptacles of men in a second war. She was now there in order to mollify Gabinius, out of her concern for her relations that were captives at Rome, which were her husband and her other children. After this Gabinius brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; but ordained the other political government to be by an aristocracy. He also parted the whole nation into five conventions, assigning one portion to Jerusalem, another to Gadara, that another should belong to Amathus, a fourth to Jericho, and to the fifth division was allotted Sepphoris, a city of Galilee. So the people were glad to be thus freed from monarchical government, and were governed for the future by all aristocracy.

6. Veruntamen non multo post evenit, ut turbarum his fieret initium elapsus Roma Aristobulus : qui magna iterum Judaeorum manu conflata partim cupida mutationis, partim quibus olim dilectus erat, primum occupat Alexandrium : idque recingere muro tentabat. Deinde cognito quod Gabi nius Sisennam et Antonium et Servilium duces contra se cum exercitu misit, in Machaerunta concedit, vulgique im bellis onere deposito, solos armatos prope ad octo millia militum secum duxit : inter quos et Pitholaus erat secunda rum partium rector cum mille viris ex Hierosolymis profugus. Romani autem sequebantur, habitoque conflictu, aliquamdiu cum suis Aristobulus fortiter dimicando perseverabat, donec vi Romanorum subacti, caesa sunt virorum v. M. prope vero ad duo millia in quendam tumulum confugerunt. caeterique mille cum Aristobulo, perrupta Romanorum acie, in Machae runta coacti sunt. Ubi rex cum in ruinis prima vespera tetendisset, sperabat quidem aliam se manum per inducias belli posse contrahere, castellumque bene munire. Imperium autem Romanorum supra quam poterat, per biduum remora tus, postremo capitur, et cum Antigonio filio, qui Romae secum fuerat vinctus, ad Gabinium atque inde Romam per ductus est. Sed illum quidem senatus carceri inclusit. filios autem ejus in Judaeam transmisit, quia Gabinius scripserat per epistolas, id pro traditione castellorum conjugi Aristobuli spopondisse.

[171] Yet did Aristobulus afford another foundation for new disturbances. He fled away from Rome, and got together again many of the Jews that were desirous of a change, such as had borne an affection to him of old; and when he had taken Alexandrium in the first place, he attempted to build a wall about it; but as soon as Gabinius had sent an army against him under Siscuria, and Antonius, and Servilius, he was aware of it, and retreated to Macherus. And as for the unprofitable multitude, he dismissed them, and only marched on with those that were armed, being to the number of eight thousand, among whom was Pitholaus, who had been the lieutenant at Jerusalem, but deserted to Aristobulus with a thousand of his men; so the Romans followed him, and when it came to a battle, Aristobulus's party for a long time fought courageously; but at length they were overborne by the Romans, and of them five thousand fell down dead, and about two thousand fled to a certain little hill, but the thousand that remained with Aristobulus brake through the Roman army, and marched together to Macherus; and when the king had lodged the first night upon its ruins, he was in hopes of raising another army, if the war would but cease a while; accordingly, he fortified that strong hold, though it was done after a poor manner. But the Romans falling upon him, he resisted, even beyond his abilities, for two days, and then was taken, and brought a prisoner to Gabinius, with Antigonus his son, who had fled away together with him from Rome; and from Gabinius he was carried to Rome again. Wherefore the senate put him under confinement, but returned his children back to Judea, because Gabinius informed them by letters that he had promised Aristobulus's mother to do so, for her delivering the fortresses up to him.

7. Parato autem Gabinio bellum Parthis inferre, Ptole meus impedimento fuit. Qui reversus ab Euphrate, petebat AEgyptum, Hyrcano et Antipatro amicis usus ad omnia, quae militiae necessitas exigebat. nam et pecuniis et armis eum et frumento Antipater et auxiliis adjuvit. Et Judaeis in ea parte vias, quae Pelusium ducerent, observantibus, transmittere Ga binium persuasit: alia vero Syria discessu Gabinii commota, et Judaeos iterum Alexander Aristobuli filius ad defectionem reduxit : et maxima multitudine conflata, Romanos omnes, qui per eam terram degerent obtruncare decreverat. Quam rem Gabinius metuens (jam enim ex AEgypto redierat) hoc tumultu instante, nonnullis dissidentium praemisso Antipatro concordiam persuasit. Cum Alexandro autem millia triginta remanserant, et ille ad bellum promptus erat. Itaque ad pugnam egreditur. Occurrunt autem Judaei, et circa montem Itaburium congressi, decem millia sternuntur: caeteram vero multitudinem fuga dispersit. Et Gabinius ad Hierosolymam reversus (id enim Antipater voluit) rempublicam ejus com posuit: deinde hinc profectus, Nabathaeos pugna superat, et Mithridatem et Orsanem a Parthis perfugas clam dimittit : eosque militibus aufugisse dixit.

[175] But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide every thing that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let them pass. But now, upon Gabinius's absence, the other part of Syria was in motion, and Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, brought the Jews to revolt again. Accordingly, he got together a very great army, and set about killing all the Romans that were in the country; hereupon Gabinius was afraid, (for he was come back already out of Egypt, and obliged to come back quickly by these tumults,) and sent Antipater, who prevailed with some of the revolters to be quiet. However, thirty thousand still continued with Alexander, who was himself eager to fight also; accordingly, Gabinius went out to fight, when the Jews met him; and as the battle was fought near Mount Tabor, ten thousand of them were slain, and the rest of the multitude dispersed themselves, and fled away. So Gabinius came to Jerusalem, and settled the government as Antipater would have it; thence he marched, and fought and beat the Nabateans: as for Mithridates and Orsanes, who fled out of Parthin, he sent them away privately, but gave it out among the soldiers that they had run away.

8. Interea Crassus ei successor datus Syriam suscepit. Is in Parthicae militiae sumptum, et omne aliud aurum templi quod Hierosolymis erat, abstulit, et a quibus Pompeius tem peraverat, duo millia talentorum. Euphratem vero trans gressus et ipse perit et exercitus ejus : de quibus non est hujus temporis commemorare.

[179] In the mean time, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more largely].

9. Post Crassum autem Parthos in Syriam properantes irrnere Cassius inhibuit, receptus in provinciam. Ejus autem favore quaesito, in Judaeam festinabat : captisque Tarichaeis, prope ad tria millia Judaeorum abducit in servitium. Occidit autem etiam Pitholaum, seditiosos Aristobuli colligentem, cujus necis suasor erat Antipater. Huic autem nupta fuit ex Arabia nobilis foemina nomine Cypris: unde filios quatuor, Phasaëlum, et regem Herodem, et Josephum, et Pheroram, et Salomen filiam habebat. Cum autem omnium, qui ubique potentes essent, amicitiam hospitiis familiaritateque conqui reret, praecipue regem Arabum per affinitatem sibi sociavit: ejusque fidei commendans filios suos ad eum misit: quoniam bellum cum Aristobulo gerendum susceperat. Cassius autem compulso ad otium per conditiones Alexandro, ad Euphratem reversus est, Parthos transitu prohibiturus, de quibus alio loco referemus.

[180] But now Cassius, after Crassus, put a stop to the Parthians, who were marching in order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into that province, and when he had taken possession of the same, he made a hasty march into Judea; and, upon his taking Taricheae, he carried thirty thousand Jews into slavery. He also slew Pitholaus, who had supported the seditious followers of Aristobulus; and it was Antipater who advised him so to do. Now this Antipater married a wife of an eminent family among the Arabisus, whose name was Cypros, and had four sons born to him by her, Phasaelus and Herod, who was afterwards king, and, besides these, Joseph and Pheroras; and he had a daughter whose name was Salome. Now as he made himself friends among the men of power every where, by the kind offices he did them, and the hospitable manner that he treated them; so did he contract the greatest friendship with the king of Arabia, by marrying his relation; insomuch that when he made war with Aristobulus, he sent and intrusted his children with him. So when Cassius had forced Alexander to come to terms and to be quiet, he returned to Euphrates, in order to prevent the Parthians from repassing it; concerning which matter we shall speak elsewhere.

CAP. IX. CAESAR autem post senatus et Pompeii fugam trans mare Ionium, rebus omnibus Romaque potitus, solutum vinculis Aristobulum cum duabus cohortibus velociter ad Syriam misit, et hanc facillime et cuncta Judaeae proxima per illum subjici posse ratus ; verum et spem Caesaris, et Aristobuli alacritatem praevenit invidia. Nam veneno peremptus a Pom peii studiosis, aliquandiu etiam sepultura in solo patrio care bat, corpusque mortui servabatur melle conditum, donec ab Antonio Judaeis missum est in monumentis regalibus sepeli endum.

[183] NOW, upon the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond the Ionian Sea, Caesar got Rome and the empire under his power, and released Aristobulus from his bonds. He also committed two legions to him, and sent him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his means he should easily conquer that country, and the parts adjoining to Judea. But envy prevented any effect of Aristobulus's alacrity, and the hopes of Caesar; for he was taken off by poison given him by those of Pompey's party; and, for a long while, he had not so much as a burial vouchsafed him in his own country; but his dead body lay [above ground], preserved in honey, until it was sent to the Jews by Antony, in order to be buried in the royal sepulchers.

2. Occiditur autem Alexander quoque filius ejus, a Scipione securi percussus Antiochiae, secundum Pompeii literas, accu satione ejus pro tribunali prius habita super his, quae in Romanos admiserat. Ptolemaeus autem Minnaei filius, qui Chalcidem sub Libano tenebat, captis ejus fratribus, filium suum Philippionem, qui eos arcesseret, mittit Ascalonem : atque ille abstractum ab Aristobuli conjuge Antigonum, ejus que sorores adducit ad patrem. Amore autem captus, mino rem earum conjugio sibi copulat, ob eamque postea causam a patre occiditur. Accepit enim Ptolemaeus in matrimonium Alexandram perempto filio: hujusque affinitatis gratia fratres ejus propensiore cura tuebatur.

[185] His son Alexander also was beheaded by Sci-pio at Antioch, and that by the command of Pompey, and upon an accusation laid against him before his tribunal, for the mischiefs he had done to the Romans. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was then ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took his brethren to him by sending his son Philippio for them to Ascalon, who took Antigonus, as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus's wife, and brought them to his father; and falling in love with the younger daughter, he married her, and was afterwards slain by his father on her account; for Ptolemy himself, after he had slain his son, married her, whose name was Alexandra; on the account of which marriage he took the greater care of her brother and sister.

3. Antipater autem Pompeio mortuo in clientelam Caesaris se contulit, et quia Mithridates Pergamenus ab accessu Pe lusii prohibitus, cum exercitu quem ducebat in AEgyptum, apud Ascalonem morabatur, non solum Arabas, quamvis hospes esset, auxilium ferre persuasit: verum et ipse armata Judaeorum tria circiter millia secun movit. Excitavit autem praesidio Syriae quoque potentes, et incolam Libani Ptole maeum, et Iamblichum, et Ptolemaeum alterum, quorum gratia civitates illius regionis alacri animo bellum pariter inchoarunt. Jamque fretus Mithridates auctis propter Anti patrum copiis, Pelusium proficiscitur. Et quia transire veta retur, civitatem obsidebat: Antipater vero in hac oppugna tione clarius enituit. Effracto enim ex parte sua muro, primus in civitatem cum suis insiluit.

[187] Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Asealon, he persuaded the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three thousand armed men. He also encouraged the men of power in Syria to come to his assistance, as also of the inhabitants of Libanus, Ptolemy, and Jamblicus, and another Ptolemy; by which means the cities of that country came readily into this war; insomuch that Mithridates ventured now, in dependence upon the additional strength that he had gotten by Antipater, to march forward to Pelusium; and when they refused him a passage through it, he besieged the city; in the attack of which place Antipater principally signalized himself, for he brought down that part of the wall which was over against him, and leaped first of all into the city, with the men that were about him.

4. Et Pelusium quidem captum est: ulterius autem eos progredi non sinebant Judaei AEgyptii, terrarum incolae, quae appellantur Oniae. Quibus tamen Antipater non modo ne obstarent, verumetiam, ut victui necessaria praeberent militi, persuasit. Unde factum est, ut nec Memphitae ad manus venirent, ultroque sese traderent Mithridati, atque ille Delta jam peragrato pugnam cum caeteris commisit AEgyptiis, in loco cui nomen est Judaeorum Castra : eumque in acie omni dextro cornu liberavit Antipater, circumgressus fluminis ri pam. Laevum enim cornu contra se positum superabat. Facto autem in eos impetu qui Mithridatem persequerentur, multos occidit : tamque diu reliquos fugientes agebat, donec etiam castris eorum potitus est, octoginta tantum de suorum nu mero amissis. Octingentos autem fere Mithridates cum fugeret perdidit. Praeter spem vero servatus ex praelio, vacuus invi dia testis rerum ab Antipatro gestarum fuit apud Caesarem.

[190] Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of Onias stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to stop them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their own accord joined Mithridates. Whereupon he went round about Delta, and fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Jews' Camp; nay, when he was in danger in the battle with all his right wing, Antipater wheeled about, and came along the bank of the river to him; for he had beaten those that opposed him as he led the left wing. After which success he fell upon those that pursued Mithridates, and slew a great many of them, and pursued the remainder so far that he took their camp, while he lost no more than fourscore of his own men; as Mithridates lost, during the pursuit that was made after him, about eight hundred. He was also himself saved unexpectedly, and became an unreproachable witness to Caesar of the great actions of Antipater.

5. Unde ille tunc quidem Antipatrum spe et laudibus inci tatum ad subeunda pro se pericula reddidit promptiorem. In quibus omnibus bellator audacissimus comprobatus est, mul taque perpessus vulnera, toto corpore gerebat signa virtutis. Post autem quando rebus in AEgypto compositis, ad Syriam rediit, et Romana eum civitate simul et immunitate donavit: aliisque rebus honorando, amicissimeque tractando, dignum aemulatione reddidit : ejusdemque gratia etiam pontificatum confirmavit Hyrcano.

[193] Whereupon Caesar encouraged Antipater to undertake other hazardous enterprises for him, and that by giving him great commendations and hopes of reward. In all which enterprises he readily exposed himself to many dangers, and became a most courageous warrior; and had many wounds almost all over his body, as demonstrations of his valor. And when Caesar had settled the affairs of Egypt, and was returning into Syria again, he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen, and freedom from taxes, and rendered him an object of admiration by the honors and marks of friendship he bestowed upon him. On this account it was that he also confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood.

CAP. X. EODEM vero tempore Antigonus quoque Aristobuli filius cum venisset ad Caesarem, majoris praeter opinionem felicita tis causam praebuit Antipatro. Nam qui de patris morte queri deberet, propter inimicitias Pompeii veneno, quantum putabatur, perempti, et crudelitatis in fratrem accusare Scipi onem, nullumque invidiae dolum admiscere miseriis, ultra haec Hyrcanum et Antipatrum criminabatur, veluti se patrio loco cum fratribus iniquissime pellerent, multisque gentem injuriis afficerent dummodo satiarentur: quodque in AEgyptum auxi lia ipsi Caesari non benevolentia, sed timore veteris discordiae miserint, et ut amorem Pompeii deprecarentur.

[195] ABOUT this time it was that Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to Caesar, and became, in a surprising manner, the occasion of Antipater's further advancement; for whereas he ought to have lamented that his father appeared to have been poisoned on account of his quarrels with Pompey, and to have complained of Scipio's barbarity towards his brother, and not to mix any invidious passion when he was suing for mercy; besides those things, he came before Caesar, and accused Hyrcanus and Antipater, how they had driven him and his brethren entirely out of their native country, and had acted in a great many instances unjustly and extravagantly with relation to their nation; and that as to the assistance they had sent him into Egypt, it was not done out of good-will to him, but out of the fear they were in from former quarrels, and in order to gain pardon for their friendship to [his enemy] Pompey.

2. Ad haec Antipater, veste projecta, multitudinem vulne rum demonstrabat, et qua fide quidem Caesarem coluisset, verbis non esse opus dixit: nam corpus etiam se tacente clamare : Antigoni autem mirari audaciam, qui cum hostis Romanorum sit filius, et fugitivi Romanorum, novarumque re rum studium votumque seditiosum patris habeat, apud Roma norum principem alios accusare conetur, bonique aliquid adi pisci tentet: quem hoc solum oportere contentum esse quod viveret. Namque nunc eum non propter inopiam desiderare facultates: sed, ut in eos, qui dedissent, Judaeorum seditiones accenderet.

[197] Hereupon Antipater threw away his garments, and showed the multitude of the wounds he had, and said, that as to his good-will to Caesar, he had no occasion to say a word, because his body cried aloud, though he said nothing himself; that he wondered at Antigonus's boldness, while he was himself no other than the son of an enemy to the Romans, and of a fugitive, and had it by inheritance from his father to be fond of innovations and seditions, that he should undertake to accuse other men before the Roman governor, and endeavor to gain some advantages to himself, when he ought to be contented that he was suffered to live; for that the reason of his desire of governing public affairs was not so much because he was in want of it, but because, if he could once obtain the same, he might stir up a sedition among the Jews, and use what he should gain from the Romans to the disservice of those that gave it him.

3. Quae ubi Caesar audivit, Hyrcanum quidem pontificatu digniorem esse pronunciavit : Antipatro autem cujus vellet potestatis detulit optionem. Qui permisso dignitatis modo ipsi, qui daret, Judaeae procurator declaratus est, et praeter hoc impetravit, ut subversa patriae moenia renovare sibi lice ret. Et hos quidem honores Caesar incidendos in Capitolium misit, ut justitiae suae virtutisque signum Antipatri memoriae traderetur.

[199] When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild those walls of his country that had been thrown down. These honorary grants Caesar sent orders to have engraved in the Capitol, that they might stand there as indications of his own justice, and of the virtue of Antipater.

4. Antipater vero, ubi de Syria Caesarem prosecutus est, in Judaeam reversus, ante omnia patriae muros a Pompeio di rutos reparabat: omniaque lustrando, ne quid in illis regioni bus turbarum esset, nunc interminando, nunc etiam suadendo curabat: unumquemque admonens, quod si cum Hyrcano sentirent, in otio atque opulentia victuri essent, fortunisque suis et communi pace potituri : sin spe vana ducerentur eo rum, qui privati quaestus gratia res novas optarent, se quidem non procuratorem, sed dominum omnium, Hyrcanum vero tyrannum pro rege, itemque Romanos et Caesarem hostes pro amicis et rectoribus habituri : nec enim passuros hujus po testatem labefactari, quem ipsi regem constituissent. Sed quamvis haec diceret, tamen etiam per se, quoniam Hyrcanum segniorem videret, neque tam efficacem quam regni posceret solicitudo, statum provinciae componebat. Et Phasaëlum qui dem natu maximum filiorum suorum militibus praepositum, Hierosolymae ejusque territorio praefecit. Herodem vero aetate posteriorem, nimisque adolescentem, Galilaeae destinat, similia curaturum.

[201] But as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria he returned to Judea, and the first thing he did was to rebuild that wall of his own country [Jerusalem] which Pompey had overthrown, and then to go over the country, and to quiet the tumults that were therein; where he partly threatened, and partly advised, every one, and told them that in case they would submit to Hyrcanus, they would live happily and peaceably, and enjoy what they possessed, and that with universal peace and quietness; but that in case they hearkened to such as had some frigid hopes by raising new troubles to get themselves some gain, they should then find him to be their lord instead of their procurator; and find Hyrcanus to be a tyrant instead of a king; and both the Romans and Caesar to be their enemies, instead of rulers; for that they would not suffer him to be removed from the government, whom they had made their governor. And, at the same time that he said this, he settled the affairs of the country by himself, because he saw that Hyrcanus was inactive, and not fit to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor of Jerusalem, and of the parts about it; he also sent his next son, Herod, who was very young, with equal authority into Galilee.

5. Qui cum natura strenuus esset, cito materiam ubi animi magnitudinem exerceret, invenit: captumque latronum prin cipem Ezechiam, quem praedari maximo agmine continentia Syriae deprehendit, ipsum aliosque latrones multos interfecit. Eaque res adeo grata fuit Syris, ut per vicos atque oppida caneretur Herodes, veluti per eum pace reddita, et possessio nibus restitutis. Ex hujus denique operis gloria, Sexto etiam Caesari propinquo magni Caesaris, et Syriam tunc admini stranti est cognitus. Quin et Phasaëlus fratris indolem con tentione bona superare certabat, augendo erga se benevolen tiam Hierosolymis habitantium: atque illam quidem civitatem possidens, nihil autem contumeliose per insolentiam potesta tis admittens. hinc et Antipater obsequiis regalibus ab ea gente colebatur, et honores ei tanquam rerum domino omnes habebant. Nec tamen ipse propterea minus fidelis, aut bene volus Hyrcano fuit. -

[204] Now Herod was an active man, and soon found proper materials for his active spirit to work upon. As therefore he found that Hezekias, the head of the robbers, ran over the neighboring parts of Syria with a great band of men, he caught him and slew him, and many more of the robbers with him; which exploit was chiefly grateful to the Syrians, insomuch that hymns were sung in Herod's commendation, both in the villages and in the cities, as having procured their quietness, and having preserved what they possessed to them; on which occasion he became acquainted with Sextus Caesar, a kinsman of the great Caesar, and president of Syria. A just emulation of his glorious actions excited Phasaelus also to imitate him. Accordingly, he procured the good-will of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, by his own management of the city affairs, and did not abuse his power in any disagreeable manner; whence it came to pass that the nation paid Antipater the respects that were due only to a king, and the honors they all yielded him were equal to the honors due to an absolute lord; yet did he not abate any part of that good-will or fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.

6. Verum fieri non potest, ut livorem quisquam in secundis rebus effugiat. Namque Hyrcanus, quamvis et antea tacite sua sponte mordebatur adolescentium gloria, maximeque re bus ab Herode gestis, et crebris munciis laudes ejus per sin gula facta praedicantibus augerentur : a multis tamen invidis, qui regias infestare solent, quibusque Antipatri ejusque filio rum probitas officiebat, instigabatur : dicentibus, quod Anti patro et filiis ejus rebus traditis, solo contentus et hac potes tate vacuo regis nomine sederet. Et quam diu sic errabit, ut in se reges producat? Nec enim eos vel simulare jam procu rationem, sed certe esse dominos ipso rejecto: cujus nec mandatis nec epistolis praeter Judaeorum legem tantam multi tudinem peremisset Herodes : illumque nisi regnet, sed ad huc privatus sit, ad judicium venire debere, rationem tam ipsi regi quam patriis legibus redditurum, quae indamnatos occidi non sinerent.

[208] However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to any body; but what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater. These men said, that by committing the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself, as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit any one to be killed till he hath been condemned in judgment.

7. His paulatim accendebatur Hyrcanus. Ad extremum autem iracundia prodita, causam dicturum Herodem jubet ac cersiri : atque ille et patris monitu, et quod ei fiduciam res gestae darent, firmata prius Galilaea praesidiis, ad regem profi ciscitur. Ibat autem cum forti caterva, ne vel derogare vide retur Hyrcano, si plures duceret, vel invidiae nudus pateret. Sextus autem Caesar adolescenti metuens, ne quid apud ini micos deprehenso mali fieret, ad Hyrcanum mittit, qui ei ma nifeste denunciarent, ut homicidii crimine liberaret Herodem. Hyrcanus autem, qui eum diligeret, per se quoque id cupiens, absolutionem decernit.

[210] Now Hyrcanus was, by degrees, inflamed with these discourses, and at length could bear no longer, but he summoned Herod to take his trial. Accordingly, by his father's advice, and as soon as the affairs of Galilee would give him leave, he came up to [Jerusalem], when he had first placed garrisons in Galilee; however, he came with a sufficient body of soldiers, so many indeed that he might not appear to have with him an army able to overthrow Hyrcanus's government, nor yet so few as to expose him to the insults of those that envied him. However, Sextus Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be taken by his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he loved Herod.

8. Atque is invito rege evasisse ratus, Damascum recessit ad Sextum, nequaquam paratus obedire, si denuo fuisset ac citus. Rursumque ab improbis irritabatur Hyrcanus, qui di cerent iratum Herodem abiisse, et ut se contra ipsum stru eret, properasse. Haec autem rex vera esse existimans, quid ageret nesciebat: quoniam potentiorem inimicum videbat. Cum vero a Sexto Caesare dux militum per Syriam itemque per Samariam declaratus esset Herodes, neque solum propter gentis favorem, sed etiam viribus suis terribilis putaretur, in timorem extremum incidit, jamjamque illum contra se cre dens cum exercitu esse venturum.

[212] But Herod, supposing that he had escaped punishment without the consent of the king, retired to Sextus, to Damascus, and got every thing ready, in order not to obey him if he should summon him again; whereupon those that were evil-disposed irritated Hyrcanus, and told him that Herod was gone away in anger, and was prepared to make war upon him; and as the king believed what they said, he knew not what to do, since he saw his antagonist was stronger than he was himself. And now, since Herod was made general of Coelesyria and Samaria by Sextus Caesar, he was formidable, not only from the good-will which the nation bore him, but by the power he himself had; insomuch that Hyrcanus fell into the utmost degree of terror, and expected he would presently march against him with his army.

9. Neque opinione deceptus est. Namque Herodes inten tatae sibi accusationis iracundia, conflatam militum multitudi nem in Hierosolymam ducebat, ut Hyrcanum regno depone ret. Idque fecisset, ni pariter egressi pater et frater fregis sent ejus impetum, deprecantes, ut et ipse vindictam minis tantum, solaque indignatione metiretur: regi autem parceret, sub quo ad hoc potentiae processisset : ac si propterea quod in judicium vocatus esset, indignaretur : quia tamen absolutus est, gratias ageret, neque tristibus quidem paria referret, sa luti vero esset ingratus. Quod si etiam momenta bellorum reputanda viderentur, iniquitatem militiae consideraret : neque omnino de victoria bene speraret, qui cum rege congressurus esset domestica consuetudine juncto et de se bene merito, saevo autem nunquam, nisi quod malevolorum consiliis im pulsus, umbram ei tantum iniquitatis intentasset. Paruit his Herodes, qui speratis putaverat posse sufficere, suasque vires demonstrare nationi.

[214] Nor was he mistaken in the conjecture he made; for Herod got his army together, out of the anger he bare him for his threatening him with the accusation in a public court, and led it to Jerusalem, in order to throw Hyrcanus down from his kingdom; and this he had soon done, unless his father and brother had gone out together and broken the force of his fury, and this by exhorting him to carry his revenge no further than to threatening and affrighting, but to spare the king, under whom he had been advanced to such a degree of power; and that he ought not to be so much provoked at his being tried, as to forget to be thankful that he was acquitted; nor so long to think upon what was of a melancholy nature, as to be ungrateful for his deliverance; and if we ought to reckon that God is the arbitrator of success in war, an unjust cause is of more disadvantage than an army can be of advantage; and that therefore he ought not to be entirely confident of success in a case where he is to fight against his king, his supporter, and one that had often been his benefactor, and that had never been severe to him, any otherwise than as he had hearkened to evil counselors, and this no further than by bringing a shadow of injustice upon him. So Herod was prevailed upon by these arguments, and supposed that what he had already done was sufficient for his future hopes, and that he had enough shown his power to the nation.

10. Et inter haec discordia Romanorum circa Apamiam bellumque domesticum oritur : quoniam Caecilius Bassus fa vore Pompeii Sextum Caesarem dolo necaverat, ejusque mili tem occupaverat. Alii vero Caesaris duces, mortis ejus ulcis cendae gratia, cunctis viribus Bassum petebant. Quibus tam interempti quam superstitis Caesaris causa, quod ambobus esset amicus, Antipater per filios suos misit auxilia. Cum autem bellum traheretur, ex Italia successor antedicti, Sexti venit Marcus.

[216] In the mean time, there was a disturbance among the Romans about Apamia, and a civil war occasioned by the treacherous slaughter of Sextus Caesar, by Cecilius Bassus, which he perpetrated out of his good-will to Pompey; he also took the authority over his forces; but as the rest of Caesar's commanders attacked Bassus with their whole army, in order to punish him for the murder of Caesar, Antipater also sent them assistance by his sons, both on account of him that was murdered, and on account of that Caesar who was still alive, both of which were their friends; and as this war grew to be of a considerable length, Marcus came out of Italy as successor to Sextus.

CAP. XI. - EODEM tempore magnum bellum inter Romanos confla tur, dolo Cassii et Bruti Caesare interfecto, postquam trien nium septemque menses tenuit principatum. Maximo au tem motu caedis ejus gratia concitato, et optimatibus inter se dissidentibus, propria spe quisque ducebatur ad id' quod ex istimabat esse commodius. Itaque Cassius Syriam petit, oc cupaturus militem, qui Apamiam circumsidebat : ubi et Mar cum et dissidentes cohortes Basso conciliavit, simulque obsi dione liberavit Apamiam. Ipse vero exercitum ducens sti pendium civitatibus indicebat : nec modus erat exactionum.

[218] THERE, was at this time a mighty war raised among the Romans upon the sudden and treacherous slaughter of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, after he had held the government for three years and seven months. Upon this murder there were very great agitations, and the great men were mightily at difference one with another, and every one betook himself to that party where they had the greatest hopes of their own, of advancing themselves. Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order to receive the forces that were at Apamia, where he procured a reconciliation between Bassus and Marcus, and the legions which were at difference with him; so he raised the siege of Apamia, and took upon him the command of the army, and went about exacting tribute of the cities, and demanding their money to such a degree as they were not able to bear.

2. Cum autem Judaeos quoque septingenta talenta jussisset conferre, minas ejus veritus Antipater filiis suis et aliis amicis mature pecuniae cogendae curam distribuit : et inter eos Ma licho cuidam ex amicis : adeo necessitas urgebat. Primus autem Herodes Cassii favorem promeruit, qui ex Galilaea parte sua, talenta centum attulit, proptereaque inter eximios amicos numerabatur. At vero caeteros tarditatis arguens Cassius, ipsis civitatibus irascebatur. Eoque Gophnam et Ammauntem, et duas alias civitates ex vilioribus depopulatus, ibat quidem quasi Malichum interfecturus, quod remissior in exigendo fuisset. Verum et hujus et caeterarum civitatum in teritum repressit Antipater, centum ilico talentis Cassio de linito.

[220] So he gave command that the Jews should bring in seven hundred talents; whereupon Antipater, out of his dread of Cassius's threats, parted the raising of this sum among his sons, and among others of his acquaintance, and to be done immediately; and among them he required one Malichus, who was at enmity with him, to do his part also, which necessity forced him to do. Now Herod, in the first place, mitigated the passion of Cassius, by bringing his share out of Galilee, which was a hundred talents, on which account he was in the highest favor with him; and when he reproached the rest for being tardy, he was angry at the cities themselves; so he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two others of less note; nay, he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus, because he had not made greater haste in exacting his tribute; but Antipater prevented the ruin of this man, and of the other cities, and got into Cassius's favor by bringing in a hundred talents immediately.

3. Nequaquam tamen Malichus post abitum Cassii benefi ciorum Antipatri memor fnit. Sed illi ipsi, quem saepenu mero memorabat sui servatorem fuisse, periculum moliebatur, iniquitatis suae impedimentum abolere festinans. Itaque An tipater et vires ejus et calliditatem metuens, flumen transit Jordanem, ad ulciscendas insidias collecturus exercitum. De prehensus autem Malichus Antipatri filios impudentia supe rat. Nam et Phasaelum apud Hierosolymam praesidiis appo situm, et Herodem, qui custodiam curabat armorum multis excusationibus et sacramentis circumventos impellit, ut ipsis intercedentibus reconciliaretur Antipatro: atque ita denuo per Antipatrum exorato Marco, tunc in Syria militem regente, servatus est : qui Malichum statuerat occidere, quod novis rebus studuisset.

[223] However, when Cassius was gone Malichus forgot the kindness that Antipater had done him, and laid frequent plots against him that had saved him, as making haste to get him out of the way, who was an obstacle to his wicked practices; but Antipater was so much afraid of the power and cunning of the man, that he went beyond Jordan, in order to get an army to guard himself against his treacherous designs; but when Malichus was caught in his plot, he put upon Antipater's sons by his impudence, for he thoroughly deluded Phasaelus, who was the guardian of Jerusalem, and Herod who was intrusted with the weapons of war, and this by a great many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them to procure his reconciliation to his father. Thus was he preserved again by Antipater, who dissuaded Marcus, the then president of Syria, from his resolution of killing Malichus, on account of his attempts for innovation.

4. Caesare vero adolescente et Antonio cum Bruto et Cas sio bellum gerentibus, Marcus et Cassius exercitu de Syria conflato, quod magnum momentum, ubi usus poposcit, He rodes fuisset, ipsum quidem totius Syriae procuratorem praefi ciunt, equitum illi manu peditumque attributa : si autem bel lum desiisset, regnum quoque Judaeae Cassius se eidem dela turum esse pollicitus est. Evenit autem, ut Antipatro et spes et fortitudo filii causa mortis fieret. Horum enim metu Ma lichus, ministro quodam regio pecunia corrupto, mixtum ei veneno poculum dari persuadet. Atque ille quidem injusti tiae Malichi praemium fuit post convivium mortuus, vir et alias strenuus rebusque administrandis idoneus, et qui regnum recuperatum conservasset Hyrcano.

[225] Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against the younger Caesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius and Marcus got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely to have a great share in providing necessaries, they then made him procurator of all Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius premised him also, that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea. But it so happened that the power and hopes of his son became the cause of his perdition; for as Malichus was afraid of this, he corrupted one of the king's cup-bearers with money to give a poisoned potion to Antipater; so he became a sacrifice to Malichus's wickedness, and died at a feast. He was a man in other respects active in the management of affairs, and one that recovered the government to Hyrcanus, and preserved it in his hands.

5. Malichus autem infensum propter suspicionem veneni populum, negando placabat : simulque, ut validior esset, ar matorum sibi copias conquirebat. Nec enim Herodem ces saturum arbitrabatur, quinetiam mox cum exercitu necis paternae ultor adveniret. Sed Phasaëli fratris consilio, qui eum palam minime persequendum esse dicebat, ne vulgi sedi tio concitaretur, et purgantem se tunc Malichum patienter admisit, et suspicione liberum esse concedens, clarissimas pa terno funeri celebravit exequias.

[227] However, Malichus, when lie was suspected ef poisoning Antipater, and when the multitude was angry with him for it, denied it, and made the people believe he was not guilty. He also prepared to make a greater figure, and raised soldiers; for he did not suppose that Herod would be quiet, who indeed came upon him with an army presently, in order to revenge his father's death; but, upon hearing the advice of his brother Phasaelus, not to punish him in an open manner, lest the multitude should fall into a sedition, he admitted of Malichus's apology, and professed that he cleared him of that suspicion; he also made a pompous funeral for his father.

6. Conversus autem in Samariam, et civitatem composuit seditione turbatam, perque dies festos in Hierosolymam re meabat, praemissis ac comitantibus armatis: cui Hyrcanus, ita suadente ob metum Malicho, denunciat, ne alienigenas superinducat indigenis festum pure casteque celebrantibus. Herodes autem, et ipso qui praeceperat, causaque contempta, nocte ingressus est. Iterumque Malichus ad eum veniens, Antipatrum flebat. Contraque ille se falli, cum vix animi do lorem premeret, simulabat : et tamen de nece patris apud Cassium per epistolas questus est, cui propterea Malichus in visus erat. Itaque non modo, ut mortem patris ulcisceretur, ei rescripsit: sed etiam tribunis quibus praeerat, ut in causa justa Herodi opem ferrent, occulte praecepit.

[229] So Herod went to Samaria, which was then in a tumult, and settled the city in peace; after which at the [Pentecost] festival, he returned to Jerusalem, having his armed men with him: hereupon Hyrcanus, at the request of Malichus, who feared his reproach, forbade them to introduce foreigners to mix themselves with the people of the country while they were purifying themselves; but Herod despised the pretense, and him that gave that command, and came in by night. Upon which Malithus came to him, and bewailed Antipater; Herod also made him believe [he admitted of his lamentations as real], although he had much ado to restrain his passion at him; however, he did himself bewail the murder of his father in his letters to Cassius, who, on other accounts, also hated Malichus. Cassius sent him word back that he should avenge his father's death upon him, and privately gave order to the tribunes that were under him, that they should assist Herod in a righteous action he was about.

7. Et quoniam capta Laodicia, undique ad Herodem con venerant optimates cum muneribus et coronis, ipse quidem hoc ultioni tempus destinaverat. Malichus autem id Tyri fore suspicabatur : et filium suum tunc apud Tyrios obsidem, statuit subducere, et ipse in Judaeam fugam parabat. Salutis autem desperatio stimulabat, ut etiam najora cogitaret : nam et Judaeorum gentem contra Romanos excitaturum se credi dit, dum bello adversus Antonium Cassius occupabatur, de jectoque Hyrcano facillime regnaturum.

[231] And because, upon the taking of Laodicea by Cassius, the men of power were gotten together from all quarters, with presents and crowns in their hands, Herod allotted this time for the punishment of Malichus. When Malichus suspected that, and was at Tyre, he resolved to withdraw his son privately from among the Tyrians, who was a hostage there, while he got ready to fly away into Judea; the despair he was in of escaping excited him to think of greater things; for he hoped that he should raise the nation to a revolt from the Romans, while Cassius was busy about the war against Antony, and that he should easily depose Hyrcanus, and get the crown for himself.

8. Sed profecto irridebat ejus spem fatale decretum. Etenim quo intenderet animum suspicatus Herodes, et ipsum et Hyr canum ad coenam vocat. Deinde servorum quendam instru endi convivii specie mittit. Sed res erat, ut tribunis praedi ceret ad insidias egredi : atque illi praeceptorum Cassii me mores, ad littus civitati proximum armati gladiis occurrunt, ibique circumseptum Malichum multis vulneribus interficiunt. Hyrcanus autem statim concidit stupore dissolutus : vixque anima recepta, Herodem percontabatur quis Malichum occi disset. Et cum e tribunis unus respondisset, Cassii praecep tum : plane, inquit, et me et patriam meam Cassius servat incolumem : qui amborum insidiatorem peremit. Utrum au tem ex animo dixerit, an quod timore factum probaret, incer tum est. Sed enim Malichum hoc modo ultus est He rodes. -

[233] But fate laughed at the hopes he had; for Herod foresaw what he was so zealous about, and invited both Hyrcanus and him to supper; but calling one of the principal servants that stood by him to him, he sent him out, as though it were to get things ready for supper, but in reality to give notice beforehand about the plot that was laid against him; accordingly they called to mind what orders Cassius had given them, and went out of the city with their swords in their hands upon the sea-shore, where they encompassed Malichus round about, and killed him with many wounds. Upon which Hyrcanus was immediately aftrighted, till he swooned away and fell down at the surprise he was in; and it was with difficulty that he was recovered, when he asked who it was that had killed Malichus. And when one of the tribunes replied that it was done by the command of Cassius," Then," said he, "Cassius hath saved both me and my country, by cutting off one that was laying plots against them both." Whether he spake according to his own sentiments, or whether his fear was such that he was obliged to commend the action by saying so, is uncertain; however, by this method Herod inflicted punishment upon Malichus.

CAP. XII. POSTQUAM vero Cassius excessit e Syria, iterum Hiero solymis orta seditio est, cum Felix in Phasaelum movisset exercitum et in Herodem, fratris poena, vellet necem Malichi vindicare. Casu autem Herodes cum Fabio Romano duce apud Damascum habitabat: et ne cupiens auxilio foret, morbo impediebatur. Interea Phasaelus etiam sine cujusquam auxi lio superavit Felicem : probrumque ingrati objiciebat Hyr cano, qui et Felici studuisset, fratremque Malichi castella oc cupare permisisset. Jam enim multa tenuerat, omniumque tutissimum Massadam.

[236] WHEN Cassius was gone out of Syria, another sedition arose at Jerusalem, wherein Felix assaulted Phasaelus with an army, that he might revenge the death of Malichus upon Herod, by falling upon his brother. Now Herod happened then to be with Fabius, the governor of Damascus, and as he was going to his brother's assistance, he was detained by sickness; in the mean time, Phasaelus was by himself too hard for Felix, and reproached Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, both for what assistance he had afforded Maliehus, and for overlooking Malichus's brother, when he possessed himself of the fortresses; for he had gotten a great many of them already, and among them the strongest of them all, Masada.

2. Nec tamen ei quicquam contra vim Herodis potuit suffi cere, qui mox, ut convaluit, et alia recepit, et illum ex Mas sada supplicem dimisit, et Marionem Tyriorum tyrannum ex Galilaea pepulit : tria enim castella possederat, Tyriisque quos ceperat, vitam concessit omnibus : nonnullos etiam do natos abire jussit, una et sibi civitatis benevolentiam, et ty ranno comparans odium. Marion autem a Cassio quidem meruerat tyrannidem, qui tot Syriae tyrannos praefecerat: sed ob Herodis inimicitias etiam Antigonum Aristobuli secum ducebat, et Ptolemaeum, propter Fabium, quem Antigonus sibi pecunia sociatum, adjutorem incepti habebat. Cuncta vero socer Ptolemaeus Antigono subministrabat.

[238] However, nothing could be sufficient for him against the force of Herod, who, as soon as he was recovered, took the other fortresses again, and drove him out of Masada in the posture of a supplicant; he also drove away Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, out of Galilee, when he had already possessed himself of three fortified places; but as to those Tyrians whom he had caught, he preserved them all alive; nay, some of them he gave presents to, and so sent them away, and thereby procured good-will to himself from the city, and hatred to the tyrant. Marion had indeed obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius, who set tyrants over all Syria and out of hatred to Herod it was that he assisted Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, and principally on Fabius's account, whom Antigonus had made his assistant by money, and had him accordingly on his side when he made his descent; but it was Ptolemy, the kinsman of Antigonus, that supplied all that he wanted.

3. Contra quos Herodes instructus, in aditu Judaeae com misso praelio, victoria potitur : fugatoque Antigono, redit in Hierosolymam, pro merito gestae rei omnibus carus, ut etiam quibus antea despectus erat, tunc in ejus familiaritatem sese dederint, propter Hyrcani affinitatem. Namque is Herodes jampridem ex indigenis habuerat uxorem non ignobilem, quae Doris vocabatur, et Antipatrum ex ea susceperat filium. Tunc autem duxerat Alexandri, cujus pater fuit Aristobulus, filiam Mariamnem, Hyrcani neptem ex filia, atque inde regi familiaris erat.

[240] When Herod had fought against these in the avenues of Judea, he was conqueror in the battle, and drove away Antigonus, and returned to Jerusalem, beloved by every body for the glorious action he had done; for those who did not before favor him did join themselves to him now, because of his marriage into the family of Hyrcanus; for as he had formerly married a wife out of his own country of no ignoble blood, who was called Doris, of whom he begat Antipater; so did he now marry Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and the granddaughter of Hyrcanus, and was become thereby a relation of the king.

4. Sed ubi Cassio circa Philippos interfecto, Caesar in Ita liam, et Antonius in Asiam discesserunt : legatis ab aliis civi tatibus ad Antonium missis in Bithyniam : etiam Judaeorum optimates accusatum veniunt Phasaelum et Herodem : quod illis rerum summam vi possidentibus, nomen tantum honora bile superesset Hyrcano. Ad quae Herodes, qui praesto erat magna pecunia placatum sic Antonium affecit, ut ne verbum quidem inimicorum ejus pateretur audire. Et tunc quidem ita digressi sunt.

[242] But when Caesar and Antony had slain Cassius near Philippi, and Caesar was gone to Italy, and Antony to Asia, amongst the rest of the cities which sent ambassadors to Antony unto Bithynia, the great men of the Jews came also, and accused Phasaelus and Herod, that they kept the government by force, and that Hyrcanus had no more than an honorable name. Herod appeared ready to answer this accusation; and having made Antony his friend by the large sums of money which he gave him, he brought him to such a temper as not to hear the others speak against him; and thus did they part at this time.

5. Quum autem denuo Judaeorum primates centum viri, Antiochiae proximam Daphnen ad Antonium venissent, amori Cleopatrae jam servientem, delecti a caeteris, qui eloquentia et dignitate praestabant, adversus fratres accusationem propo nunt. Respondebat autem Messala, causae defensor, astante etiam propter affinitatem Hyrcano. Auditis deinde utrisque. partibus, Antonius percontabatur Hyrcanum, quinam essent regendis rebus aptissimi. Cumque is Herodem, ejusque fra tres aliis praetulisset, voluptate repletus (nam et hospes eo rum paternus erat, humanissimeque ab Antipatro susceptus, eo tempore quo in Judaeam cum Gabinio venerat) tetrarchas ambos declarat, totius eis Judaeae procuratione permissa.

[243] However, after this, there came a hundred of the principal men among the Jews to Daphne by Antioch to Antony, who was already in love with Cleopatra to the degree of slavery; these Jews put those men that were the most potent, both in dignity and eloquence, foremost, and accused the brethren. But Messala opposed them, and defended the brethren, and that while Hyrcanus stood by him, on account of his relation to them. When Antony had heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus which party was the fittest to govern, who replied that Herod and his party were the fittest. Antony was glad of that answer, for he had been formerly treated in an hospitable and obliging manner by his father Antipater, when he marched into Judea with Gabinius; so he constituted the brethren tetrarchs, and committed to them the government of Judea.

6. Legatis autem id aegre ferentibus, quindecim eorum cor reptos, carceri tradidit, quos etiam pene occidit. Caeteros autem rejecit cum injuria: unde major tumultus Hierosoly mis excitatus est. Denique mille legati iterum Tyrum missi sunt, ubi commorabatur Antonius in Hierosolymam paratus irruere. Et contra eos vociferantes, magistratus Tyriorum directus est, data ei licentia, ut quos comprehendisset, occi deret: praeceptoque ut eorum potestatem confirmare curaret, qui tetrarchae ipsius essent Antonii suffragio constituti.

[245] But when the ambassadors had indignation at this procedure, Antony took fifteen of them, and put them into custody, whom he was also going to kill presently, and the rest he drove away with disgrace; on which occasion a still greater tumult arose at Jerusalem; so they sent again a thousand ambassadors to Tyre, where Antony now abode, as he was marching to Jerusalem; upon these men who made a clamor he sent out the governor of Tyre, and ordered him to punish all that he could catch of them, and to settle those in the administration whom he had made tetrarchs.

7. Ante haec autem Herodes usque ad littus cum Hyrcano progressus, multis eos admonebat, ne et sibi interitus, et pa triae belli causa fierent, dum inconsiderate contendunt. Illis autem tanto magis id indigne ferentibus, Antonius missis ar matis, multos occidit, multos etiam vulneravit. quorum et saucios cura, et mortuos sepultura Hyrcanus dignatus est. Non tamen ideo qui effugerant quiescebant : perturbando enim civitatem, Antonium irritabant, ut etiam quos in vincu lis haberet, occideret.

[246] But before this Herod, and Hyrcanus went out upon the sea-shore, and earnestly desired of these ambassadors that they would neither bring ruin upon themselves, nor war upon their native country, by their rash contentions; and when they grew still more outrageous, Antony sent out armed men, and slew a great many, and wounded more of them; of whom those that were slain were buried by Hyrcanus, as were the wounded put under the care of physicians by him; yet would not those that had escaped be quiet still, but put the affairs of the city into such disorder, and so provoked Antony, that he slew those whom he had in bonds also.

CAP. XIII. BARZAPHARNE autem Parthorum satrapa Syriam bien nio post cum regis filio Pacoro detinente, Lysanias patris sui mortui successor Ptolemaei Minnaei filii, mille satrapae talenta pollicitus, et mulieres quingentas, ei persuadet ut Antigonum in regnum inducerent, Hyrcanumque deponerent. Impulsus igitur ab eo Pacorus, ipse quidem per maritima loca perrexit, Barzapharnem autem itinere mediterraneo jussit irrumpere. Sed maritimorum Tyrii Pacorum excluserunt, cum Ptolemai denses eum et Sidonii recepissent. Ille autem quendam regium pincernam, cognominem suum, equitatus ei parte at tributa, ad Judaeam jussit accedere, et exploraturum hostium consilium, et ubi usus exegisset, praesidio futurum An tigono. -

[248] Now two years afterward, when Barzapharnes, a governor among the Parthians, and Paeorus, the king's son, had possessed themselves of Syria, and when Lysanias had already succeeded upon the death of his father Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the government [of Chalcis], he prevailed with the governor, by a promise of a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn Hyrcanus out of it. Pacorus was by these means induced so to do, and marched along the sea-coast, while he ordered Barzapharnes to fall upon the Jews as he went along the Mediterranean part of the country; but of the maritime people, the Tyrians would not receive Pacorus, although those of Ptolemais and Sidon had received him; so he committed a troop of his horse to a certain cup-bearer belonging to the royal family, of his own name [Pacorus], and gave him orders to march into Judea, in order to learn the state of affairs among their enemies, and to help Antigonus when he should want his assistance.

2. Quibus Carmelum populantibus, multi Judaei ultro ad Antigonum confluunt, ad expeditionem alacriter animati. Ille autem ad locum qui Drymos dicitur, occupandum eos praemittit: ubi commissa pugna, depulsisque hostibus et effu gatis, Hierosolymam cursu petebant : auctique multitudine, usque ad regiam processerunt. Excepti autem ab Hyrcano et Phasaelo, forti acie in foro confligunt. Ibique hostes in fugam versos pars Herodis in fanum concludit : custodesque his sexaginta viros apponit, per aedes proximas collocatos. Sed hos quidem infensus fratribus populus, igne consumit. Herodes autem iracundia peremptorum congressus cum po pulo, multos obtruncat : inque dies singulos invicem sese per insidias incursantibus, assiduae caedes erant.

[250] Now as these men were ravaging Carmel, many of the Jews ran together to Antigonus, and showed themselves ready to make an incursion into the country; so he sent them before into that place called Drymus, [the woodland ] to seize upon the place; whereupon a battle was fought between them, and they drove the enemy away, and pursued them, and ran after them as far as Jerusalem, and as their numbers increased, they proceeded as far as the king's palace; but as Hyrcanus and Phasaelus received them with a strong body of men, there happened a battle in the market-place, in which Herod's party beat the enemy, and shut them up in the temple, and set sixty men in the houses adjoining as a guard to them. But the people that were tumultuous against the brethren came in, and burnt those men; while Herod, in his rage for killing them, attacked and slew many of the people, till one party made incursions on the other by turns, day by day, in the way of ambushes, and slaughters were made continually among them.

3. Instante vero die festo, qui Pentecoste vocatur, omnia circa templum, totaque civitas plebe rustica repleta est, et pleraque armata. Et Phasaelus quidem muros, Herodes au tem cum paucis domum regiam custodiebat. Invasisque de improviso hostibus in suburbano, complures quidem peremit, omnes autem in fugam vertit, et hos in civitatem, alios in fa num, alios in extremum vallum includit. Interea pacis arbi trum Pacorum Antigonus petit admitti. Exoratus autem Phasaelus et civitate et hospitio cum quingentis equitibus Parthum recepit, praetextu quidem componendae seditionis ve nientem, re autem vera ut adjuvaret Antigonum. Denique Phasaelum dolo perpulit, ut ad Barzapharnem legatus de pace proficisceretur : quamvis multa dissuadente Herode, atque ut insidiatorem occideret, neve se ejus fallaciis dederet, admo nente : natura enim Barbaros fidem negligere. Exiit etiam Pacorus cum Hyrcano, quo minus suspectus esset: monnul lisque relictis equitibus apud Herodem, quos Eleutheros vo cant, cum caeteris Phasaelum prosequebatur.

[253] Now when that festival which we call Pentecost was at hand, all the places about the temple, and the whole city, was full of a multitude of people that were come out of the country, and which were the greatest part of them armed also, at which time Phasaelus guarded the wall, and Herod, with a few, guarded the royal palace; and when he made an assault upon his enemies, as they were out of their ranks, on the north quarter of the city, he slew a very great number of them, and put them all to flight; and some of them he shut up within the city, and others within the outward rampart. In the mean time, Antigonus desired that Pacorus might be admitted to be a reconciler between them; and Phasaelus was prevailed upon to admit the Parthian into the city with five hundred horse, and to treat him in an hospitable manner, who pretended that he came to quell the tumult, but in reality he came to assist Antigonus; however, he laid a plot for Phasaelus, and persuaded him to go as an ambassador to Barzapharnes, in order to put an end to the war, although Herod was very earnest with him to the contrary, and exhorted him to kill the plotter, but not expose himself to the snares he had laid for him, because the barbarians are naturally perfidious. However, Pacorus went out and took Hyrcanus with him, that he might be the less suspected; he also left some of the horsemen, called the Freemen, with Herod, and conducted Phasaelus with the rest.

4. Sed ubi ad Galilaeam venerunt, indigenas quidem dissiden tes atque armatos offendunt : satrapam vero conveniunt satis callide et officiis dolos tegentem. Denique postquam dona eis dedit, redeuntibus insidias posuit. Illi autem in mariti mum quendam locum deducti, cui nomen est Ecdippon, frau dem intelligunt. Ibi enim de promissis mille talentis audie runt : et quod Antigonus plerasque mulieres ex his quas ipsi haberent, inter quingentas Parthis devovisset : quodque sibi semper a Barbaris praestruerentur insidiae, ac olim capti essent, nisi mora fuisset, dum Hierosolymis caperetur Herodes, ne sibi praescius quae de his agerentur, caveret. Haec jam non verba erant solum, nam et custodes haud procul abesse con spiciebat.

[256] But now, when they were come to Galilee, they found that the people of that country had revolted, and were in arms, who came very cunningly to their leader, and besought him to conceal his treacherous intentions by an obliging behavior to them; accordingly, he at first made them presents; and afterward, as they went away, laid ambushes for them; and when they were come to one of the maritime cities called Ecdippon, they perceived that a plot was laid for them; for they were there informed of the promise of a thousand talents, and how Antigonus had devoted the greatest number of the women that were there with them, among the five hundred, to the Parthians; they also perceived that an ambush was always laid for them by the barbarians in the night time; they had also been seized on before this, unless they had waited for the seizure of Herod first at Jerusalem, because if he were once informed of this treachery of theirs, he would take care of himself; nor was this a mere report, but they saw the guards already not far off them.

5. Et tamen Phasaelus Hyrcanum deserere non sustinuit, quamvis eum saepius moneret Offilius ut fugeret: cui Sara malla Syrorum tunc ditissimus dixerat: quemadmodum essent omnia de insidiis constituta. Sed convenire satrapam maluit, atque in os exprobrare, quod se insidiis appetisset : ac maxime quia pecuniae causa talis extitisset, cum plus ipse pro salute daturus esset, quam pro regno promisisset Antigonus. Ad haec Parthus subdola satisfactione jureque jurando suspicio nem deprecatus, perrexit ad Pacorum : statimque a Parthis qui remanserant, quibusque jussum erat, Phasaelus atque Hyrcanus comprehenduntur, perjuriam simul ac perfidiam execrantes. -

[259] Nor would Phasaelus think of forsaking Hyrcanus and flying away, although Ophellius earnestly persuaded him to it; for this man had learned the whole scheme of the plot from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians. But Phasaelus went up to the Parfilian governor, and reproached him to his face for laying this treacherous plot against them, and chiefly because he had done it for money; and he promised him that he would give him more money for their preservation, than Antigonus had promised to give for the kingdom. But the sly Parthian endeavored to remove all this suspicion by apologies and by oaths, and then went [to the other] Pacorus; immediately after which those Parthians who were left, and had it in charge, seized upon Phasaelus and Hyrcanus, who could do no more than curse their perfidiousness and their perjury.

6. At interim pincerna ad hoc missus, Herodem capere moliebatur: eumque fallere, ut extra murum procederet, sicut sibi mandatum fuerat, conabatur. Ille autem suspectos ha bere solitus Barbaros, et tunc minime dubitans in hostes in cidisse literas quae insidias indicarent, prodire nolebat : quan quam satis idoneam causam Pacorus obtenderet, epistolas portantibus obviam ire debere : nec enim ab hostibus esse captos, aut quicquam de insidiis, sed quae Phasaelus gessisset, his contineri. Jamdudum autem ab aliis audierat Herodes, fratrem suum Phasaelum esse correptum : et Hyrcani filia Mariamne prudentissima foeminarum, multis eum precibus ne prodiret orabat : neve se crederet manifestis jam conatibus Barbarorum.

[261] In the mean time, the cup-bearer was sent [back], and laid a plot how to seize upon Herod, by deluding him, and getting him out of the city, as he was commanded to do. But Herod suspected the barbarians from the beginning; and having then received intelligence that a messenger, who was to bring him the letters that informed him of the treachery intended, had fallen among the enemy, he would not go out of the city; though Pacorus said very positively that he ought to go out, and meet the messengers that brought the letters, for that the enemy had not taken them, and that the contents of them were not accounts of any plots upon them, but of what Phasaelus had done; yet had he heard from others that his brother was seized; and Alexandra the shrewdest woman in the world, Hyrcanus's daughter, begged of him that he would not go out, nor trust himself to those barbarians, who now were come to make an attempt upon him openly.

7. Adhuc autem Pacoro cum sociis deliberante, quonam modo clam patraret insidias, nec enim fieri posse ut tantae sapientiae vir ex aperto circumveniretur, nocte Herodes cum propinquissimis sibi ad Idumeam ignaris hostibus proficisci tur. Eo cognito, Parthi persequebantur. Et ille matrem quidem fratresque suos, desponsatamque puellam cum matre, minimoque fratre praetendere iter jussit. Ipse autem caute cum famulis suis Barbaros retentabat : multisque per omnes conflictus interemptis, ad castellum Massada properabat.

[263] Now as Pacorus and his friends were considering how they might bring their plot to bear privately, because it was not possible to circumvent a man of so great prudence by openly attacking him, Herod prevented them, and went off with the persons that were the most nearly related to him by night, and this without their enemies being apprized of it. But as soon as the Parthians perceived it, they pursued after them; and as he gave orders for his mother, and sister, and the young woman who was betrothed to him, with her mother, and his youngest brother, to make the best of their way, he himself, with his servants, took all the care they could to keep off the barbarians; and when at every assault he had slain a great many of them, he came to the strong hold of Masada.

8. Graviores autem in fuga Parthis Judaeos expertus est. Qui cum semper molesti fuissent, a sexagesimo tamen civita tis stadio aliquandiu etiam acie decertaverunt. ubi Herodes victoria potitus, cum multos interfecisset, ipsumque locum in memoriam praeclari facinoris aedificatum, locupletissima exor navit regia, arcemque in eo munitissimam condidit, ac de suo nomine Herodion vocavit. ' Et tunc quidem cum fugeret, multos sibi adjungebat. Postea vero quam Thresam Idumaeae pervenit, occurrit ei frater Josephus, turbamque sequentium diminui persuadet: nec enim capacem esse tantae multitudi nis Massadam. Erat autem supra quam novem millium mul titudo. Itaque paruit Herodes ejus consilio, et impares qui dem necessitati per Idumaeam dimisit cum viatico, lectissimos autem maximeque necessarios tenuit, atque ita in castellum receptus est. Deinde octingentis ibi relictis, qui mulieres defenderent, itemque commeatu, qui satis esset obsessis, ipse in Petram civitatem Arabiae perrexit.

[265] Nay, he found by experience that the Jews fell more heavily upon him than did the Parthians, and created him troubles perpetually, and this ever since he was gotten sixty furlongs from the city; these sometimes brought it to a sort of a regular battle. Now in the place where Herod beat them, and killed a great number of them, there he afterward built a citadel, in memory of the great actions he did there, and adorned it with the most costly palaces, and erected very strong fortifications, and called it, from his own name, Herodium. Now as they were in their flight, many joined themselves to him every day; and at a place called Thressa of Idumea his brother Joseph met him, and advised him to ease himself of a great number of his followers, because Masada would not contain so great a multitude, which were above nine thousand. Herod complied with this advice, and sent away the most cumbersome part of his retinue, that they might go into Idumea, and gave them provisions for their journey; but he got safe to the fortress with his nearest relations, and retained with him only the stoutest of his followers; and there it was that he left eight hundred of his men as a guard for the women, and provisions sufficient for a siege; but he made haste himself to Petra of Arabia.

9. Parthi autem apud Hierosolymam in praedam versi, in fugientium domos ac regiam irruebant, solis Hyrcani pecuniis abstinentes : quae trecenta talenta superabant, aliorum vero spe minores inveniebantur: quoniam Herodes jampridem Barbarorum perfidiam suspicans, quicquid in opibus pretio sum in Idumaeam multo ante comportaverat: ejusque socio rum itidem quisque fecerat. Verumtamen postquam praeda potiti sunt Parthi, ad hoc injuriae processerunt, ut omnem ter ram illam bello implacato replerent, Marisa quoque civitate vastata : nec solum Antigonum regem constituerent, verum etiam Phasaelum et Hyrcanum vinctos ei traderent verbe randos. At ille Hyrcani quidem auriculas dentibus truncat, ut ne solutus quidem mutatis rebus unquam pontificatum re cipiat : ab integris enim celebrari sacra oportet.

[268] As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they betook themselves to plundering, and fell upon the houses of those that were fled, and upon the king's palace, and spared nothing but Hyrcanus's money, which was not above three hundred talents. They lighted on other men's money also, but not so much as they hoped for; for Herod having a long while had a suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barbarians, had taken care to have what was most splendid among his treasures conveyed into Idumea, as every one belonging to him had in like manner done also. But the Parthians proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to fill all the country with war without denouncing it, and to demolish the city Marissa, and not only to set up Antigonus for king, but to deliver Phasaelus and Hyrcanus bound into his. hands, in order to their being tormented by him. Antigonus himself also bit off Hyrcanus's ears with his own teeth, as he fell down upon his knees to him, that so he might never be able upon any mutation of affairs to take the high priesthood again, for the high priests that officiated were to be complete, and without blemish.

10. Phasaeli vero virtute praeventus est Antigonus. Qui cum nec ferri copiam, nec manus liberas haberet, ad saxum fracto capite interiit : atque ita probato, quod verus Herodis frater esset, Hyrcanusque degenerasset, viriliter moritur: dig num anteacta vita obitum assecutus. Fertur tamen et aliud, quod ex illa quidem plaga resipuerit, sed veluti curandi ejus causa, missus ab Antigono medicus, venenis malis vulnus ex pleverit, eoque illum pacto peremerit. Utrumvis autem ve rius sit, praeclarum habet initium. Denique aiunt eum prius quam efflaret animam, cognito ex quadam muliercula, quod Herodes evasisset, dixisse : Nunc bono animo discedam, qui ultorem inimicorum reliquerim.

[271] However, he failed in his purpose of abusing Phasaelus, by reason of his courage; for though he neither had the command of his sword nor of his hands, he prevented all abuses by dashing his head against a stone; so he demonstrated himself to be Herod's own brother, and Hyrcanus a most degenerate relation, and died with great bravery, and made the end of his life agreeable to the actions of it. There is also another report about his end, viz. that he recovered of that stroke, and that a surgeon, who was sent by Antigonus to heal him, filled the wound with poisonous ingredients, and so killed him; whichsoever of these deaths he came to, the beginning of it was glorious. It is also reported that before he expired he was informed by a certain poor woman how Herod had escaped out of their hands, and that he said thereupon, "I now die with comfort, since I leave behind me one alive that will avenge me of mine enemies."

11. Ille quidem hunc exitum habuit. Parthi autem quan quam mulieribus caruerint, quas maxime cupiebant, rebus tamen cum Antigono apud Hierosolymam compositis, vinc tum in Parthiam Hyrcanum ducunt.

[273] This was the death of Phasaelus; but the Parthians, although they had failed of the women they chiefly desired, yet did they put the government of Jerusalem into the hands of Antigonus, and took away Hyrcanus, and bound him, and carried him to Parthia.

CAP. XIV. HERODES autem obstinatus in Arabiam, velut adhuc vivo fratre suo festinabat: ut pecunias a rege acciperet, quibus solis exoratum iri pro Phasaelo sperabat avaritiam Barbaro rum. Etenim cogitabat, si Arabs minus memor fuisset pa ternae amicitiae, animoque liberali parcior, vel mutuum ab eo sumere, quod redemptionis causa praeberet : pignori opposito ipsius filio quem redimeret. Secum enim habebat fratris filium, septem annos natum : trecentaque talenta dare decre verat, interpositis precationi Tyriis. Sed profecto studium fortuna praevenerat : et Phasaelo mortuo nequicquam fratrem diligebat Herodes. Non tamen vel apud Arabas salvam ami citiam reperit. Denique Malichus rex eorum praemissis qui hoc admonerent, quamprimum reverti eum ex finibus suis jubet, simulatione quidem Parthos per legatos petisse, ut He rodem Arabia pelleret : certa vero causa fuit, quod vicem Antipatro debitam negare proposuerat, neque pro beneficiis ab eo perceptis aliquid ejus filiis gratiae rependere, consolatio nis egentibus. Impudentiae vero suasores habebat, qui Anti patri vellent abjurare deposita. Erant autem circa eum po tentissimi.

[274] NOW Herod did the more zealously pursue his journey into Arabia, as making haste to get money of the king, while his brother was yet alive; by which money alone it was that he hoped to prevail upon the covetous temper of the barbarians to spare Phasaelus; for he reasoned thus with himself,: - that if the Arabian king was too forgetful of his father's friendship with him, and was too covetous to make him a free gift, he would however borrow of him as much as might redeem his brother, and put into his hands, as a pledge, the son of him that was to be redeemed. Accordingly he led his brother's son along with him, who was of the age of seven years. Now he was ready to give three hundred talents for his brother, and intended to desire the intercession of the Tyrians, to get them accepted; however, fate had been too quick for his diligence; and since Phasaelus was dead, Herod's brotherly love was now in vain. Moreover, he was not able to find any lasting friendship among the Arabians; for their king, Malichus, sent to him immediately, and commanded him to return back out of his country, and used the name of the Parthians as a pretense for so doing, as though these had denounced to him by their ambassadors to cast Herod out of Arabia; while in reality they had a mind to keep back what they owed to Antipater, and not be obliged to make requitals to his sons for the free gifts the father had made them. He also took the impudent advice of those who, equally with himself, were willing to deprive Herod of what Antipater had deposited among them; and these men were the most potent of all whom he had in his kingdom.

2. Proinde Herodes ubi Arabas ex ea sibi causa hostes esse deprehendit, unde amicissimos existimabat, eaque respondit nunciis, quae dolor imperavit, AEgyptum versus recedit. et prima quidem vespera in quoddam agreste fanum, dum post se relictos reciperet, divertit. Postero autem die cum Rhino coluram pervenisset, fratris ei mors nunciatur. acceptoque tanto luctu, quantum curarum aestum deposuit, ibat ulterius. Itaque Arabem sero facti poenituit: et qui revocarent eum, quem contumeliose tractaverat, velociter misit. Herodes au tem in Pelusium pervenerat: ibique transitu prohibitus ab ejus rei speculatoribus, rectores adit : et illi famam viri dig nitatemque reveriti, Alexandriam eum prosequuntur. In gressus autem civitatem, a Cleopatra honorifice susceptus est, ducem sibi militum fore eum ad ea quae parabat, existimante. Posthabitis autem reginae precibus, neque hyemis asperita tem, neque narina discrimina, quo minus navigaret Romam, extimuit.

[277] So when Herod had found that the Arabians were his enemies, and this for those very reasons whence he hoped they would have been the most friendly, and had given them such an answer as his passion suggested, he returned back, and went for Egypt. Now he lodged the first evening at one of the temples of that country, in order to meet with those whom he left behind; but on the next day word was brought him, as he was going to Rhinocurura, that his brother was dead, and how he came by his death; and when he had lamented him as much as his present circumstances could bear, he soon laid aside such cares, and proceeded on his journey. But now, after some time, the king of Arabia repented of what he had done, and sent presently away messengers to call him back: Herod had prevented them, and was come to Pelusium, where he could not obtain a passage from those that lay with the fleet, so he besought their captains to let him go by them; accordingly, out of the reverence they bore to the fame and dignity of the man, they conducted him to Alexandria; and when he came into the city, he was received by Cleopatra with great splendor, who hoped he might be persuaded to be commander of her forces in the expedition she was now about; but he rejected the queen's solicitations, and being neither aftrighted at the height of that storm which. then happened, nor at the tumults that were now in Italy, he sailed for Rome.

3. Circa Pamphiliam vero periclitatus, majore oneris parte rejecta, vix in Rhodum vehementer bello Cassii vexatam, sal vus evadit, amicorum autem suorum, Ptolemaei et Saphinii receptus hospitio, licet rei pecuniariae premeretur inopia, maximam tamen aedificat navim triremem : eaque cum ami cis delatus Brundusium, atque inde continuo Romam profec tus, familiaritatis paternae gratia primum convenit Antonium : eique tam suas quam totius generis clades exponit : quodque affinibus suis in castello relictis, atque obsidione cinctis ad eum hyeme supplex navigasset.

[280] But as he was in peril about Pamphylia, and obliged to cast out the greatest part of the ship's lading, he with difficulty got safe to Rhodes, a place which had been grievously harassed in the war with Cassius. He was there received by his friends, Ptolemy and Sappinius; and although he was then in want of money, he fitted up a three-decked ship of very great magnitude, wherein he and his friends sailed to Brundusium, and went thence to Rome with all speed; where he first of all went to Antony, on account of the friendship his father had with him, and laid before him the calamities of himself and his family; and that he had left his nearest relations besieged in a fortress, and had sailed to him through a storm, to make supplication to him for assistance.

4. Itaque tantae miserationis casu miseratus Antonius, et memoria quidem junctae cum Antipatro dexterae, tum vero ip sius qui aderat contemplatione virtutis, etiam tunc eum re gem constituere proposuit Judaeorum, quem ipse tetrarcham antea fecerat. Non minus autem quam favore Herodis, odio ducebatur Antigoni. Hunc enim et seditiosum, et Romanis inimicum esse arbitrabatur. Caesarem quidem habebat multo quam ipse paratius renovantem Antipatri expeditiones, quas in AEgypto cum ejus patre pertulerat : et hospitium et in re bus cunctis benevolentiam : cum praeter haec ipsius quoque Herodis strenuitatem cerneret. Verumtamen et senatum con vocabat ubi Messala, et post eum Atratinus, astante Herode, patris ejus merita, et ipsius circa populum Romanum fidem prosequebantur, quo simul hostem Antigonum demonstrarent: non solum quod intra breve tempus is dissidere coepisset, verum etiam quod antea quoque populo Romano despecto, Parthorum suffragio regnum curavisset accipere. His autem commoto senatu, cum Antonius etiam bello contra Parthos gerendo utile esse diceret Herodem regem creari,omnes assen tiunt. Dimissoque senatu, Antonius quidem et Caesar egre diebantur, medium stipantes Herodem. Consules autem cum aliis magistratibus antecedebant, caesuri hostias, decretumque senatus in Capitolio reposituri. Primo autem die regni He rodis, apud Antonium coenatum est.

[282] Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had been made in Herod's affairs, and this both upon his calling to mind how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on account of Herod's own virtue; so he then resolved to get him made king of the Jews, whom he had himself formerly made tetrarch. The contest also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no less weight than the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans; and as for Caesar, Herod found him better prepared than Antony, as remembering very fresh the wars he had gone through together with his father, the hospitable treatment he had met with from him, and the entire good-will he had showed to him; besides the activity which he saw in Herod himself. So he called the senate together, wherein Messalas, and after him Atratinus, produced Herod before them, and gave a full account of the merits of his father, and his own good-will to the Romans. At the same time they demonstrated that Antigonus was their enemy, not only because he soon quarreled with them, but because he now overlooked the Romans, and took the government by the means of the Parthians. These reasons greatly moved the senate; at which juncture Antony came in, and told them that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king; so they all gave their votes for it. And when the senate was separated, Antony and Caesar went out, with Herod between them; while the consul and the rest of the magistrates went before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay the decree in the Capitol. Antony also made a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign.

CAP. XV. EODEM vero tempore Antigonus apud Massadam inclusos obsidebat. aliis quidem victui necessariis abundantes, aquae autem inopes. Unde Josephus quoque frater Herodis cum ducentis familiaribus suis ad Arabas confugere cogitabat : au dito quod eorum quae in Herodem commiserat, Malichum poeniteret : castellumque reliquisset, nisi circa noctem, qua exiturus erat, plurimum imbrium contigisset effundi. aqua enim repletis puteis, fugiendi causa non erat. adeo ut etiam ultro in Antigoni militem eruptiones auderent : multosque nunc aperto praelio, nunc insidiis neci darent : non tamen illis omnia pro voto cedebant, sed ipsi quoque interdum cum ad verso casu revertebantur.

[286] NOW during this time Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who had all other necessaries in sufficient quantity, but were in want of water; on which account Joseph, Herod's brother, was disposed to run away to the Arabians, with two hundred of his own friends, because he had heard that Malichus repented of his offenses with regard to Herod; and he had been so quick as to have been gone out of the fortress already, unless, on that very night when he was going away, there had fallen a great deal of rain, insomuch that his reservoirs were full of water, and so he was under no necessity of running away. After which, therefore, they made an irruption upon Antigonus's party, and slew a great many of them, some in open battles, and some in private ambush; nor had they always success in their attempts, for sometimes they were beaten, and ran away.

2. Interea dux Romani militis Ventidius, prohibitum mis sus Parthos a Syria, post illos in Judaeam venit : verbo qui dem ut Josepho et qui una obsidebantur, ferret auxilium : re autem vera, ut pecunias auferret Antigono. Itaque cum non longe ab Hierosolymis tetendisset, quaestu expletus, ipse qui dem cum maxima exercitus parte discessit. Silonem vero cum paucis, ne furtum deprehenderetur, si omnes abduxisset, reliquit. Antigonus autem sperans iterum Parthos sibi adju mento fore, Silonem interim placabat : ut pendente spe, nihil inquietaret.

[288] In the mean time Ventidius, the Roman general, was sent out of Syria, to restrain the incursions of the Parthians; and after he had done that, he came into Judea, in pretense indeed to assist Joseph and his party, but in reality to get money of Antigonus;, and when he had pitched his camp very near to Jerusalem, as soon as he had got money enough, he went away with the greatest part of his forces; yet still did he leave Silo with some part of them, lest if he had taken them all away, his taking of bribes might have been too openly discovered. Now Antigonus hoped that the Parthians would come again to his assistance, and therefore cultivated a good understanding with Silo in the mean time, lest any interruption should be given to his hopes.

3. Jam vero navi ex Italia in Ptolemaidem devectus He rodes, non parva manu coacta externorum atque gentilium, per Galilaeam adversus Antigonum properabat, Ventidii et Silonis fultus auxilio: quibus Gellius ab Antonio missus, ut Herodem in regnum deducerent, persuasit. Horum autem Ventidius quidem turbas in civitatibus, quae propter Parthos evenerant, compouebat. Silonem vero Antigonus in Judaea mercede corruperat. Non tamen Herodes opis egebat : in dies enim singulos, quo magis iter promovebat, augebantur ejus copiae. nam praeter paucos omnis ei Galilaea consensit, et praepositum habebat praemium necessarium Massadam, ut primum affines suos obsidione liberaret, sed impedimento fuit Joppe. Haec enim prius, quod hostilis esset, eximenda vide batur : ne dum ipse peteret Hierosolymam, receptaculum a tergo aliquod inimicis relinqueretur. Silo autem jungit ag mina, invenisse gaudens resistendi occasionem, quod eum persecutio premeret Judaeorum. Hos autem Herodes parvae manus excursatione perterritos, mature in fugam vertit : et Silonem male repugnantem, periculo eripit.

[290] Now by this time Herod had sailed out of Italy, and was come to Ptolemais; and as soon as he had gotten together no small army of foreigners, and of his own countrymen, he marched through Galilee against Antigonus, wherein he was assisted by Ventidius and Silo, both whom Dellius, a person sent by Antony, persuaded to bring Herod [into his kingdom]. Now Ventidius was at this time among the cities, and composing the disturbances which had happened by means of the Parthians, as was Silo in Judea corrupted by the bribes that Antigonus had given him; yet was not Herod himself destitute of power, but the number of his forces increased every day as he went along, and all Galilee, with few exceptions, joined themselves to him. So he proposed to himself to set about his most necessary enterprise, and that was Masada, in order to deliver his relations from the siege they endured. But still Joppa stood in his way, and hindered his going thither; for it was necessary to take that city first, which was in the enemies' hands, that when he should go to Jerusalem, no fortress might be left in the enemies' power behind him. Silo also willingly joined him, as having now a plausible occasion of drawing off his forces [from Jerusalem]; and when the Jews pursued him, and pressed upon him, [in his retreat,] Herod made all excursion upon them with a small body of his men, and soon put them to flight, and saved Silo when he was in distress.

4. Deinde capta Joppe, suos liberaturus ad Massadam fes tinabat : dum indigenarum alios amicitia paterna sibi sociaret, alios ipsius gloria, nonnullos utriusque beneficiis debita vicis situdo : plurimos tamen spes, ut a rege certissimo. Jamque validissimas quaesierat militum copias: sed Antigonus iter ejus impediebat, loca insidiis opportuna praeoccupans, unde nullum aut minimum afferebat hostibus detrimentum. He rodes autem facile receptis ex Massada pignoribus suis et rebus, a castello in Hierosolymam perrexit. Cui se Silonis milites et multi ex civitate junxerunt, virium ejus timore perculsi.

[293] After this Herod took Joppa, and then made haste to Masada to free his relations. Now, as he was marching, many came in to him, induced by their friendship to his father, some by the reputation he had already gained himself, and some in order to repay the benefits they had received from them both; but still what engaged the greatest number on his side, was the hopes from him when he should be established in his kingdom; so that he had gotten together already an army hard to be conquered. But Antigonus laid an ambush for him as he marched out, in which he did little or no harm to his enemies. However, he easily recovered his relations again that were in Masada, as well as the fortress Ressa, and then marched to Jerusalem, where the soldiers that were with Silo joined themselves to his own, as did many out of the city, from a dread of his power.

5. Castris autem positis ad occiduam regionem oppidi, cus todes ejus partis ipsum sagittis et jaculis impetebant : ab aliis vero per cuneos excurrentibus primae frontis acies tentaban tur. Herodes autem primo circa muros praeconis voce decla rari jussit, populi se bono et saluti civitatis advenisse : poe nasque ab nullo quamvis manifesto inimico repetiturum, sed discordissimis etiam offensarum oblivionem daturum. De inde cum allocutionibus contrariis pars Antigoni obstaret, quo minus aut praecones exaudire, aut voluntatem mutare quis piam posset, quod reliquum erat, suis imperat murorum de fensores deturbare : atque illi statim sagittis cunctos ex tur ribus in fugam verterunt.

[295] Now when he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the guards that were there shot their arrows and threw their darts at them, while others ran out in companies, and attacked those in the forefront; but Herod commanded proclamation to be made at the wall, that he was come for the good of the people and the preservation of the city, without any design to be revenged on his open enemies, but to grant oblivion to them, though they had been the most obstinate against him. Now the soldiers that were for Antigonus made a contrary clamor, and did neither permit any body to hear that proclamation, nor to change their party; so Antigonus gave order to his forces to beat the enemy from the walls; accordingly, they soon threw their darts at them from the towers, and put them to flight.

6. Ibique tunc Silonis detecta corruptio est. Multis enim militum subornatis, qui rebus egere se necessariis acclama rent, pecuniamque alimentis poscerent, atque hyemandi gra tia in loca opportuna dimitti (nam civitati proxima deserta erant, ita omnibus ab Antigono ante provisis) et incitabat ex ercitum, et ipse recedere conabatur. Herodes autem non so lum duces qui Siloni parerent, sed etiam milites ubi plurimi essent conveniendo, rogabat ne se destituerent, quem scirent a Caesare et Antonio et senatu deductum, in uno die pollici tus eos penuria solvere. Deinde haec precatus ipse agros adit : tantamque his exhibuit copiam commeatus, ut Silonis omnes accusationes perimeret. simulque prospiciens, ne vel in posterum ministrare desinerent, accolas Samariae per epi stolas admonebat (nam civitas ejus se clientelae dederat) ut alimenta et vinum et oleum, et pecora in Hierichunta defer rent. Hoc ubi audivit Antigonus, statim qui frumentatu hostes prohiberent, atque insidiis opprimerent, per agros di mittit. Illique jussis obediunt, et magna jam manus armato rum super Hierichunta fuerat congregata. Discreti autem montibus insidebant, siqui exportarent victui necessaria spe culantes. Non tamen Herodes otiosus erat, sed decem co hortibus comitatus, quinque Romanorum, et quinque Judaeo rum, quibus permixti erant etiam mercede conducti trecenti, praeterea paucis equitibus Hierichunta pervenit : et civitatem quidem vacuam habitatoribus reperit, quingentos vero cum mulieribus ac familiis montium occupasse cacumina. et hos quidem captos dimisit: Romani autem in reliquam civitatem irruunt, eamque diripuere, cum plenas domos offendissent om nigenis opibus. Rex autem apud Hiericbunta praesidio collo cato, reversus est: Romanumque militem in his quae sibi ac cesserant civitatibus, hoc est Idumaea, et Galilaea, et Samaria, hyematurum dimisit: Antigonus quoque Silonis corruptione meruit, ut exercitus partem Lyddenses susciperent in Anti goni gratiam.

[297] And here it was that Silo discovered he had taken bribes; for he set many of the soldiers to clamor about their want of necessaries, and to require their pay, in order to buy themselves food, and to demand that he would lead them into places convenient for their winter quarters; because all the parts about the city were laid waste by the means of Antigonus's army, which had taken all things away. By this he moved the army, and attempted to get them off the siege; but Herod went to the captains that were under Silo, and to a great many of the soldiers, and begged of them not to leave him, who was sent thither by Caesar, and Antony, and the senate; for that he would take care to have their wants supplied that very day. After the making of which entreaty, he went hastily into the country, and brought thither so great an abundance of necessaries, that he cut off all Silo's pretenses; and in order to provide that for the following days they should not want supplies, he sent to the people that were about Samaria (which city had joined itself to him) to bring corn, and wine, and oil, and cattle to Jericho. When Antigonus heard of this, be sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions. Yet was Herod not idle, but took with him ten cohorts, five of them were Romans, and five were Jewish cohorts, together with some mercenary troops intermixed among them, and besides those a few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and when he came, he found the city deserted, but that there were five hundred men, with their wives and children, who had taken possession of the tops of the mountains; these he took, and dismissed them, while the Romans fell upon the rest of the city, and plundered it, having found the houses full of all sorts of good things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and came back, and sent the Roman army into those cities which were come over to him, to take their winter quarters there, viz. into Judea, [or Idumea,] and Galilee, and Samaria. Antigonus also by bribes obtained of Silo to let a part of his army be received at Lydda, as a compliment to Antonius.

CAP. XVI.' ET Romani quidem armorum cura soluti, rebus omnibus abundabant. Herodes autem non quiescebat, sed Idumaeam duobus millibus peditum, et quadringentis equitibus, misso etiam fratre suo Josepho, communivit, ne quid novi cum An tigono tentaretur. Ipse autem, matre cum aliis quos ex Mas sada liberaverat affinibus suis in Samariam translata, ibique tutissime collocata ut caetera Galilaeae subverteret, atque An tigoni praesidia expelleret, proficiscitur.

[303] SO the Romans lived in plenty of all things, and rested from war. However, Herod did not lie at rest, but seized upon Idumea, and kept it, with two thousand footmen, and four hundred horsemen; and this he did by sending his brother Joseph thither, that no innovation might be made by Antigonus. He also removed his mother, and all his relations, who had been in Masada, to Samaria; and when he had settled them securely, he marched to take the remaining parts of Galilee, and to drive away the garrisons placed there by Antigonus.

2. Cumque Sephorim, licet vehementissime ningeret, per venisset, facillime civitatem capit, custodibus ejus ante ag gressionem fuga dilapsis: ibique suis militibus, quos hyems fatigaverat, recreatis (erat enim magna copia commeatus) adversus latrones in speluncis degentes direxit animum : qui pleraque illius regionis incursantes, non minoribus quam belli cladibus incolas afficiebant. Praemissis autem tribus peditum cohortibus, unaque ala equitum in vicum Arbelam, ipse die bus quadraginta post cum reliqua manu supervenit. Nec ta men ejus incursum hostes extimuere, sed armati obviam pro cedebant, peritia bellatoris fisi, et ferocitate latronis. Deinde proelio commisso, dextro ipsorum cornu sinistrum Herodis in fugam pellitur. Ille autem de suo dextro circumgressus, velo citer subvenit, et suos quidem a fuga retrahit: irruendo au tem in hostes impetum persequentium refrenabat, donec a fronte pugnantes violentiae concesserunt.

[304] But when Herod had reached Sepphoris, in a very great snow, he took the city without any difficulty; the guards that should have kept it flying away before it was assaulted; where he gave an opportunity to his followers that had been in distress to refresh themselves, there being in that city a great abundance of necessaries. After which he hasted away to the robbers that were in the caves, who overran a great part of the country, and did as great mischief to its inhabitants as a war itself could have done. Accordingly, he sent beforehand three cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, to the village Arbela, and came himself forty days afterwards with the rest of his forces Yet were not the enemy aftrighted at his assault but met him in arms; for their skill was that of warriors, but their boldness was the boldness of robbers: when therefore it came to a pitched battle, they put to flight Herod's left wing with their right one; but Herod, wheeling about on the sudden from his own right wing, came to their assistance, and both made his own left wing return back from its flight, and fell upon the pursuers, and cooled their courage, till they could not bear the attempts that were made directly upon them, and so turned back and ran away.

3. Qui tamen eos usque ad Jordanem caedendo perseque batur: et magna fugientium parte perempta, caeteri trans flu vium disjecti sunt : et Galilaea metu est purgata, nisi quod in speluncis latitantes reliquerant, eorumque causa diutius ibi remorandum fuit. Quamobrem primum laboris fructum mi litibus rependebat, centum quinquaginta argenti drachmas singulis dividendo : eorumque ducibus multiplicatam -sum mam ad hyberna mittendo. Pherorae autem fratri minimo scripsit, ut et foro venalium consuleret, muroque castellum Alexandrium cingeret : quae ab illo curata sunt.

[307] But Herod followed them, and slew them as he followed them, and destroyed a great part of them, till those that remained were scattered beyond the river [Jordan;] and Galilee was freed from the terrors they had been under, excepting from those that remained, and lay concealed in caves, which required longer time ere they could be conquered. In order to which Herod, in the first place, distributed the fruits of their former labors to the soldiers, and gave every one of them a hundred and fifty drachmae of silver, and a great deal more to their commanders, and sent them into their winter quarters. He also sent to his youngest brother Pheroas, to take care of a good market for them, where they might buy themselves provisions, and to build a wall about Alexandrium; who took care of both those injunctions accordingly.

4. Interea circum Athenas versabatur Antonius. Venti dius autem ad bellum contra Parthos Silonem atque Hero dem accersit : mandato eis per epistolas, ut Judaeae statum ante componerent. Sed Herodes, libenter ad Ventidium Si lone dimisso, ipse adversum latrones in speluncis habitantes movet exercitum. Istae autem speluncae in praeruptis montibus erant, undique inaccessae, transversosque tantum ac peran gustos ascensus habebant: saxumque ab earum fronte usque ad fauces altissimas pertingebat, rectum vallibus imminens, ut aliquandiu quidem rex pro loci difficultate quid ageret, in certus esset. Postremo autem placuit, ut molimine uteretur satis incauto. Etenim valentissimus quisque demissus arcu lis, exponebatur in ostia speluncarum. Hique cum familiis eos mactabant, ignemque repugnantibus injiciebant. Cum que aliquos ex his conservare vellet Herodes, ut ad se acce derent, voce praeconis edixit. Sed illorum neque voluntarius se quisquam ei tradidit: sed et quos vis coëgerat, multi mor tem captivitati praetulerunt. Ubi etiam senior quidam, sep tem filiorum pater, orantes cum matre pueros, ut egredi sibi ad foedera permitteret, occidit hoc modo. Jussit exire sin gulos, ipse ad ostium stabat, et prodeuntem quemque filio rum trucidabat. Herodes autem e specula haec prospiciens, et dolore conficiebatur : et ut filiis parceret, seni dexteram cum precibus porrigebat. Ille autem dictis ejus nequaquam mitior factus, insuper humilem animum Herodi exprobravit, et post filios occidit uxorem : dejectisque desuper mortuis, postremo semetipsum praecipitem misit. -

[309] In the mean time Antony abode at Athens, while Ventidius called for Silo and Herod to come to the war against the Parthians, but ordered them first to settle the affairs of Judea; so Herod willingly dismissed Silo to go to Ventidius, but he made an expedition himself against those that lay in the caves. Now these caves were in the precipices of craggy mountains, and could not be come at from any side, since they had only some winding pathways, very narrow, by which they got up to them; but the rock that lay on their front had beneath it valleys of a vast depth, and of an almost perpendicular declivity; insomuch that the king was doubtful for a long time what to do, by reason of a kind of impossibility there was of attacking the place. Yet did he at length make use of a contrivance that was subject to the utmost hazard; for he let down the most hardy of his men in chests, and set them at the mouths of the dens. Now these men slew the robbers and their families, and when they made resistance, they sent in fire upon them [and burnt them]; and as Herod was desirous of saving some of them, he had proclamation made, that they should come and deliver themselves up to him; but not one of them came willingly to him; and of those that were compelled to come, many preferred death to captivity. And here a certain old man, the father of seven children, whose children, together with their mother, desired him to give them leave to go out, upon the assurance and right hand that was offered them, slew them after the following manner: He ordered every one of them to go out, while he stood himself at the cave's mouth, and slew that son of his perpetually who went out. Herod was near enough to see this sight, and his bowels of compassion were moved at it, and he stretched out his right hand to the old man, and besought him to spare his children; yet did not he relent at all upon what he said, but over and above reproached Herod on the lowness of his descent, and slew his wife as well as his children; and when he had thrown their dead bodies down the precipice, he at last threw himself down after them.

5. Speluncis igitur et qui in his erant ita subactis, Herodes relicta exercitus parte, quantum ne quis rebellare tentaret satis esse arbitrabatur, eique parti Ptolemaeo praeposito, in Samariam rediit : scutatorum quidem tria millia, sexcentos vero equites in Antigonum ducens. Tuncque propter ejus abscessum nacti licentiam, quibus Galilaeam turbare mos erat, Ptolemaeum quidem ducem aggressi, nec opinantem interficiunt. Agros autem vastabant, in paludes atque in abditissima loca refugientes. Quibus cognitis Herodes ma ture succurrit: et magnam quidem eorum multitudinem morte consumit. Omnibus autem castellis obsidione liberatis, hujus mutationis causa mulctam exegit a civitatibus pecu niam, centum talenta.

[314] By this means Herod subdued these caves, and the robbers that were in them. He then left there a part of his army, as many as he thought sufficient to prevent any sedition, and made Ptolemy their general, and returned to Samaria; he led also with him three thousand armed footmen, and six hundred horsemen, against Antigonus. Now here those that used to raise tumults in Galilee, having liberty so to do upon his departure, fell unexpectedly upon Ptolemy, the general of his forces, and slew him; they also laid the country waste, and then retired to the bogs, and to places not easily to be found. But when Herod was informed of this insurrection, he came to the assistance of the country immediately, and destroyed a great number of the seditions, and raised the sieges of all those fortresses they had besieged; he also exacted the tribute of a hundred talents of his enemies, as a penalty for the mutations they had made in the country.

6. Jam vero Parthis expulsis, occiso etiam Pacoro, Ven tidius Antonii literis monitus, equitum mille auxilia duarum que, legionum adversus Antigonum mittit Herodi. eorum autem ducem Machaeram, ut se adjutum veniret, per epistolas rogavit Antigonus, et de injuria Herodis multa conquestus, et pecuniam dare pollicitus. Sed is, nec enim ad quos missus fuerat, negligendum putabat, cum praesertim plura daret Herodes, in proditione quidem ei non paruit, simulata vero amicitia res Antigoni exploratum perrexit, non admisso He rodis consilio, dissuadentis id fieri. Antigonus autem, quia praesensit quid cogitaret, civitatem ei clausit, et tanquam hostem arcebat a moenibus, donec Machaeram incepti puduit, et in Amathuntem ad Herodem recessit. Iratus autem quod res aliter cesserat, quoscunque Judaeos offendisset inter ficiebat, ut nec vel Herodianis parceret, sed ut Antigonianis omnibus abutebatur.

[317] By this time (the Parthians being already driven out of the country, and Pacorus slain) Ventidius, by Antony's command, sent a thousand horsemen, and two legions, as auxiliaries to Herod, against Antigonus. Now Antigonus besought Macheras, who was their general, by letter, to come to his assistance, and made a great many mournful complaints about Herod's violence, and about the injuries he did to the kingdom; and promised to give him money for such his assistance; but he complied not with his invitation to betray his trust, for he did not contemn him that sent him, especially while Herod gave him more money [than the other offered]. So he pretended friendship to Antigonus, but came as a spy to discover his affairs; although he did not herein comply with Herod, who dissuaded him from so doing. But Antigonus perceived what his intentions were beforehand, and excluded him out of the city, and defended himself against him as against an enemy, from the walls; till Macheras was ashamed of what he had done, and retired to Emmaus to Herod; and as he was in a rage at his disappointment, he slew all the Jews whom he met with, without sparing those that were for Herod, but using them all as if they were for Antigonus.

7. Haec cum aegre ferret Herodes in Machaeram quidem vindicare voluit, tanquam in hostem : iracundiam vero re pressit, et ad Antonium properabat, apud eum accusaturus Machaerae iniquitatem. Ille autem delicta sua reputans velo citer regem consequitur : utque in gratiam secum redeat, multis precibus efficit. Neque tamen Herodes a proposito suo revocatus est quo minus ad Antonium pergeret. Sed cum audisset eum magnis viribus oppugnare Samosatam, juxta Euphratem validissimam civitatem, acrius festinabat, opportunum hoc tempus esse perspiciens demonstrandae vir tutis, et ut magis magisque placeret Antonio. Denique mox ut ad eum venit, finem attulit obsidioni, multis Barbaris interfectis, magnaque praedae parte sibi destinata : ut Anto nius quidem, quanquam ejus virtutem antea mirabatur, tamen etiam tunc magis eandem opinionem haberet, multumque ad honores ejus spemque regni adderet : Antiochus vero tradere Samosatam cogeretur.

[320] Hereupon Herod was very angry at him, and was going to fight against Macheras as his enemy; but he restrained his indignation, and marched to Antony to accuse Macheras of maladministration. But Macheras was made sensible of his offenses, and followed after the king immediately, and earnestly begged and obtained that he would be reconciled to him. However, Herod did not desist from his resolution of going to Antony; but when he heard that he was besieging Samosata with a great army, which is a strong city near to Euphrates, he made the greater haste; as observing that this was a proper opportunity for showing at once his courage, and for doing what would greatly oblige Antony. Indeed, when he came, he soon made an end of that siege, and slew a great number of the barbarians, and took from them a large prey; insomuch that Antony, who admired his courage formerly, did now admire it still more. Accordingly, he heaped many more honors upon him, and gave him more assured hopes that he should gain his kingdom; and now king Antiochus was forced to deliver up Samosata.

CAP. XVII. DUM haec agerentur, res Herodis in Judaea fractae sunt. Reliquerat enim Josephum fratrem suum, qui omnia procu raret, cum mandatis hujusmodi, ut nihil ante reditum suum adversus Antigonum moveret, quia non firmum esset auxi lium Machaerae, quantum ex delictis superioribus appareret. Verum Josephus, ubi fratrem procul abesse cognovit, imme mor praeceptorum, Hierichunta cum quinque cohortibus a Machaera secum missis petit, ut maturo messium tempore frumenta diripiat. Incursu autem hostium per montana atque aspera loca oppressus, et ipse cadit, magnam viri fortis in ea pugna gloriam consecutus, et omnes Romani milites pereunt. Recens autem lectae de Syria cohortes erant, nec veteranorum quenquam permixtum habebant, qui belli imperitis opitulari. posset.

[323] IN the mean time, Herod's affairs in Judea were in an ill state. He had left his brother Joseph with full power, but had charged him to make no attempts against Antigonus till his return; for that Macheras would not be such an assistant as he could depend on, as it appeared by what he had done already; but as soon as Joseph heard that his brother was at a very great distance, he neglected the charge he had received, and marched towards Jericho with five cohorts, which Macheras sent with him. This movement was intended for seizing on the corn, as it was now in the midst of summer; but when his enemies attacked him in the mountains, and in places which were difficult to pass, he was both killed himself, as he was very bravely fighting in the battle, and the entire Roman cohorts were destroyed; for these cohorts were new-raised men, gathered out of Syria, and here was no mixture of those called veteran soldiers among them, who might have supported those that were unskillful in war.

2. Antigonus autem victoria minime contentus fuit : sed eo processit iracundiae, ut mortuum quoque Josephum verbe raret. Denique nactus corpora nortuorum, etiam caput ejus abscidit, quamvis L. talenta Pheroras frater pretium redemp tionis offerret. tanta vero novitas post Antigoni victoriam Galilaeae res occupavit, ut qui partibus ejus magis faverent, productos primates Herodis studiosos lacu submergerent: multaque in Idumaea quoque mutarentur, ubi Machaera cas telli cujusdam instaurabat moenia, cujus nomen est Githa. ' nec horum quicquam Herodes audierat. Captis enim Samo satis Antonius, et praeposito Syriae Sosio jusso ut Herodem quoque adversus Antigonum adjuvaret, discessit in AEgyp tum. Sosius autem duabus cohortibus in Judaeam praemissis, quarum Herodes uteretur auxilio, ipse cum caetera mamu militum sequebatur.

[325] This victory was not sufficient for Antigonus; but he proceeded to that degree of rage, as to treat the dead body of Joseph barbarously; for when he had got possession of the bodies of those that were slain, he cut off his head, although his brother Pheroras would have given fifty talents as a price of redemption for it. And now the affairs of Galilee were put in such disorder after this victory of Antigonus's, that those of Antigonus's party brought the principal men that were on Herod's side to the lake, and there drowned them. There was a great change made also in Idumea, where Macheras was building a wall about one of the fortresses, which was called Gittha. But Herod had not yet been informed of these things; for after the taking of Samosata, and when Antony had set Sosius over the affairs of Syria, and had given him orders to assist Herod against Antigonus, he departed into Egypt; but Sosius sent two legions before him into Judea to assist Herod, and followed himself soon after with the rest of his army.

3. Herodi autem degenti prope Daphnem Antiochiae, mor tem fratris somnia manifesta significant. Cumque turbatus prosiluisset e stratis, ecce nuncii cladis intrabant: quare prae dolore paululum questus, maxima parte luctus dilata, in hostes properabat, ultra vires iter accelerans. et ubi ad Liba num venit, octingentos montis accolas assumit auxilio, unam que his jungit Romanorum cohortem. cum quibus non ex pectata luce, Galilaeam ingressus est, hostesque obvios in eum quem reliquerant locum avertit. et assidue quidem cas tellum oppugnare tentabat: sed prius quam id caperet, asperrima hyeme coactus, in vicum proximum recepit exer citum. paucis autem diebus post, auctus etiam alterius co hortis praesidio, quam Antonius miserat, tanto hostibus ter rori fuit, ut castellum nocte desererent.

[328] Now when Herod was at Daphne, by Antioch, he had some dreams which clearly foreboded his brother's death; and as he leaped out of his bed in a disturbed manner, there came messengers that acquainted him with that calamity. So when he had lamented this misfortune for a while, he put off the main part of his mourning, and made haste to march against his enemies; and when he had performed a march that was above his strength, and was gone as far as Libanus, he got him eight hundred men of those that lived near to that mountain as his assistants, and joined with them one Roman legion, with which, before it was day, he made an irruption into Galilee, and met his enemies, and drove them back to the place which they had left. He also made an immediate and continual attack upon the fortress. Yet was he forced by a most terrible storm to pitch his camp in the neighboring villages before he could take it. But when, after a few days' time, the second legion, that came from Antony, joined themselves to him, the enemy were aftrighted at his power, and left their fortifications ill the night time.

4. Jamque per Hierichunta properans ibat, ut quam pri mum interfectores fratris sui posset ulcisci, ubi etiam mira bilis ei monstrique similis casus evenit : unde praeter spem liberatus, opinionem quod Deo carus esset adeptus est. nam cum multi honorati vespera illa apud eum coenavissent, post quam dimisso convivio omnes egressi sunt, confestim coena culum concidit. Id autem commune sibi tam periculorum quam salutis praesagium, quantum ad futurum bellum pertine ret, esse conjiciens mane primo castra movet: hostiumque sex circiter millia de montibus decurrentes, prima tentabant agmina: et manum quidem cum Romanis conserere non satis fidebant: lapidibus autem ac telis eos, dummodo plurimos sauciarent, eminus appetebant. ubi Herodes quoque ipse praeteriens, latus jaculo vulneratur.

[331] After this he marched through Jericho, as making what haste he could to be avenged on his brother's murderers; where happened to him a providential sign, out of which, when he had unexpectedly escaped, he had the reputation of being very dear to God; for that evening there feasted with him many of the principal men; and after that feast was over, and all the guests were gone out, the house fell down immediately. And as he judged this to be a common signal of what dangers he should undergo, and how he should escape them in the war that he was going about, he, in the morning, set forward with his army, when about six thousand of his enemies came running down from the mountains, and began to fight with those in his forefront; yet durst they not be so very bold as to engage the Romans hand to hand, but threw stones and darts at them at a distance; by which means they wounded a considerable number; in which action Herod's own side was wounded with a dart.

5. Antigonus autem se non solum audacia suorum, sed etiam multitudine superiorem videri cupiens, Pappum quen dam ex contubernalibus suis cum manu militum in Samariam mittit, quibus quidem Machaera erat praemium victoriae. He rodes vero terram pervagatus hostilem, quinque municipia capit, duoque habitatorum millia consumit. exustisque domi bus, ad exercitum redit, circa vicum, qui appellatur Cana tendentem.

[333] Now as Antigonus had a mind to appear to exceed Herod, not only in the courage, but in the number of his men, he sent Pappus, one of his companions, with an army against Samaria, whose fortune it was to oppose Macheras; but Herod overran the enemy's country, and demolished five little cities, and destroyed two thousand men that were in them, and burned their houses, and then returned to his camp; but his head-quarters were at the village called Cana.

6. In dies autem singulos magna ei multitudo Judaeorum vel ex ipsa Hierichunte, vel ex aliis regionibus accedebat : cum hos odium moveret Antigoni, alios ipsis Herodis prae clara facinora. Enimvero multos ratione carentes mutationis cupiditas impellebat. hoc autem congredi festinante, Pappi milites neque multitudine hostium, neque impetu perterriti, acriter ad pugnam ex altera parte procedunt. sed ubi agmina conflixerunt, caeteri quidam paulisper restiterunt. Herodes autem fraternae caedis recordatione periculosius dimicans, dummodo ejus ulcisceretur autores, adversam aciem facillime superat, deinde semper integros aggrediendo, universos in fugam vertit. erat enim plurima occumbentium strages, cum alii quidem in vicum unde venerant compellerentur, novissi mus autem ipse instaret, atque infinitos occideret. postremo ruens inter fugientes hostes in vicum irrupit: cum omnes domus armatis essent refertae, plenaque propugnatorum de super tecta : et quoniam foris deprehensos facillime super abat, disturbando aedes intus abditos extrahebat, alios con vulsis obrutos tectis, multos simul necabat. si quis autem subterfugisset ruinam eum gladiis armati milites excipiebant, tantaque cadaverum per omnes vias multitudo coacervata est, ut etiam victoribus ipsis transitus obstrueretur. hanc plagam hostes adeo non tulerunt, ut confluentium turba, conspectis, qui in vico perissent, fuga discederent. statimque successu fretus Herodes ad Hierosolymam perrexisset, nisi eum hyemis asperitas prohibuisset. Haec enim perficiendae victoriae fuit impedimentum, et ne penitus opprimeretur An tigonus, obstitit, qui civitatem jam deserere cogitabat.

[335] Now a great multitude of Jews resorted to him every day, both out of Jericho and the other parts of the country. Some were moved so to do out of their hatred to Antigonus, and some out of regard to the glorious actions Herod had done; but others were led on by an unreasonable desire of change; so he fell upon them immediately. As for Pappus and his party, they were not terrified either at their number or at their zeal, but marched out with great alacrity to fight them; and it came to a close fight. Now other parts of their army made resistance for a while; but Herod, running the utmost hazard, out of the rage he was in at the murder of his brother, that he might be avenged on those that had been the authors of it, soon beat those that opposed him; and after he had beaten them, he always turned his force against those that stood to it still, and pursued them all; so that a great slaughter was made, while some were forced back into that village whence they came out; he also pressed hard upon the hindermost, and slew a vast number of them; he also fell into the village with the enemy, where every house was filled with armed men, and the upper rooms were crowded above with soldiers for their defense; and when he had beaten those that were on the outside, he pulled the houses to pieces, and plucked out those that were within; upon many he had the roofs shaken down, whereby they perished by heaps; and as for those that fled out of the ruins, the soldiers received them with their swords in their hands; and the multitude of those slain and lying on heaps was so great, that the conquerors could not pass along the roads. Now the enemy could not bear this blow, so that when the multitude of them which was gathered together saw that those in the village were slain, they dispersed themselves, and fled away; upon the confidence of which victory, Herod had marched immediately to Jerusalem, unless he tad been hindered by the depth of winter's [coming on]. This was the impediment that lay in the way of this his entire glorious progress, and was what hindered Antigonus from being now conquered, who was already disposed to forsake the city.

7. Herodes autem ad vesperam, cum lassos amicos refici endi corporis gratia dimisisset, ipse adhuc ab armis calidus, nore militis lavatum ibat. Siquidem unus tantum puer eum sequebatur. Et prius quam in balneum perveniret, obvius ei quidam ex hostibus gladio armatus occurrit, deinde alter, et tertius, et plures. Et hi confugerant armati ex acie in bal neum, sed perculsi etiam tum metu ac latitantes, ut regem viderunt, illum quidem stupore debilitati ac trementes, cum inermis esset praetereunt : exitus vero qua fugerent cursu petebant. Itaque cum alius casu, qui eos deprehenderet, nullus adesset, Herodi autem nihil pati satis fuisset, omnes effugiunt.

[340] Now when at the evening Herod had already dismissed his friends to refresh themselves after their fatigue, and when he was gone himself, while he was still hot in his armor, like a common soldier, to bathe himself, and had but one servant that attended him, and before he was gotten into the bath, one of the enemies met him in the face with a sword in his hand, and then a second, and then a third, and after that more of them; these were men who had run away out of the battle into the bath in their armor, and they had lain there for some time in, great terror, and in privacy; and when they saw the king, they trembled for fear, and ran by him in a flight, although he was naked, and endeavored to get off into the public road. Now there was by chance nobody else at hand that might seize upon these men; and for Herod, he was contented to have come to no harm himself, so that they all got away in safety.

8. Postero autem die Pappum quidem, Antigoni militum ducem, abscisso capite obtruncant: idque Pherorae magistro exercitus fratri suo mittit in perempti fratris ultionem. nam que Pappus erat qui Josephum interfecerat. Ubi autem rigor hyemis cessit, Hierosolymam repetiit : murisque admoto milite, (annus autem tertius agebatur, ex quo Romae rex fuerat declaratus) pro templo castra posuit, qua facilior erat expugnatio, et antea Pompeius ceperat civitatem. Exercitu autem in opera distributo, suburbanisque divisis, tres quidem levare aggeres, et super eos turres aedificare jubet. relictis autem, qui operibus instarent, impigerrimis amicorum, ipse in Samariam vadit, uxorem accepturus, Alexandri filii Aristobuli filiam, sibi desponsatam, ut diximus, et dum obsidet, succi siva opera nuptias curaturus: quippe jam hostes despiciebat.

[342] But on the next day Herod had Pappus's head cut off, who was the general for Antigonus, and was slain in the battle, and sent it to his brother Pheroras, by way of punishment for their slain brother; for he was the man that slew Joseph. Now as winter was going off, Herod marched to Jerusalem, and brought his army to the wall of it; this was the third year since he had been made king at Rome; so he pitched his camp before the temple, for on that side it might be besieged, and there it was that Pompey took the city. So he parted the work among the army, and demolished the suburbs, end raised three banks, and gave orders to have towers built upon those banks, and left the most laborious of his acquaintance at the works. But he went himself to Samaria, to take the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, to wife, who had been betrothed to him before, as we have already said; and thus he accomplished this by the by, during the siege of the city, for he had his enemies in great contempt already.

9. Igitur ubi eam duxit, ad Hierosolymam redit, auctus militum copiis: eique Sosius cum magna manu equitum peditumque sociatur: qua mediterraneo itinere praemissa, ipse per Phoenicem iter fecit, universo autem exercitu con gregato, ad peditum legiones undecim, equitumque sex millia, praeter auxilia Syrorum, non pro minima parta ducenda, prope a Septentrionali muro castra collocarunt : Herodes quidem senatusconsulto fretus, quo rex fuerat declaratus: Sosius vero Antonio, a quo milites, quibus praeerat, sciret missos Herodi auxilio.

[345] When he had thus married Mariamne, he came back to Jerusalem with a greater army. Sosius also joined him with a large army, both of horsemen and footmen, which he sent before him through the midland parts, while he marched himself along Phoenicia; and when the whole army was gotten together, which were eleven regiments of footmen, and six thousand horsemen, besides the Syrian auxiliaries, which were no small part of the army, they pitched their camp near to the north wall. Herod's dependence was upon the decree of the senate, by which he was made king; and Sosius relied upon Antony, who sent the army that was under him to Herod's assistance.

CAP. XVIII. JUDAEORUM autem intra civitatem agentium populus varie turbatus erat. Nam circa templum infirmior multitudo conveniens furore agebatur : multaque veluti divinitus de temporibus dictitabat : et qui audaciores essent, in catervas conglobati, multis modis latrocinabantur: maxime ex locis oppido proximis victui necessaria proripientes, neque aut equis, aut viris alimenta relinquebant. bellatorum autem con stantiores obsidentibus oppositi, e muris opus aggerum pro hibebant, et contra instrumenta oppugnantium semper novum aliquod obstaculum moliebantur. In nulla re autem aeque ac cuniculis superabant.

[347] NOW the multitude of the Jews that were in the city were divided into several factions; for the people that crowded about the temple, being the weaker part of them, gave it out that, as the times were, he was the happiest and most religious man who should die first. But as to the more bold and hardy men, they got together in bodies, and fell a robbing others after various manners, and these particularly plundered the places that were about the city, and this because there was no food left either for the horses or the men; yet some of the warlike men, who were used to fight regularly, were appointed to defend the city during the siege, and these drove those that raised the banks away from the wall; and these were always inventing some engine or another to be a hinderance to the engines of the enemy; nor had they so much success any way as in the mines under ground.

2. Rex autem adversus latrocinia quidem occultas excogi tavit militum insidias quibus eorum reprimerentur excursus : inopiam vero alimentorum longinquis transvectionibus adju vari disposuit. ac pugnae intenti, quamvis omnem modum audaciae supergrederentur, Romanorum tamen peritia vince bantur. nihilominus aperte cum his, certa morte proposita, confligebant. Ex improviso autem Romanis per cuniculos intermedios emergentibus, prius quam nuri aliqna pars dirue retur, alteram ejus vicem muniebant. Prorsus autem neque manibus neque machinis deficiebant, quoniam usque ad ulti mum repugnare decreverant, denique tanto exercitu circum sidente, per quinque menses obsidium toleraverunt: donec quidam ex his quos lectos habebat Herodes, ausi murum transgredi, civitatem irrupere, et post eos Sosii centuriones. Igitur ante omnia fano proxima capiebantur: et infuso exer citu plurima ubique mors erat: Romanis quidem propter obsidionis moras iratis: Herodis vero manu Judaica summo intenta studio, ne quis penitus ex adversariis evaderet. Mac tabantur autem quamplurimi, et per angustiores vicos oppidi, et in domos compulsi, etsi ad templum etiam confugissent : nec ulla erat, aut senectutis, aut muliebris infirmitatis mise ratio. Denique licet rex ubique mittens rogaret, ut parce rent, nemo tamen dexteram continuit: sed veluti furentes, omnem persequebantur aetatem. Ibi tunc etiam Antigonus, neque priorem neque praesentem fortunam cogitans, domo descendit et ad pedes Sosii prosternitur. Ille autem nihil eum tantae mutationis causa miseratus, et intemperanter derisit, et Antigonam appellavit: neque tamen etiam custodia liberum dimisit, ut foeminam. Itaque ille quidem vinctus asservabatur. -

[349] Now as for the robberies which were committed, the king contrived that ambushes should be so laid, that they might restrain their excursions; and as for the want of provisions, he provided that they should be brought to them from great distances. He was also too hard for the Jews, by the Romans' skill in the art of war; although they were bold to the utmost degree, now they durst not come to a plain battle with the Romans, which was certain death; but through their mines under ground they would appear in the midst of them on the sudden, and before they could batter down one wall, they built them another in its stead; and to sum up all at once, they did not show any want either of painstaking or of contrivances, as having resolved to hold out to the very last. Indeed, though they had so great an army lying round about them, they bore a siege of five months, till some of Herod's chosen men ventured to get upon the wall, and fell into the city, as did Sosius's centurions after them; and now they first of all seized upon what was about the temple; and upon the pouring in of the army, there was slaughter of vast multitudes every where, by reason of the rage the Romans were in at the length of this siege, and by reason that the Jews who were about Herod earnestly endeavored that none of their adversaries might remain; so they were cut to pieces by great multitudes, as they were crowded together in narrow streets, and in houses, or were running away to the temple; nor was there any mercy showed either to infants, or to the aged, or to the weaker sex; insomuch that although the king sent about and desired them to spare the people, nobody could be persuaded to withhold their right hand from slaughter, but they slew people of all ages, like madmen. Then it was that Antigonus, without any regard to his former or to his present fortune, came down from the citadel, and fell at Sosius's feet, who without pitying him at all, upon the change of his condition, laughed at him beyond measure, and called him Antigona. Yet did he not treat him like a woman, or let him go free, but put him into bonds, and kept him in custody.

3. Herodes autem cum jam hostes vicisset, ut externa quoque auxilia compesceret providebat. Visendi enim templi, sanctorumque ejus studio, omnis multitudo peregrina fuerat incitata. Ob eamque rem, hos minis, alios precibus, non nullos armis etiam refraenabat, acerbiorem, quam si victus fuisset, existimans sibi fore victoriam, si quod videri nefas esset, culpa sua visum fuisset. mox autem etiam rapinas in civitate prohibuit, multa invectus in Sosium, si vacuefacto viris et pecuniis oppido, Romani regem se solitudinis reliquis sent, qui pro tanta civium caede, totius orbis terrae imperium, vile pretium judicaret. Illo autem justum esse dicente, ut pro labore obsidionis praedandi licentiam milites haberent: ipse de suis facultatibus mercedem singulis distributurum se asseveravit. Atque ita redemptis patriae reliquiis, promissa complevit. Nam et militum quemque liberaliter, et pro nerito, duces, ipsumque Sosium regia largitate donavit, ut nemo egens pecuniis abiret. Post haec Sosius aurea corona Deo dedicata, ex Hierosolymis remeavit, Antonio vinctum Antigonum ducens. et illum quidem vana spe vitae cupidum usque ad ultimum diem, ignavia digna securis excepit.

[354] But Herod's concern at present, now he had gotten his enemies under his power, was to restrain the zeal of his foreign auxiliaries; for the multitude of the strange people were very eager to see the temple, and what was sacred in the holy house itself; but the king endeavored to restrain them, partly by his exhortations, partly by his threatenings, nay, partly by force, as thinking the victory worse than a defeat to him, if any thing that ought not to be seen were seen by them. He also forbade, at the same time, the spoiling of the city, asking Sosius in the most earnest manner, whether the Romans, by thus emptying the city of money and men, had a mind to leave him king of a desert, - and told him that he judged the dominion of the habitable earth too small a compensation for the slaughter of so many citizens. And when Sosius said that it was but just to allow the soldiers this plunder as a reward for what they suffered during the siege, Herod made answer, that he would give every one of the soldiers a reward out of his own money. So he purchased the deliverance of his country, and performed his promises to them, and made presents after a magnificent manner to each soldier, and proportionably to their commanders, and with a most royal bounty to Sosius himself, whereby nobody went away but in a wealthy condition. Hereupon Sosius dedicated a crown of gold to God, and then went away from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus away in bonds to Antony; then did the axe bring him to his end, who still had a fond desire of life, and some frigid hopes of it to the last, but by his cowardly behavior well deserved to die by it.

4. Rex autem Herodes discreta multitudine civitatis, sua rum quidem partium studiosos, quo magis benevolos sibi faceret, honorifice tractabat, Antigonianos autem neci tra debat. et cum pecunia defecisset, diviso quicquid ornamento rum haberet, Antonio ejusque comitibus misit, non tamen omnino ne quid pateretur redemit. Jam enim Antonius Cleopatrae amore corruptus, in omni re cupidini cesserat. Etenim Cleopatra, ubi tanta cognationem suam saevitia per secuta est, ut neque propinquus sanguine superesset, caedis rabiem contulit in extraneos: Syrorumque optimatés apud Antonium criminando suadebat eos interfici ut eo modo cujusque possessiones dominio suo facilius quaereret. Postea vero quam in Judaeos atque Arabas usque extendit avaritiam, ut reges eorum Herodes et Malichus interirent, occulte mo liebatur.

[358] Hereupon king Herod distinguished the multitude that was in the city; and for those that were of his side, he made them still more his friends by the honors he conferred on them; but for those of Antigonus's party, he slew them; and as his money ran low, he turned all the ornaments he had into money, and sent it to Antony, and to those about him. Yet could he not hereby purchase an exemption from all sufferings; for Antony was now bewitched by his love to Cleopatra, and was entirely conquered by her charms. Now Cleopatra had put to death all her kindred, till no one near her in blood remained alive, and after that she fell a slaying those no way related to her. So she calumniated the principal men among the Syrians to Antony, and persuaded him to have them slain, that so she might easily gain to be mistress of what they had; nay, she extended her avaricious humor to the Jews and Arabians, and secretly labored to have Herod and Malichus, the kings of both those nations, slain by his order.

5. Cui cum verbotenus annuisset Antonius, occidere quidem bonos viros tantosque reges injustum esse duxit : verum inter amicos ultra non habuit, sed multa terra ex eorum praecisa finibus, et quod erat in Hierichunte palmetum in quo balsa mum gignitur, et civitates praeter Tyrum et Sidonem cunctas intra flumen Eleutherum ipsi dedit. Quorum potita doniinio, ad Euphratem usque Parthis bellum inferentem prosecuta Antonium, per Apamiam et Damascum in Judaeam venit. Atque hic Herodes, licet magnis muneribus infensum ejus animum mitigasset, tamen ducentis talentis annuis abscissas regno suo possessiones impetrat sibi locari : ipsamque omni bus obsequiis placans, Pelusium usque deducit. Nec multum interea tempus et Antonius ex Parthis aderat, captivumque Artabazen Tigranis filium dono Cleopatrae ducebat. Nam cum pecuniis omnique praeda Parthus illi statim condonatus est.

[361] Now is to these her injunctions to Antony, he complied in part; for though he esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such good and great kings, yet was he thereby alienated from the friendship he had for them. He also took away a great deal of their country; nay, even the plantation of palm trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam tree, and bestowed them upon her; as also all the cities on this side the river Eleutherus, Tyre and Sidon excepted. And when she was become mistress of these, and had conducted Antony in his expedition against the Parthians as far as Euphrates, she came by Apamia and Damascus into Judea and there did Herod pacify her indignation at him by large presents. He also hired of her those places that had been torn away from his kingdom, at the yearly rent of two hundred talents. He conducted her also as far as Pelusium, and paid her all the respects possible. Now it was not long after this that Antony was come back from Parthia, and led with him Artabazes, Tigranes's son, captive, as a present for Cleopatra; for this Parthian was presently given her, with his money, and all the prey that was taken with him.

CAP. XIX. CONCITATO autem bello Actiaco, Herodes quidem cum Antonio proficisci paratus erat, et aliis per Judaeam turbis liberatus, et Hyrcanio potitus, quem vicum Antigoni soror tenebat : veruntamen a Cleopatra callide ne periculorum An tonii particeps fieret, interclusus est. Regibus enim, ut diximus, insidias tendens, bellum in Arabas ut Herodi com mitteret, persuadet Antonio. quos si vicisset, Arabiae : sin autem victus esset, Judaeae domina constitueretur, alterumque potentium per alterum pessundaret.

[364] NOW when the war about Actium was begun, Herod prepared to come to the assistance of Antony, as being already freed from his troubles in Judea, and having gained Hyrcania, which was a place that was held by Antigonus's sister. However, he was cunningly hindered from partaking of the hazards that Antony went through by Cleopatra; for since, as we have already noted, she had laid a plot against the kings [of Judea and Arabia], she prevailed with Antony to commit the war against the Arabians to Herod; that so, if he got the better, she might become mistress of Arabia, or, if he were worsted, of Judea; and that she might destroy one of those kings by the other.

2. Sed hoc ejus consilium Herodi feliciter cessit. nam primum in Syros hostes ducens, magnum quem conflaverat equitatum, circa Diospolim in eos mittit, et quamvis fortiter resistentes, superavit. qui cum jam victi essent, magno motu Arabes suscitantur: et infinita manus in Syriae coeles Cana tham congregati, expectabant Judaeos. ubi rex eos Herodes cum exercitu aggressus, bellum consultius administrare ten tabat, castraque muro cingi praecipiebat. non tamen ei paruit multitudo, sed priore victoria freti Arabas impetunt, et prima coitione in fugam versos urgebant : in persecutione vero in sidiis periclitatur Herodes, Canathensibus ab Athenione im missis, qui ex Cleopatrae ducibus semper ei fuerat inimicus. Namque horum incursu recreati Arabes, pugnam repetunt : junctisque agminibus circa saxosa loca et devia, Herodis militem fugant, plurimis caede prostratis. Qui vero ex praelio servati sunt, in vicum Ormizam confugiunt. ubi etiam castra eorum cum hominibus circumventa Arabes, sicut erant plena ceperunt.

[366] However, this contrivance tended to the advantage of Herod; for at the very first he took hostages from the enemy, and got together a great body of horse, and ordered them to march against them about Diespous; and he conquered that army, although it fought resolutely against him. After which defeat, the Arabians were in great motion, and assembled themselves together at Kanatha, a city of Celesyria, in vast multitudes, and waited for the Jews. And when Herod was come thither, he tried to manage this war with particular prudence, and gave orders that they should build a wall about their camp; yet did not the multitude comply with those orders, but were so emboldened by their foregoing victory, that they presently attacked the Arabians, and beat them at the first onset, and then pursued them; yet were there snares laid for Herod in that pursuit; while Athenio, who was one of Cleopatra's generals, and always an antagonist to Herod, sent out of Kanatha the men of that country against him; for, upon this fresh onset, the Arabians took courage, and returned back, and both joined their numerous forces about stony places, that were hard to be gone over, and there put Herod's men to the rout, and made a great slaughter of them; but those that escaped out of the battle fled to Ormiza, where the Arabians surrounded their camp, and took it, with all the men in it.

3. Neque multo post accepta clade, Herodes aderat cum auxiliis, serius quam usus poposcit. Hujus ei vulneris causa fuit: praepositorum militibus contumacia, quod jussis obedire noluerunt. non enim repentino commisso praelio ullum Athe nio insidiandi tempus habuisset. rursus tamen ultus est Ara bas, assiduis fines eorum incursionibus infestans: quodque semel victus est, saepe rependit. Sed dum inimicos perse quitur, incurrit ei divinitus alia calamitas, septimo regni anno et Actiaco bello fervente. namque veris initio terra mota, infinita quidem pecorum, triginta vero hominum millia pere mit, cum exercitus mansisset incolumis, quoniam sub divo tendebat: ibique Arabas in majorem audaciam fama sustulit, tristibus nuntiis gravius semper aliquid affingens. unde velut omni subversa Judaea, terrae obtinendae spe, quia neminem superesse credebant, in eam irruunt, legatis prius interfectis, qui ad se venerant a Judaeis. Herodes autem adventu hos tium perterritam suorum multitudinem, tam magnitudine, quam assiduitate calamitatum fractam, ad repugnandum in citare tentabat: haec dicens :

[369] In a little time after this calamity, Herod came to bring them succors; but he came too late. Now the occasion of that blow was this, that the officers would not obey orders; for had not the fight begun so suddenly, Athenio had not found a proper season for the snares he laid for Herod: however, he was even with the Arabians afterward, and overran their country, and did them more harm than their single victory could compensate. But as he was avenging himself on his enemies, there fell upon him another providential calamity; for in the seventh year of his reign, when the war about Actium was at the height, at the beginning of the spring, the earth was shaken, and destroyed an immense number of cattle, with thirty thousand men; but the army received no harm, because it lay in the open air. In the mean time, the fame of this earthquake elevated the Arabians to greater courage, and this by augmenting it to a fabulous height, as is constantly the case in melancholy accidents, and pretending that all Judea was overthrown. Upon this supposal, therefore, that they should easily get a land that was destitute of inhabitants into their power, they first sacrificed those ambassadors who were come to them from the Jews, and then marched into Judea immediately. Now the Jewish nation were affrighted at this invasion, and quite dispirited at the greatness of their calamities one after another; whom yet Herod got together, and endeavored to encourage to defend themselves by the following speech which he made to them:

4. Rationem habere non videtur, cur vos praesens formido perculerit. nam divinae quidem indignationis plagas moerori vobis esse non miror. Ignavum autem est perpeti idem, etiam cum incursus hominum repellendi sunt. Ego enim tantum abest, ut hostes post terraemotum pertimescam, quod magis putaverim Deum hanc illis illecebram immisisse, ut poenas redderent. non enim tantum manu armisque freti, quantum nostris calamitatibus, veniunt. Fallax autem spes est, quae non suis viribus nititur, sed alienis adversis. Neque vero vel secundae res, vel contrariae, apud homines certae sunt : sed in utramque partem videas fortunam nutare vicis sim, ut exempla vobis propria demonstrabunt. Nempe praelio superiore victores, post ab hostibus victi sumus. et nunc ergo, quantum aestimare licet, illi capiuntur, victores se fore credentes. Nimis enim confidens incautus est : metus autem providentiam docet. itaque mihi quidem hoc ipsum quod timetis, fiduciam suggerit. Nam cum ferociores quam opus erat fuistis, et praeter voluntatem meam in hostes egressi estis, Athenion insidiandi tempus invenit. nunc autem vestra cunctatio, et minus alacer animus, ut videtur, certam mihi victoriam spondet. Convenit tamen ante praelium sic esse affectos, in ipso autem opere virtutem exerere: conscelera tisque hostibus planum facere, quod neque humanum aliquod malum, neque ira caelestis unquam deprimit fortitudinem Judaeorum, donec spiritum vitae ducunt, vel eorum quisquam in bonis suis Arabas dominari patietur, quos aliquoties pene captivos abduxit. nihil autem vos terreat rerum anima caren tium metus : neque arbitremini, terrae concussionem alicujus futurae cladis esse portentum. Naturalia nanque sunt elemen torum quoque vitia: nullumque damnum inferunt, nisi quod ex ipsis evenerit. nam pestilentiae quidem, vel famis, vel terraemotus signum aliquod tardante malo fortasse praeces serit : ipsa vero cum extiterint, sui magnitudine finiuntur. Caeterum quid nobis amplius quam terrae concussio, bellum nocere poterit etiam victis ? Imo enim vero maximum im minentis excidii monstrum, sponte sua, neque alienis manibus inimicis accidit, qui legatos nostros praeter omnium hominum leges crudeliter mactaverunt, talesque Deo pro belli eventu hostias ceciderunt. Non enim effugiunt maximum ejus lumen invictamque dexteram, sed continuo poenas dabunt : si patrio repleti spiritu, in vindictam violati foederis animos excitemus. pergite quisque non pro conjugibus neque pro liberis, aut pro patriae periculis pugnaturi, sed legatorum caedis ultores. Illi melius quam nos, qui vivimus, exercitum regent : vobisque mihi obedientibus, periclitabor ipse pro caeteris. Pro certo enim sciatis, fortitudinem vestram sustineri non posse, nisi temeritate laedatur.

[373] "The present dread you are under seems to me to have seized upon you very unreasonably. It is true, you might justly be dismayed at that providential chastisement which hath befallen you; but to suffer yourselves to be equally terrified at the invasion of men is unmanly. As for myself, I am so far from being aftrighted at our enemies after this earthquake, that I imagine that God hath thereby laid a bait for the Arabians, that we may be avenged on them; for their present invasion proceeds more from our accidental misfortunes, than that they have any great dependence on their weapons, or their own fitness for action. Now that hope which depends not on men's own power, but on others' ill success, is a very ticklish thing; for there is no certainty among men, either in their bad or good fortunes; but we may easily observe that fortune is mutable, and goes from one side to another; and this you may readily learn from examples among yourselves; for when you were once victors in the former fight, your enemies overcame you at last; and very likely it will now happen so, that these who think themselves sure of beating you will themselves be beaten. For when men are very confident, they are not upon their guard, while fear teaches men to act with caution; insomuch that I venture to prove from your very timorousness that you ought to take courage; for when you were more bold than you ought to have been, and than I would have had you, and marched on, Athenio's treachery took place; but your present slowness and seeming dejection of mind is to me a pledge and assurance of victory. And indeed it is proper beforehand to be thus provident; but when we come to action, we ought to erect our minds, and to make our enemies, be they ever so wicked, believe that neither any human, no, nor any providential misfortune, can ever depress the courage of Jews while they are alive; nor will any of them ever overlook an Arabian, or suffer such a one to become lord of his good things, whom he has in a manner taken captive, and that many times also. And do not you disturb yourselves at the quaking of inanimate creatures, nor do you imagine that this earthquake is a sign of another calamity; for such affections of the elements are according to the course of nature, nor does it import any thing further to men, than what mischief it does immediately of itself. Perhaps there may come some short sign beforehand in the case of pestilences, and famines, and earthquakes; but these calamities themselves have their force limited by themselves [without foreboding any other calamity]. And indeed what greater mischief can the war, though it should be a violent one, do to us than the earthquake hath done? Nay, there is a signal of our enemies' destruction visible, and that a very great one also; and this is not a natural one, nor derived from the hand of foreigners neither, but it is this, that they have barbarously murdered our ambassadors, contrary to the common law of mankind; and they have destroyed so many, as if they esteemed them sacrifices for God, in relation to this war. But they will not avoid his great eye, nor his invincible right hand; and we shall be revenged of them presently, in case we still retain any of the courage of our forefathers, and rise up boldly to punish these covenant-breakers. Let every one therefore go on and fight, not so much for his wife or his children, or for the danger his country is in, as for these ambassadors of ours; those dead ambassadors will conduct this war of ours better than we ourselves who are alive. And if you will be ruled by me, I will myself go before you into danger; for you know this well enough, that your courage is irresistible, unless you hurt yourselves by acting rashly.

5. His adhortatus milites, ubi eos alacres vidit, sacra Deo celebravit : deinde cum exercitu Jordanem fluvium trans gressus est. Castris autem Philadelphiae positis, haud procul ab hostibus, quasi de interjacente castello contenderet, pug nam eminus irritabat, quamprimum cupiens congredi. nam et hostes praemiserant, qui castellum occuparent. Sed illos quidem regii facile repulerunt, collemque tenuerunt. ipse vero quotidie producto ad praelium milite, instructaque acie, Arabas lacessebat. Cum autem nemo contra procederet (quaedam enim eos vehemens formido tenebat, et ante mul titudiuem dux Altemus timore obriguerat) vallum eorum disturbat ipse aggressus : eoque modo coacti ad pugnam confusis ordinibus, mixtique cum equitibus pedites egredium tur: etsi multitudine superiores, Judaeis tamen alacritate impares, quamvis audaciores eos faceret victoriae desperatio.

[380] When Herod had encouraged them by this speech, and he saw with what alacrity they went, he offered sacrifice to God; and after that sacrifice, he passed over the river Jordan with his army, and pitched his camp about Philadelphia, near the enemy, and about a fortification that lay between them. He then shot at them at a distance, and was desirous to come to an engagement presently; for some of them had been sent beforehand to seize upon that fortification: but the king sent some who immediately beat them out of the fortification, while he himself went in the forefront of the army, which he put in battle-array every day, and invited the Arabians to fight. But as none of them came out of their camp, for they were in a terrible fright, and their general, Elthemus, was not able to say a word for fear, - so Herod came upon them, and pulled their fortification to pieces, by which means they were compelled to come out to fight, which they did in disorder, and so that the horsemen and foot-men were mixed together. They were indeed superior to the Jews in number, but inferior in their alacrity, although they were obliged to expose themselves to danger by their very despair of victory.

6. Et quandiu quidem restiterunt, non magna eorum caedes facta est : ubi vero terga nudaverunt, multi a Judaeis, multi vero a semetipsis conculcati perierunt. Denique millia v. in fuga ceciderunt, caeteraque multitudo intra vallum compulsa est, eosque statim circumseptos obsidebat Herodes. et licet armis prope adesset excidium, tamen aquae penuria vehemen ter urgebat. Cumque rex arrogantius eorum legatos despi ceret, et talenta quinquaginta pro redemptione offerentibus, magis instaret, denique ardescente siti, catervatim exeuntes, ultro se Judaeis tradebant, adeo, ut quinque diebus quatuor millia vincirentur, sexto reliqua multitudo ad pugnam despe rata salute procederet. Quibus congressus Herodes, iterum septem millia circiter sternit : et tam magna plaga ultus Arabiam, extincto virorum ejus spiritu, tantum profecit, ut ejus patronus ab ea gente optaretur.

[383] Now while they made opposition, they had not a great number slain; but as soon as they turned their backs, a great many were trodden to pieces by the Jews, and a great many by themselves, and so perished, till five thousand were fallen down dead in their flight, while the rest of the multitude prevented their immediate death, by crowding into the fortification. Herod encompassed these around, and besieged them; and while they were ready to be taken by their enemies in arms, they had another additional distress upon them, which was thirst and want of water; for the king was above hearkening to their ambassadors; and when they offered five hundred talents, as the price of their redemption, he pressed still harder upon them. And as they were burnt up by their thirst, they came out and voluntarily delivered themselves up by multitudes to the Jews, till in five days' time four thousand of them were put into bonds; and on the sixth day the multitude that were left despaired of saving themselves, and came out to fight: with these Herod fought, and slew again about seven thousand, insomuch that he punished Arabia so severely, and so far extinguished the spirits of the men, that he was chosen by the nation for their ruler.

CAP. XX. MOX autem illum excepit desueta rerum solicitudo propter amicitiam Antonii, post victoriam Caesaris apud Actium. -Veruntamen plus timoris habebat, quam ipse patiebatur. Nec enim Caesar victum judicabat Antonium, donec Herodes cum eo superesset. Itaque rex periculis decrevit occurrere : Rho dumque transmissus, ubi Caesar eo tempore morabatur, adiit eum sine diademate veste quidem cultuque privato, sed fastu regio, neque dissimulata veritate coram eo haec dixit : Ego quidem, Caesar, rex factus ab Antonio, fateor utilem me fuisse regem Antomio. Neque dissimulaverim, quod omnimodo armis quoque me gravem expertus esses, nisi Arabes prohi buissent. Veruntamen et auxilia ei pro viribus meis misi, et multa frumenti millia: sed nec accepta apud Actium plaga, bene de me meritum deserui. Nam cum auxilii minus com modarem, optimum ei consilium dedi, unam esse dicens Cleo patrae mortem adversorum correctionem. quam si occidisset, et pecunias ei, et muros ad tuitionem, et exercitum, et me metipsum belli contra te socium pollicebar. Sed profecto ejus aures Cleopatrae amores, et Deus, qui tibi victoriam donaret, obstruxit. Una ergo cum Antonio victus sum, et dia dema cum ejus fortuna deposui. Ad te autem veni, spem salutis de virtute praesumens : et ut in examen adduceretur properans, qualis amicus alicujus fuerim.

[386] BUT now Herod was under immediate concern about a most important affair, on account of his friendship with Antony, who was already overcome at Actium by Caesar; yet he was more afraid than hurt; for Caesar did not think he had quite undone Antony, while Herod continued his assistance to him. However, the king resolved to expose himself to dangers: accordingly he sailed to Rhodes, where Caesar then abode, and came to him without his diadem, and in the habit and appearance of a private person, but in his behavior as a king. So he concealed nothing of the truth, but spike thus before his face: "O Caesar, as I was made king of the Jews by Antony, so do I profess that I have used my royal authority in the best manner, and entirely for his advantage; nor will I conceal this further, that thou hadst certainly found me in arms, and an inseparable companion of his, had not the Arabians hindered me. However, I sent him as many auxiliaries as I was able, and many ten thousand [cori] of corn. Nay, indeed, I did not desert my benefactor after the bow that was given him at Actium; but I gave him the best advice I was able, when I was no longer able to assist him in the war; and I told him that there was but one way of recovering his affairs, and that was to kill Cleopatra; and I promised him that, if she were once dead, I would afford him money and walls for his security, with an army and myself to assist him in his war against thee: but his affections for Cleopatra stopped his ears, as did God himself also who hath bestowed the government on thee. I own myself also to be overcome together with him; and with his last fortune I have laid aside my diadem, and am come hither to thee, having my hopes of safety in thy virtue; and I desire that thou wilt first consider how faithful a friend, and not whose friend, I have been."

2. Ad haec Caesar: Imo vero salvus esto, inquit, et nunc regnato certius. Nam meritus es, qui plurimos regas, cum amicitiam tanta fide tuearis.' Experire autem, ut etiam feli cioribus fidus permaneas : siquidem ego praeclarissimam spem de tua magnanimitate mihi promitto. Recte tamen fecit Antonius, qui magis Cleopatrae, quam tibi paruit. Te nanque lucrati sumus propter ejus amentiam. Prior autem ab officiis coepisti, quantum apparet, quem adversus eorum gladiatores idonea auxilia misisse Ventidius perscribit. Quare interim tibi decreto firmitatem regni praebeo. Experiar autem ipse quoque bene tibi aliquid facere, ut non desideres Antonium.

[391] Caesar replied to him thus: "Nay, thou shalt not only be in safety, but thou shalt be a king; and that more firmly than thou wast before; for thou art worthy to reign over a great many subjects, by reason of the fastness of thy friendship; and do thou endeavor to be equally constant in thy friendship to me, upon my good success, which is what I depend upon from the generosity of thy disposition. However, Antony hath done well in preferring Cleopatra to thee; for by this means we have gained thee by her madness, and thus thou hast begun to be my friend before I began to be thine; on which account Quintus Didius hath written to me that thou sentest him assistance against the gladiators. I do therefore assure thee that I will confirm the kingdom to thee by decree: I shall also endeavor to do thee some further kindness hereafter, that thou mayst find no loss in the want of Antony."

3. Hujus sermonis humanitate regem ne quid de amicitia sua dubitaret hortatus, et diadema illi imposuit, et indulgen tiam decreto consignat : in quo multa magnifice in ejus laudem commemoravit. Ille autem prius eum muneribus delinitum rogabat, ut Alexandrum quendam supplicem, ex amicis Antonii, juberet absolvi. Sed vicit iracundia Caesaris, multa illum et gravia pro quo rogabatur admisisse dicentis, quibus repulit deprecantem. Postea vero ad AEgyptum eun tem per Syriam Caesarem, Herodes cunctis accepit regni divitiis, tumque primum cum eo milites recensente, circa Ptolemaidem equo vectus est, coenamque illi cum omnibus amicis exhibuit, atque insuper exercitus ejus epulis cuncta distribuit. Prospexit etiam, ut per arida loca proficiscentibus ad Pelusium, atque inde redeuntibus aquarum copia non deesset. Nec fuit quicquam utensilium, quod desideraret exercitus. Pro his denique meritis parvum esse Herodi regnum, tam Caesar quam milites existimabant. Ideoque postquam venit in AEgyptum, jam Cleopatra et Antonio mor tuis, non solum caeteros ejus honores auxit, verum etiam regno partem finium addidit, quam Cleopatra dempserat. Et praeterea Gadara, Hippon, Samariam : maritimarumque in super civitatum Gazam et Anthedonem: et Joppen, et Pyr gum Stratonis, et ad haec satellites quadringentos Gallos ei donavit, quos antea Cleopatra stipatores habebat. nulla autem res magis liberalitatem Caesaris incitabat, quam mag nus animus accipientis.

[393] When Caesar had spoken such obliging things to the king, and had put the diadem again about his head, he proclaimed what he had bestowed on him by a decree, in which he enlarged in the commendation of the man after a magnificent manner. Whereupon Herod obliged him to be kind to him by the presents he gave him, and he desired him to forgive Alexander, one of Antony's friends, who was become a supplicant to him. But Caesar's anger against him prevailed, and he complained of the many and very great offenses the man whom he petitioned for had been guilty of; and by that means he rejected his petition. After this Caesar went for Egypt through Syria, when Herod received him with royal and rich entertainments; and then did he first of all ride along with Caesar, as he was reviewing his army about Ptolemais, and feasted him with all his friends, and then distributed among the rest of the army what was necessary to feast them withal. He also made a plentiful provision of water for them, when they were to march as far as Pelusium, through a dry country, which he did also in like manner at their return thence; nor were there any necessaries wanting to that army. It was therefore the opinion, both of Caesar and of his soldiers, that Herod's kingdom was too small for those generous presents he made them; for which reason, when Caesar was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were dead, he did not only bestow other marks of honor upon him, but made an addition to his kingdom, by giving him not only the country which had been taken from him by Cleopatra, but besides that, Gadara, and Hippos, and Samaria; and moreover, of the maritime cities, Gaza and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato's Tower. He also made him a present of four hundred Galls [Galatians] as a guard for his body, which they had been to Cleopatra before. Nor did any thing so strongly induce Caesar to make these presents as the generosity of him that received them.

4. Post primam vero Actiada, etiam regionem, quae Tra chon vocatur, ejus ditioni subdidit, eique continentem Bata naeam, itemque Auranitin, ex hujusmodi causa. Zenodorus, qui domus I.ysaniae conductor erat, non cessavit unquam ex regione, quae Trachon dicitur, latrones Damascenis immit tere. Illi autem ad Varum tunc rectorem Syriae confugerunt, eumque deprecati sunt, quo suas miserias Caesari declararet. Caesar autem his cognitis ei rescripserat, ut latrocinium penitus curaret extinguere. Varus autem milite aggressus loca suspecta, expurgavit latronibus terram, ipsamque Zeno doro abstulit: quam Caesar, ne latronum denuo contra Da mascum receptaculum fieret, Herodi dedit, eumque praeterea totius Syriae procuratorem constituit. Et decimo anno rever sus iterum in provinciam, ne quid eo inconsulto procuratori bus liceret administrare praecepit : ac Zenodoro mortuo ter ram omnem, quae inter Trachonem et Galilaeam erat, eidem attribuit. Quod autem majus his omnibus existimabat He rodes, a Caesare quidem post Agrippam amabatur, ab Agrippa vero post Caesarem. Hinc ad summum felicitatis evectus, et ad majorem sublevatus animum, maximam providentiae par tem obsequio pietatis impendit.

[398] Moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom both the region called Trachonitis, and what lay in its neighborhood, Batanea, and the country of Auranitis; and that on the following occasion: Zenodorus, who had hired the house of Lysanias, had all along sent robbers out of Trachonitis among the Damascenes; who thereupon had recourse to Varro, the president of Syria, and desired of him that he would represent the calamity they were in to Caesar. When Caesar was acquainted with it, he sent back orders that this nest of robbers should be destroyed. Varro therefore made an expedition against them, and cleared the land of those men, and took it away from Zenodorus. Caesar did also afterward bestow it on Herod, that it might not again become a receptacle for those robbers that had come against Damascus. He also made him a procurator of all Syria, and this on the tenth year afterward, when he came again into that province; and this was so established, that the other procurators could not do any thing in the administration without his advice: but when Zenodorus was dead, Caesar bestowed on him all that land which lay between Trachonitis and Galilee. Yet, what was still of more consequence to Herod, he was beloved by Caesar next after Agrippa, and by Agrippa next after Caesar; whence he arrived at a very great degree of felicity. Yet did the greatness of his soul exceed it, and the main part of his magnanimity was extended to the promotion of piety.

CAP. XXI. ITAQUE anno regni sui quintodecimo, et templum in stauravit, et duplum terrae spatium, quam fuerat circa tem plum, muro amplexus est, ingenti sumptu et magnificentia singulari. Argumento erant in ambitu fani magnae porticus, eique junctum a Septentrione castellum. Et illas quidem a fundamentis erexit. Hoc autem nulla re minus, quam regni sedes, largis opibus renovatum, Antoniam vocavit, in honorem Antonii. Quinetiam domo sibi regia in superiori parte civi tatis extructa, duas aedes in ea maximas atque pulcherrimas, quibus ne templum quidem usquam conferri posset, aedifica vit: easque amicorum vocabulis unam Caesaream, Agrippium alteram nominavit. -

[401] ACCORDINGLY, in the fifteenth year of his reign, Herod rebuilt the temple, and encompassed a piece of land about it with a wall, which land was twice as large as that before enclosed. The expenses he laid out upon it were vastly large also, and the riches about it were unspeakable. A sign of which you have in the great cloisters that were erected about the temple, and the citadel which was on its north side. The cloisters he built from the foundation, but the citadel he repaired at a vast expense; nor was it other than a royal palace, which he called Antonia, in honor of Antony. He also built himself a palace in the Upper city, containing two very large and most beautiful apartments; to which the holy house itself could not be compared [in largeness]. The one apartment he named Caesareum, and the other Agrippium, from his [two great] friends.

2. Nec vero solis tectis memoriam eorum et cognomina circumscripsit, sed in totas etiam civitates studium liberali tatis extendit. nam in Samaritica regione oppidum muro pulcherrimo per viginti stadia circumdatum, Sebasten appel lavit, deductis eo sex milibus colonorum, terraque foecundis sima his attributa: ubi templum quoque maximum inter aedificia, et circum id aream trium et semis stadiorum Caesari dedicavit, ejusdemque oppidi habitatoribus praecipua legum beneficia praestitit.

[403] Yet did he not preserve their memory by particular buildings only, with their names given them, but his generosity went as far as entire cities; for when he had built a most beautiful wall round a country in Samaria, twenty furlongs long, and had brought six thousand inhabitants into it, and had allotted to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in the midst of this city, thus built, had erected a very large temple to Caesar, and had laid round about it a portion of sacred land of three furlongs and a half, he called the city Sebaste, from Sebastus, or Augustus, and settled the affairs of the city after a most regular manner.

3. Ob haec alterius terrae adjectione donatus a Caesare, aliud ei templum circa Jordanis fontem candido marmore posuit, qui locus appellatur Panium. Ubi montis quidam vertex in praecelsum editus, propter subjecti lateris vallem specus aperit umbrosum, qua profundae altitudinis rupes ad immensum liquentis guttae receptaculum concavatur, ut stag nantis aquae copia demittentibus aliquid, donec terram in veniant, longitudo nulla sufficiat. Foris autem e speluncae radicibus oriuntur fontes: et (ut quidam putant) hoc est Jor danis principium. Sed veri fidem in posterioribus indicabimus.

[404] And when Caesar had further bestowed upon him another additional country, he built there also a temple of white marble, hard by the fountains of Jordan: the place is called Panium, where is a top of a mountain that is raised to an immense height, and at its side, beneath, or at its bottom, a dark cave opens itself; within which there is a horrible precipice, that descends abruptly to a vast depth; it contains a mighty quantity of water, which is immovable; and when any body lets down any thing to measure the depth of the earth beneath the water, no length of cord is sufficient to reach it. Now the fountains of Jordan rise at the roots of this cavity outwardly; and, as some think, this is the utmost origin of Jordan: but we shall speak of that matter more accurately in our following history.

4. Quin et apud Hierichunta, inter castellum Cyprum et priores domos regias, meliores alias, et quae commodiorem usum praeberent advenientibus fabricatas, eorundem amico rum nominibus vocitavit. Prorsus non est idoneus regni locus, quem honore Caesaris nudum reliquerit. Postea vero quam fines suos templis replevit, in provinciam quoque ho nores ejus effudit, et in multis civitatibus templa, quae Cae saria vocantur, constituit.

[407] But the king erected other places at Jericho also, between the citadel Cypros and the former palace, such as were better and more useful than the former for travelers, and named them from the same friends of his. To say all at once, there was not any place of his kingdom fit for the purpose that was permitted to be without somewhat that was for Caesar's honor; and when he had filled his own country with temples, he poured out the like plentiful marks of his esteem into his province, and built many cities which he called Cesareas.

5. Cum autem inter maritimas civitates vidisset unam vetustate jam fessam, quae Stratonos pyrgos vocabatur, et pro loci natura munificentiae suae capacem, totam eam can dido saxo reparatam, clarissima regia decoravit, et in ea maxime innatam sibi animi magnitudinem demonstravit. Nam inter Doram et Joppen, quarum media civitas sita est, omnis ora maritima adeo fuit importuosa, ut omnes, qui ad AEgyp tum ex Phoenice navigarent, in salo fluctuare cogerentur, minas Africi metuentes : cujus etiam mediocris aura, tantas undarum moles ad scopulos erigit, ut remeante aestu gurgitis, per aliquantum spatium maris feritas augeatur. Sed rex liberalitate ac sumptibus devicta natura, Piraeo majorem por tum fabricavit, et in ejus penetralibus alias navibus stationes fecit altissimas.

[408] And when he observed that there was a city by the sea-side that was much decayed, (its name was Strato's Tower,) but that the place, by the happiness of its situation, was capable of great improvements from his liberality, he rebuilt it all with white stone, and adorned it with several most splendid palaces, wherein he especially demonstrated his magnanimity; for the case was this, that all the sea-shore between Dora and Joppa, in the middle, between which this city is situated, had no good haven, insomuch that every one that sailed from Phoenicia for Egypt was obliged to lie in the stormy sea, by reason of the south winds that threatened them; which wind, if it blew but a little fresh, such vast waves are raised, and dash upon the rocks, that upon their retreat the sea is in a great ferment for a long way. But the king, by the expenses he was at, and the liberal disposal of them, overcame nature, and built a haven larger than was the Pyrecum [at Athens]; and in the inner retirements of the water he built other deep stations [for the ships also].

6. Et quanquam totus ei locus adversabatur, tamen ita cum difficultate certavit, ut firmitas quidem structurae nequa quam mari cederet : pulchritudo vero tanta esset, quasi nulla res ardua praepedisset ornatum. Metitus enim quantum diximus portui spatium per viginti ulnas in profundum saxa demisit, quorum pleraque pedum quinquaginta longitudinis, et altitudinis novem, et latitudinis decem, nonnulla vero etiam majora fuerunt. Expleto autem spatio quod unda celabat, in ducentos pedes murum dilatavit. Ex quibus centum re pellendis erant fluctibus ante constructi, unde etiam procymia dicebantur: caeteri autem saxeo portus quo cingitur muro subjecti sunt, magnis turribus interpositis, quarum maxima at que pulcherrima ex nepote Caesaris Drusium cognominata est.

[411] Now although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that the firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea; and the beauty and ornament of the works were such, as though he had not had any difficulty in the operation; for when he had measured out as large a space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twenty fathom water, the greatest part of which were fifty feet in length, and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger. But when the haven was filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hundred of which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves, whence it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it. On this wall were very large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which was called Drusium, from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar.

7. Crebri autem fornices ad deducenda, quae portus habe ret : proque fornicibus et circum eos crepido saxea, et lata, quae naves egredientes exciperet, deambulatio. aditus autem Septentrionalis erat. Ventorum enim pro situ loci placidis simus est boreas. ad ostium vero colossi tres, utrinque fulti columnis : quarum a leva quidem intrantibus stantes solida turris sustinet : dextra vero duo proceri lapides juncti, et partis adversae turris magnitudinem superantes. domus autem portui connexae, candido item lapide: parique mensura spa tiorum, civitatis viae tendentes in portum. Contra ostium vero portus, in colle, Caesaris templum magnitudine simul et pulchritudine praecipuum : in eoque Caesaris colossus non minor quam Jovis apud Olympiam, cujus ad exemplar factus est, Romano autem par, et Junoni quae Argis est. Oppidum autem provinciae dedicavit, rebusque advecticiis portum, Cae sari vero conditoris honorem, unde civitati nomen Caesaraeae imposuit.

[413] There were also a great number of arches, where the mariners dwelt; and all the places before them round about was a large valley, or walk, for a quay [or landing-place] to those that came on shore; but the entrance was on the north, because the north wind was there the most gentle of all the winds. At the mouth of the haven were on each side three great Colossi, supported by pillars, where those Colossi that are on your left hand as you sail into the port are supported by a solid tower; but those on the right hand are supported by two upright stones joined together, which stones were larger than that tower which was on the other side of the entrance. Now there were continual edifices joined to the haven, which were also themselves of white stone; and to this haven did the narrow streets of the city lead, and were built at equal distances one from another. And over against the mouth of the haven, upon an elevation, there was a temple for Caesar, which was excellent both in beauty and largeness; and therein was a Colossus of Caesar, not less than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it was made to resemble. The other Colossus of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos. So he dedicated the city to the province, and the haven to the sailors there; but the honor of the building he ascribed to Caesar, and named it Cesarea accordingly.

8. Quinetiam et caetera opera, forum, theatrum, amphithea trum, digna vocabulo collocavit : et quinquennali certamine instituto, nomen ei Caesaris donavit. Primusque ipse in centesima nonagesima et secunda Olympiade maxima praemia proposuit: ut non solum victores, sed et proximi et tertii successores eorum regalibus divitiis potirentur. Anthedona quoque renovatam, quam bella subverterant, Agrippium vo cavit : nimiaque benevolentia, nomen amici etiam portae in scripsit, quam ipse in templo aedificavit.

[415] He also built the other edifices, the amphitheater, and theater, and market-place, in a manner agreeable to that denomination; and appointed games every fifth year, and called them, in like manner, Caesar's Games; and he first himself proposed the largest prizes upon the hundred ninety-second olympiad; in which not only the victors themselves, but those that came next to them, and even those that came in the third place, were partakers of his royal bounty. He also rebuilt Anthedon, a city that lay on the coast, and had been demolished in the wars, and named it Agrippeum. Moreover, he had so very great a kindness for his friend Agrippa, that he had his name engraved upon that gate which he had himself erected in the temple.

9. Sed nec parentes suos ita quisquam dilexit. nam et patri monumentum optimo regni campo civitatem condidit, fluminum arborumque ditissimam, eamque Antipatridem nun cupavit. et super Hierichunta castellum natura tutum, et pulchritudine praecipuum, muro cinxit, atque in honorem ma tris Cyprum vocavit: fratrique Phasaëlo turrim cognomine Phasaelidem Hierosolymis aedificavit, cujus ambitus et in magnitudine liberalitas postea declarabitur. Aliamque civi tatem in regione quae a Hierichunte in boream tenditur, Pha saèlum nominavit.

[417] Herod was also a lover of his father, if any other person ever was so; for he made a monument for his father, even that city which he built in the finest plain that was in his kingdom, and which had rivers and trees in abundance, and named it Antipatris. He also built a wall about a citadel that lay above Jericho, and was a very strong and very fine building, and dedicated it to his mother, and called it Cypros. Moreover, he dedicated a tower that was at Jerusalem, and called it by the name of his brother Phasaelus, whose structure, largeness, and magnificence we shall describe hereafter. He also built another city in the valley that leads northward from Jericho, and named it Phasaelis.

10. Cognatis autem et amicis aeternae gloriae traditis, ne sui quidem fuit iummemor : sed castellum contra montem Arabici lateris propugnaculo permunitum, de suo nomine Herodium vocavit: tumulumque in mammae formam manu factum, qui stadiorum sexaginta spatio ab Hierosolymis abe rat, similiter nominatum, munificentius accuravit. Etenim rotundis quidem turribus cacumen ejus amplexus est. Am bitum autem complevit aedibus regiis liberalissime exornatis: ut non solum interna membrorum facies clarior esset, verum etiam foris parietes ac maceriae tectaque largis infusa divitiis elucerent. Aquam etiam plurimam ingenti sumptu ex longo intervallo induxit, perque ducentos gradus marmoris candi dissimi fabricavit ascensum. Erat enim totus collis manu factus, et vehementer excelsus. Quin et aliam circa radices ejus regiam, ac diversoria, quae et sarcinas et amicos recipere possent, aedificavit: ut pro rerum quidem omnium copia civitas esse videretur castellum: circumscriptione vero, domus regalis.

[419] And as he transmitted to eternity his family and friends, so did he not neglect a memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon a mountain towards Arabia, and named it from himself, Herodium and he called that hill that was of the shape of a woman's breast, and was sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, by the same name. He also bestowed much curious art upon it, with great ambition, and built round towers all about the top of it, and filled up the remaining space with the most costly palaces round about, insomuch that not only the sight of the inner apartments was splendid, but great wealth was laid out on the outward walls, and partitions, and roofs also. Besides this, he brought a mighty quantity of water from a great distance, and at vast charges, and raised an ascent to it of two hundred steps of the whitest marble, for the hill was itself moderately high, and entirely factitious. He also built other palaces about the roots of the hill, sufficient to receive the furniture that was put into them, with his friends also, insomuch that, on account of its containing all necessaries, the fortress might seem to be a city, but, by the bounds it had, a palace only.

11. Tantis autem constructis aedificiis, animi sui magnitu dinem in plurimis etiam externis civitatibus demonstravit. Nanque apud Tripolim et Damascum et Ptolemaidem, publi cas balneas quae gymnasia dicunt : Bibli autem murum, ex hedras vero et porticus, foraque et templa Beryti ac Tyri: necnon et apud Sidonem, et Damascum theatra condidit. Maritimis autem Laodicensibus aquae ductum : apud Asca lona vero Nymphea sive lacus ornatissimos, et balneas, item peristylia, tam opere quam magnitudine miranda constituit. Sunt quibus etiam lucos portusque praestitit. Multae civitates ab eo, tanquam regni sociae, agris quoque donatae sunt. Ad exhibitionem vero thermarum aliis reditus annuos ac per petuos delegavit, quemadmodum Cois, ne quando beneficii gratia deficeret. ad haec frumenta cunctis ministravit egenti bus : et Rhodiis ad instruendam classem pecunias saepe mul tisque in locis praebuit, incensumque Pythium in meliorem formam reparavit sumptibus suis. Quid dicam ejus in Lycios aut Samios liberalitatem ? perque omnem Ioniam eorum quae desiderasset quisque, largitiones ? Nonne etiam Athenienses et Lacedaemonii, et Nicopolitani, et in Mysia Pergamus, He rodis sunt plena donariis? Nonne Antiochensium Syriae pla team, cum plena coeni ab omnibus vitaretur, per viginti stadia prolixam, stravit polito marmore : declinandisque imbribus, quam longa esset, porticibus ornavit ?

[422] And when he had built so much, he showed the greatness of his soul to no small number of foreign cities. He built palaces for exercise at Tripoli, and Damascus, and Ptolemais; he built a wall about Byblus, as also large rooms, and cloisters, and temples, and market-places at Berytus and Tyre, with theatres at Sidon and Damascus. He also built aqueducts for those Laodiceans who lived by the sea-side; and for those of Ascalon he built baths and costly fountains, as also cloisters round a court, that were admirable both for their workmanship and largeness. Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows to some people; nay, not a few cities there were who had lands of his donation, as if they were parts of his own kingdom. He also bestowed annual revenues, and those for ever also, on the settlements for exercises, and appointed for them, as well as for the people of Cos, that such rewards should never be wanting. He also gave corn to all such as wanted it, and conferred upon Rhodes large sums of money for building ships; and this he did in many places, and frequently also. And when Apollo's temple had been burnt down, he rebuilt it at his own charges, after a better manner than it was before. What need I speak of the presents he made to the Lycians and Samnians? or of his great liberality through all Ionia? and that according to every body's wants of them. And are not the Athenians, and Lacedemonians, and Nicopolitans, and that Pergamus which is in Mysia, full of donations that Herod presented them withal? And as for that large open place belonging to Antioch in Syria, did not he pave it with polished marble, though it were twenty furlongs long? and this when it was shunned by all men before, because it was full of dirt and filthiness, when he besides adorned the same place with a cloister of the same length.

12. Sed haec quidem propria quis dixerit illorum, quibus ea detulit, populorum. Quod autem Elidensibus praestitit, non solum Achaiae commune, sed etiam totius orbis terrae munus videtur, per quem Olympiaci certaminis gloria diffun ditur. Nam cum hoc deficere sumptuum videret inopia, quod que solum ex veteri Graecia restabat collabi, non solum ago notheta ipse factus est, eo lustro, quod cum Romam naviga ret, offendit: sed etiam perpetuos pecuniarum reditus insti tuit, ut nunquam ejus memoria agonothetae munere fungi de sineret. Inextricabile opus fuerit, debitorum sive tributorum remissiones exponere, sicut Phasaelitas et Balaneotas, alia que circa Ciliciam municipia levavit annuis pensionibus : licet multum ejus animi magnitudinem timor fregerit, ne quam pateretur invidiam : velut majus aliquid aucuparetur, si bene ficiis amplioribus afficeret civitates, quam qui eas haberent.

[426] It is true, a man may say, these were favors peculiar to those particular places on which he bestowed his benefits; but then what favors he bestowed on the Eleans was a donation not only in common to all Greece, but to all the habitable earth, as far as the glory of the Olympic games reached. For when he perceived that they were come to nothing, for want of money, and that the only remains of ancient Greece were in a manner gone, he not only became one of the combatants in that return of the fifth-year games, which in his sailing to Rome he happened to be present at, but he settled upon them revenues of money for perpetuity, insomuch that his memorial as a combatant there can never fail. It would be an infinite task if I should go over his payments of people's debts, or tributes, for them, as he eased the people of Phasaelis, of Batanea, and of the small cities about Cilicia, of those annual pensions they before paid. However, the fear he was in much disturbed the greatness of his soul, lest he should be exposed to envy, or seem to hunt after greater filings than he ought, while he bestowed more liberal gifts upon these cities than did their owners themselves.

13. Quin et corpore usus est, quod animo conveniret. cum que summus venator esset, in hoc tamen ipso equitandi peri tia quae cuperet assequebatur. Denique uno die quondam quadraginta feras subegit. Est autem aprorum altrix illa regio, sed magis cervis et onagris frequentatur. Bellator au tem erat, qui sustineri non posset. itaque multos etiam in exercitatione terrebat : quibus et torquendo jaculo directis simus, et sagittarum librator videbatur egregius. Praeter animi autem corporisque virtutem, fortuna quoque secunda usus est. Raro enim contra votum ejus, belli cessit eventus. et si quando id accidit, non ipsius culpa, sed aut proditione quorundam, aut temeritate militum factum est.

[429] Now Herod had a body suited to his soul, and was ever a most excellent hunter, where he generally had good success, by the means of his great skill in riding horses; for in one day he caught forty wild beasts: that country breeds also bears, and the greatest part of it is replenished with stags and wild asses. He was also such a warrior as could not be withstood: many men, therefore, there are who have stood amazed at his readiness in his exercises, when they saw him throw the javelin directly forward, and shoot the arrow upon the mark. And then, besides these performances of his depending on his own strength of mind and body, fortune was also very favorable to him; for he seldom failed of success in his wars; and when he failed, he was not himself the occasion of such failings, but he either vas betrayed by some, or the rashness of his own soldiers procured his defeat.

CAP. XXII. AT vero publicam ei felicitatem moerores invidere domes tici, et adversi casus ex muliere coeperunt, quam maxime di ligebat. Nam quia regis metuit potestatem, repudiata quam prius acceperat uxorem ex Hierosolymis genus ducentem, quae Doris vocabatur, Mariamnem sibi conjunxit, Alexandri filiam Aristobuli filii, unde domus ejus in discordiam venit, et antea quidem, maxime vero postquam Roma regressus est. nam primum Antipatrum ex Doride filium, eorum causa quos e Mariamne susceperat, expulit civitate : solis festis diebus eo commeandi facultate concessa. Deinde avum conjugis Hyrcanum, ex Parthis ad se reversum propter insidiarum sus picionem peremit: quem captum quidem, occupata Syria, Barzapharnes abduxerat : miserati vero gentiles liberaverant, qui ultra Euphratem colebant. Et si monitis eorum paruis set, ne ad Herodem transiret, non interisset. Verum mortis ejus illicebra fuit neptis matrimonium. hoc enim fretus, mul toque amplius patriam desiderans, venit. Herodem autem commovit, non quod regnum affectaret, sed quod ipsi jure de beretur.

[431] HOWEVER, fortune was avenged on Herod in his external great successes, by raising him up domestical troubles; and he began to have wild disorders in his family, on account of his wife, of whom he was so very fond. For when he came to the government, he sent away her whom he had before married when he was a private person, and who was born at Jerusalem, whose name was Doris, and married Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; on whose account disturbances arose in his family, and that in part very soon, but chiefly after his return from Rome. For, first of all, he expelled Antipater the son of Doris, for the sake of his sons by Mariamne, out of the city, and permitted him to come thither at no other times than at the festivals. After this he slew his wife's grandfather, Hyrcanus, when he was returned out of Parthin to him, under this pretense, that he suspected him of plotting against him. Now this Hyrcanus had been carried captive to Barzapharnes, when he overran Syria; but those of his own country beyond Euphrates were desirous he would stay with them, and this out of the commiseration they had for his condition; and had he complied with their desires, when they exhorted him not to go over the river to lierod, he had not perished: but the marriage of his granddaughter [to Herod] was his temptation; for as he relied upon him, and was over-fond of his own country, he came back to it. Herod's provocation was this, - not that Hyrcanus made any attempt to gain the kingdom, but that it was fitter for him to be their king than for Herod.

2. Quinque autem filiorum quos ex Mariamne susceperat, duae foeminae, caeteri mares erant, horumque minimo Romae in studiis mortuo, duos majores natu, et propter matris nobi litatem, et quod jam regnanti sibi fuissent geniti, regie pro ducebat. Sed enim fortior amor his Mariamnes suffragaba batur: qui in dies singulos proficiens, adeo succendebat He rodem, ut eorum nihil sentiret quae propter dilectam sibi do lerent. Tantum namque in eum Mariamnes erat odium, quantum ipse illam amabat. Habens igitur ex rebus quidem ipsis inimicitiarum probabiles causas, ex amore vero fiduciam, in os ei, quae Hyrcano avo suo fecisset, objiciebat, quaeque in fratrem Aristobulum egisset. Nec enim vel huic, quanquam puer erat, parcebat : quem pontificem in decimoseptimo aeta tis anno creatum, post honorem statim occidit. Atque ille quidem cum sacra veste amictus ad aram accessisset festo die, populus omnis illacrymavit : et tamen noctu missus in Hieri chunta, ibi sicut mandatum fuerat, lacu submersus a Gallis interiit.

[435] Now of the five children which Herod had by Mariamne, two of them were daughters, and three were sons; and the youngest of these sons was educated at Rome, and there died; but the two eldest he treated as those of royal blood, on account of the nobility of their mother, and because they were not born till he was king. But then what was stronger than all this was the love that he bare to Mariamne, and which inflamed him every day to a great degree, and so far conspired with the other motives, that he felt no other troubles, on account of her he loved so entirely. But Mariamne's hatred to him was not inferior to his love to her. She had indeed but too just a cause of indignation from what he had done, while her boldness proceeded from his affection to her; so she openly reproached him with what he had done to her grandfather Hyrcanus, and to her brother Aristobulus; for he had not spared this Aristobulus, though he were but a child; for when he had given him the high priesthood at the age of seventeen, he slew him quickly after he had conferred that dignity upon him; but when Aristobulus had put on the holy vestments, and had approached to the altar at a festival, the multitude, in great crowds, fell into tears; whereupon the child was sent by night to Jericho, and was there dipped by the Galls, at Herod's command, in a pool till he was drowned.

3. Haec igitur Herodi Mariamne probro dabat, sororemque ejus et matrem maledictis atrocioribus dehonestabat. Sed ille quidem amore mutus erat. Gravi autem indignatione mulieres saeviebant : et quo maxime commoveretur Herodes, insimulabant eam adulterii : praeter alia multa, quae verisi milia fingerentur, haec accusantes, quod in AEgyptum imagi nem suam misisset Antonio : proque immoderata libidine, ab sentem se properasset ostendere viro mulierum cupidine in sanienti, et qui vim posset inferre. Id veluti fulmen aliquod emissum perturbavit Herodem, maxime quidem amoris causa zelotypia succensum, deinde etiam cogitantem Cleopatrae sae vitiam, cujus gratia et Lysanias rex et Malichus Arabs erant perempti. Non enim conjugis amissione, sed morte sua peri culum metiebatur. -

[438] For these reasons Mariamne reproached Herod, and his sister and mother, after a most contumelious manner, while he was dumb on account of his affection for her; yet had the women great indignation at her, and raised a calumny against her, that she was false to his bed; which thing they thought most likely to move Herod to anger. They also contrived to have many other circumstances believed, in order to make the thing more credible, and accused her of having sent her picture into Egypt to Antony, and that her lust was so extravagant, as to have thus showed herself, though she was absent, to a man that ran mad after women, and to a man that had it in his power to use violence to her. This charge fell like a thunderbolt upon Herod, and put him into disorder; and that especially, because his love to her occasioned him to be jealous, and because he considered with himself that Cleopatra was a shrewd woman, and that on her account Lysanias the king was taken off, as well as Malichus the Arabian; for his fear did not only extend to the dissolving of his marriage, but to the danger of his life.

4. Itaque profecturus Josepho Salomes sororis suae viro, quem fidum habebat, et pro affinitate benevolum, commenda bat uxorem : mandato ei clam, ut eam interficeret, si etiam se occidisset Antonius. Verum Josephus non maligne, sed regis amorem mulieri cupiens demonstrare, quod ab ea nec mortuus pateretur divelli, secretum ei sermonem aperit. Et illa reverso Herode, multaque inter fabulas de affectu jurante, quodque nunquam esset alterius mulieris amore captus, Valde, inquit, amor erga nos tuus mandatis Josepho comprobatus est, quibus ut me occideret praecepisti. -

[441] When therefore he was about to take a journey abroad, he committed his wife to Joseph, his sister Salome's husband, as to one who would be faithful to him, and bare him good-will on account of their kindred; he also gave him a secret injunction, that if Antony slew him, he should slay her. But Joseph, without any ill design, and only in order to demonstrate the king's love to his wife, how he could not bear to think of being separated from her, even by death itself, discovered this grand secret to her; upon which, when Herod was come back, and as they talked together, and he confirmed his love to her by many oaths, and assured her that he had never such an affection for any other woman as he had for her, - " Yes," says she, "thou didst, to be sure, demonstrate thy love to me by the injunctions thou gavest Joseph, when thou commandedst him to kill me."

5. His auditis quae occulta credebat, amens erat Herodes ilico : nec unquam Josephum mandata sua proditurum fuisse ratus, nisi eam corrupisset, prae dolore insaniebat. Cumque stratis exiluisset, in regia spatiatur : ibique tunc Salome soror ejus arrepto tempore criminandi, suspicionem de Josepho con firmavit. Unde Herodes immoderata zelotypia furens con festim utrunque jussit interfici. Deinde poenitudo. sequebatur insaniam : et postquam iracundia concidit, amor iterum cales cebat. Tanta vis autem cupidinis erat, ut ne mortuam qui dem putaret eam, sed prae aegritudine tanquam vivam allo queretur : donec processu temporis funere cognito, moeroris magnitudine eum quo superstitem dilexerat aequavit affectum.

[443] When he heard that this grand secret was discovered, he was like a distracted man, and said that Joseph would never have disclosed that injunction of his, unless he had debauched her. His passion also made him stark mad, and leaping out of his bed, he ran about the palace after a wild manner; at which time his sister Salome took the opportunity also to blast her reputation, and confirmed his suspicion about Joseph; whereupon, out of his ungovernable jealousy and rage, he commanded both of them to be slain immediately; but as soon as ever his passion was over, he repented of what he had done, and as soon as his anger was worn off, his affections were kindled again. And indeed the flame of his desires for her was so ardent, that he could not think she was dead, but would appear, under his disorders, to speak to her as if she were still alive, till he were better instructed by time, when his grief and trouble, now she was dead, appeared as great as his affection had been for her while she was living.

CAP. XXIII. MATERNAE autem iracundiae succedunt filii, et immani tatem sceleris reputantes, non aliter suspectum patrem quam si hostis esset, habebant : idque et antea, quam diu Romae in studiis erant, et multo magis postquam in Judaeam reversi sunt. Siquidem cum aetatibus eorum, mentium quoque robo rabatur affectio. Jam vero maturi conjugio, unus amitae suae Salomes, quae matrem amborum accusaverat, filiam duxit : alter Archelai Cappadocum regis. Unde accessit etiam liber tas odio, et occasiones ex eorum confidentia delatoribus col latae sunt. Itaque apertius quidam cum rege colloquebantur, quod ei per utrumque filium struerentur insidiae : et alter quidem ultrices materni exitii simul cum fratre armaret ma nus : alter vero, hoc est Archelai gener, socero fretus etiam fugam pararet, ipsum apud Caesarem accusaturus Herodem. His igitur criminationibus repletus Herodes, veluti propugna culo sibi futurum adversus filios, adducit Antipatrum ex Do ride susceptum: hisque illum praeponere modis omnibus coe pit.

[445] NOW Mariamne's sons were heirs to that hatred which had been borne their mother; and when they considered the greatness of Herod's crime towards her, they were suspicious of him as of an enemy of theirs; and this first while they were educated at Rome, but still more when they were returned to Judea. This temper of theirs increased upon them as they grew up to be men; and when they were Come to an age fit for marriage, the one of them married their aunt Salome's daughter, which Salome had been the accuser of their mother; the other married the daughter of Archclaus, king of Cappadocia. And now they used boldness in speaking, as well as bore hatred in their minds. Now those that calumniated them took a handle from such their boldness, and certain of them spake now more plainly to the king that there were treacherous designs laid against him by both his sons; and he that was son-in-law to Archelaus, relying upon his father-in-law, was preparing to fly away, in order to accuse Herod before Caesar; and when Herod's head had been long enough filled with these calumnies, he brought Antipater, whom he had by Doris, into favor again, as a defense to him against his other sons, and began all the ways he possibly could to prefer him before them.

2. Qui cum hanc mutationem tolerabilem non putarent, ac privata matre editum proficientem viderent, indignationem cohibere pro sua nobilitate non poterant : sed in singulis qui bus offenderentur, iram prodebant. Et illi quidem in dies singulos magis magisque negligebantur. Antipater autem etiam sui causa favorabilis erat: nam et patri blandiri callide noverat, et varias in fratres suos calumnias conferebat, quae dam ipse dictitans, amicos vero suos ad alia divulganda sub mittens, donec omnino spem regni abscidit fratribus suis. In testamento enim ipse aperte quoque jam successor fuerat declaratus. Denique tanquam rex etiam ad Caesarem missus est, cultuque regio et caeteris obsequiis praeter diadema uteba tur. Tempore autem voluit etiam suam matrem in cubile Mariamnes inducere : duobusque armorum generibus in fra tres usus, blanditiis et calumniis, regi obrepsit ut etiam de filiorum morte cogitaret. - -

[449] But these sons were not able to bear this change in their affairs; but when they saw him that was born of a mother of no family, the nobility of their birth made them unable to contain their indignation; but whensoever they were uneasy, they showed the anger they had at it. And as these sons did day after day improve in that their anger, Antipater already exercised all his own abilities, which were very great, in flattering his father, and in contriving many sorts of calumnies against his brethren, while he told some stories of them himself, and put it upon other proper persons to raise other stories against them, till at length he entirely cut his brethren off from all hopes of succeeding to the kingdom; for he was already publicly put into his father's will as his successor. Accordingly, he was sent with royal ornaments, and other marks of royalty, to Caesar, excepting the diadem. He was also able in time to introduce his mother again into Mariamne's bed. The two sorts of weapons he made use of against his brethren were flattery and calumny, whereby he brought matters privately to such a pass, that the king had thoughts of putting his sons to death.

3. Quapropter Alexandrum quidem secum Romam pater abstractum, veneni sibi dati reum apud Caesarem postulavit. Ille autem vix deplorandi copiam nactus, et licet apud impe ritissimum judicem, tamen Herode et Antipatro prudentio rem, delicta quidem patris verecunde suppressit : in se vero delata crimina fortiter diluit : periculorumque socio fratre purgato, mox de Antipatri calliditate, et de suis injuriis que stus est : cum praeter innocentiae conscientiam eloquentia ju varetur. erat enim acerrimus in dicendo. postremo prolocutus quod eos pater libenter occideret, crimen illi objecit. et lacry mas quidem cunctis excussit : verum Caesarem sic affecit, ut eorum accusationibus spretis, Herodem statim revocaret in gratiam. Hac autem lege reconciliatio facta est, ut adoles centes quidem patri in omnibus obedirent, ille autem relin queret regnum cui vellet. -

[452] So the father drew Alexander as far as Rome, and. charged him with an attempt of poisoning him before Caesar. Alexander could hardly speak for lamentation; but having a judge that was more skillful than Antipater, and more wise than Herod, he modestly avoided laying any imputation upon his father, but with great strength of reason confuted the calumnies laid against him; and when he had demonstrated the innocency of his brother, who was in the like danger with himself, he at last bewailed the craftiness of Antipater, and the disgrace they were under. He was enabled also to justify himself, not only by a clear conscience, which he carried within him, but by his eloquence; for he was a shrewd man in making speeches. And upon his saying at last, that if his father objected this crime to them, it was in his power to put them to death, he made all the audience weep; and he brought Caesar to that pass, as to reject the accusations, and to reconcile their father to them immediately. But the conditions of this reconciliation were these, that they should in all things be obedient to their father, and that he should have power to leave the kingdom to which of them he pleased.

4. Postea rex Roma reversus, licet solvisse criminibus filios videretur, nondum tamen erat suspicionibus liberatus : quoniam argumentum odii sequebatur Antipater, etsi verecun dia reconciliatoris palam proferre inimicitias non auderet. Cum autem Ciliciam praeternavigans Eleusam delatus esset, suscepit eum benignissime Archelaus, pro salute generi gra tiam referens, et redintegratae concordiae causa laetus: quippe nihil moratus amicis Romae scripserat, ut in causa dicenda suffragarentur Alexandro: et usque ad Zephyrium deduxit talentis xxx. donatum.

[455] After this the king came back from Rome, and seemed to have forgiven his sons upon these accusations; but still so that he was not without his suspicions of them. They were followed by Antipater, who was the fountain-head of those accusations; yet did not he openly discover his hatred to them, as revering him that had reconciled them. But as Herod sailed by Cilicia, he touched at Eleusa, where Archclaus treated them in the most obliging manner, and gave him thanks for the deliverance of his son-in-law, and was much pleased at their reconciliation; and this the more, because he had formerly written to his friends at Rome that they should be assisting to Alexander at his trial. So he conducted Herod as far as Zephyrium, and made him presents to the value of thirty talents.

5. Postea vero quam Hierosolymam pervenit Herodes, po pulo convocato, tribusque filiis prope astantibus causam red dit profectionis : multasque Deo gratias agit, multas etiam *Caesari, qui domus suae perturbationem sedasset : et, quod regno majus esset, concordiam filiis praestitisset, quam ego, inquit, arctius copulabo. Nam ille quidem me regni domi num et successorum judicem constituit. Ego autem cum mea commoditate illi gratias refero, tresque filios meos reges designo, hujusque sententiae meae socium primum Deum fieri precor, deinde vos. Namque huic aetas, illis nobilitas suc cessionem regni conciliat, et quidem magnitudo ejus etiam pluribus sufficit. Quos autem Caesar junxit, et pater instituit, observate, non injustis eos, neque disparibus, sed meritis colentes honoribus. Nec enim tanta quis afficiet eum laetitia, cui praeter aetatem obsequitur, quantum ei, quem despiciet, doloris infliget. Quos autem singulis conjunctos esse opor teat propinquos atque amicos, ego distribuam, et concordiae sponsores illos constituam : pro certo sciens, seditionum con tentionumque causas ex contubernalium nasci malitia: hosque si boni fuerint, affectiones tueri. Rogo autem ut non solum isti, sed etiam primates ordinum exercitus mei, in me solo spem habeant in praesentia. Non enim regnum, sed regni honorem filiis meis trado : et jucunditate quidem quasi rec tores potientur, pondus autem rerum tametsi nolim, meum est. Consideret autem quisque vestrum aetatem meam, vitaeque institutum, necnon etiam pietatem. nam neque senex adeo sum, ut de me cito desperatur: neque voluptatibus as suetus, quae adolescentium quoque vitam spacio breviore con cludunt. Divinitatem vero ita coluimus, ut in longum nos aevum progressuros esse credamus, quod si quis in contemp tum meum filiis meis placere maluerit, etiam pro illis mihi supplicium dabit. Ego enim, non quod invideam ex me genitis, honorifice eos haberi veto : sed quia novi haec studia adolescentibus ferociae nutrimenta suggerere. Itaque si cogi tent qui ad eos se applicant, bonis quidem apud me paratum esse praemium, seditiosis vero apud ipsos etiam quibus leno cinabantur, infructuosam fore malignitatem, omnes profecto mecum, hoc est, cum filiis meis sentient. Namque ipsis ex pedit me regnantem, meque his esse concordem. Vos autem, o boni filii, sacram primum retinentes mente naturam, cujus affectiones inter feras bestias salvae sunt, deinde Caesarem qui nos reduxit in gratiam, meque tertium qui ea quae jubere liceat rogem, fratres permanete. Jam nunc autem vobis et vestimenta, et obsequia dabo regalia: Deumque oro ut con servet judicium meum, si concordes eritis. Haec locutus, singulos benigne consalutavit, populumque dimisit: alios con venientia dictis ejus optantes : qui vero mutationis erant cu pidi, ne audisse quidem se quicquam sinulantes.

[457] Now when Herod was come to Jerusalem, he gathered the people together, and presented to them his three sons, and gave them an apologetic account of his absence, and thanked God greatly, and thanked Caesar greatly also, for settling his house when it was under disturbances, and had procured concord among his sons, which was of greater consequence than the kingdom itself, -" and which I will render still more firm; for Caesar hath put into my power to dispose of the government, and to appoint my successor. Accordingly, in way of requital for his kindness, and in order to provide for mine own advantage, I do declare that these three sons of mine shall be kings. And, in the first place, I pray for the approbation of God to what I am about; and, in the next place, I desire your approbation also. The age of one of them, and the nobility of the other two, shall procure them the succession. Nay, indeed, my kingdom is so large that it may be sufficient for more kings. Now do you keep those in their places whom Caesar hath joined, and their father hath appointed; and do not you pay undue or unequal respects to them, but to every one according to the prerogative of their births; for he that pays such respects unduly, will thereby not make him that is honored beyond what his age requires so joyful, as he will make him that is dishonored sorrowful. As for the kindred and friends that are to converse with them, I will appoint them to each of them, and will so constitute them, that they may be securities for their concord; as well knowing that the ill tempers of those with whom they converse will produce quarrels and contentions among them; but that if these with whom they converse be of good tempers, they will preserve their natural affections for one another. But still I desire that not these only, but all the captains of my army, have for the present their hopes placed on me alone; for I do not give away my kingdom to these my sons, but give them royal honors only; whereby it will come to pass that they will enjoy the sweet parts of government as rulers themselves, but that the burden of administration will rest upon myself whether I will or not. And let every one consider what age I am of, how I have conducted my life, and what piety I have exercised; for my age is not so great that men may soon expect the end of my life; nor have I indulged such a luxurious way of living as cuts men off when they are young; and we have been so religious towards God, that we [have reason to hope we] may arrive at a very great age. But for such as cultivate a friendship with my sons, so as to aim at my destruction, they shall be punished by me on their account. I am not one who envy my own children, and therefore forbid men to pay them great respect; but I know that such [extravagant] respects are the way to make them insolent. And if every one that comes near them does but revolve this in his mind, that if he prove a good man, he shall receive a reward from me, but that if he prove seditious, his ill-intended complaisance shall get him nothing from him to whom it is shown, I suppose they will all be of my side, that is, of my sons' side; for it will be for their advantage that I reign, and that I be at concord with them. But do you, O my good children, reflect upon the holiness of nature itself, by whose means natural affection is preserved, even among wild beasts; in the next place, reflect upon Caesar, who hath made this reconciliation among us; and in the third place, reflect upon me, who entreat you to do what I have power to command you, - continue brethren. I give you royal garments, and royal honors; and I pray to God to preserve what I have determined, in case you be at concord one with another." When the king had thus spoken, and had saluted every one of his sons after an obliging manner, he dismissed the multitude; some of which gave their assent to what he had said, and wished it might take effect accordingly; but for those who wished for a change of affairs, they pretended they did not so much as hear what he said.

CAP. XXIV. FRATRES autem dissensio non reliquit, sed pejora suspi cantes alius de alio digressi sunt. Namque Alexander et Aristobulus aegre ferebant confirmatum esse Antipatro meri tum, Antipater autem succensebat vel secundo loco fratres haberi. sed tamen ille pro varietate morum, et reticere secreta noverat, et quanto sibi essent odio multa fraude celabat. His autem pro nobilitate generis, in lingua erat quicquid venisset in mentem. Et multi quidem his instigandis operam dabant, plures autem amicorum sese explorandi causa insinuabant. Itaque omne quod dictum esset apud Alexandrum, statim apud Antipatrum erat, et ab Antipatro ab Herodem cum ad jectione deferebatur. Nec vel simpliciter aliquid prolocutus, adolescens innoxius habebatur, sed cuncta ejus verba in cri mina vertebantur : maximaque minimis affingebantur, sicubi liberior paulo fuisset. Semper autem qui eum irritarent sub mittebat Antipater, ut mendacia sua veras occasiones habe rent: multisque falso vulgatis, unum quid comprobatum fidem omnibus faceret. Sed hujus quidem amicorum quisque aut natura taciturnus erat, aut muneribus parabatur, ne quid occultum expromeret : nec errasset aliquis, si Antipatri vitam malitiae dixisset arcanum. Alexandri vero familiares, aut pe cunia corruptos, aut impulsos blanditiis, quibus expugnavit omnia, fures ac proditores eorum quae contra se dicerentur sive agerentur, effecerat. Cum autem caute universa com mitteret, astutis etiam criminationibus aditus ad Herodem moliebatur : fratrisque personam gerens aliis delatoribus sub ornatis utebatur. Si quid in Alexandrum nunciassent favore simulato, id quod primo reprehendisset, mox otiose astru endo, regis iracundiam provocabat omniaque ad insidias refe rebat : et ut necem patris Alexander optare videretur. nihil enim majorem fidem calumniis suggerebat, quam si eum pur garet Antipater.

[467] BUT now the quarrel that was between them still accompanied these brethren when they parted, and the suspicions they had one of the other grew worse. Alexander and Aristobulus were much grieved that the privilege of the first-born was confirmed to Antipater; as was Antipater very angry at his brethren that they were to succeed him. But then this last being of a disposition that was mutable and politic, he knew how to hold his tongue, and used a great deal of cunning, and thereby concealed the hatred he bore to them; while the former, depending on the nobility of their births, had every thing upon their tongues which was in their minds. Many also there were who provoked them further, and many of their [seeming] friends insinuated themselves into their acquaintance, to spy out what they did. Now every thing that was said by Alexander was presently brought to Antipater, and from Antipater it was brought to Herod with additions. Nor could the young man say any thing in the simplicity of his heart, without giving offense, but what he said was still turned to calumny against him. And if he had been at any time a little free in his conversation, great imputations were forged from the smallest occasions. Antipater also was perpetually setting some to provoke him to speak, that the lies he raised of him might seem to have some foundation of truth; and if, among the many stories that were given out, but one of them could be proved true, that was supposed to imply the rest to be true also. And as to Antipater's friends, they were all either naturally so cautious in speaking, or had been so far bribed to conceal their thoughts, that nothing of these grand secrets got abroad by their means. Nor should one be mistaken if he called the life of Antipater a mystery of wickedness; for he either corrupted Alexander's acquaintance with money, or got into their favor by flatteries; by which two means he gained all his designs, and brought them to betray their master, and to steal away, and reveal what he either did or said. Thus did he act a part very cunningly in all points, and wrought himself a passage by his calumnies with the greatest shrewdness; while he put on a face as if he were a kind brother to Alexander and Aristobulus, but suborned other men to inform of what they did to Herod. And when any thing was told against Alexander, he would come in, and pretend [to be of his side], and would begin to contradict what was said; but would afterward contrive matters so privately, that the king should have an indignation at him. His general aim was this, - to lay a plot, and to make it believed that Alexander lay in wait to kill his father; for nothing afforded so great a confirmation to these calumnies as did Antipater's apologies for him.

2. His accensus Herodes, quantum in dies singulos de affectu adolescentium detrahebat, tantum adjiciebat Antipa tro. In eandem vero partem inclinati sunt etiam qui regno parebant : hi volentes, alii pro imperio, sicut Ptolemaeus ami corum clarissimus, regisque fratres, ac tota progenies. omnia namque in Antipatro sita erant: et quod Alexandro fuit acer bissimum, cuncta in eorum perniciem matris Antipatri con silio gerebantur. Noverca enim saevior erat, multoque plus quam privignos oderat, quos regina mater ediderat. Sed quanquam omnes, ut Antipatro magis obsequerentur, spes in ducebat : non minus tamen praecepta regis quemque ab ado lescentibus separabant : qui carissimis edixerat, ne quis ad Aristobulum vel ejus fratrem accederet, aut se ad eos appli caret. non solum autem regalibus erat formidini, verumetiam externis amicis. Nulli enim regum tantum potestatis Caesar dederat, ut fugitivos suos quamvis ex civitatibus non subjec tis ei liceret educere. Adolescentes autem delata in se faci nora nesciebant, hisque propterea capiebantur incautius. Nul lus enim palam incusabatur a patre : sed affectu refrigescente paulatim intelligentes, adversus dolorem asperius excitaban tur. Eodem autem modo etiam Pheroram patruum, et Salo men amitam, contra illos commovit Antipater, assidue velut cum uxore sermocinando quibus in eos instigaretur. Hujus autem inimicitias augebat Alexandri quoque uxor Glaphyra, multa de sua nobilitate commemorans, cunctarumque se quae in regno viverent dominam esse dictitans : paternum enim genus a Temeno, maternum autem a Dario Hystaspis filio ducere, multumque ignobilitatem despiciens sororis ut uxo rum Herodis : quarum quaeque propter formam, non propter nobilitatem esset electa. Namque multas ei fuisse diximus uxores : quod liceret Judaeis more patrio plures habere, quod que rex pluribus oblectaretur. Omnibus igitur propter super biam et contumelias Glaphyrae invisus erat Alexander.

[473] By these methods Herod was inflamed, and as much as his natural affection to the young men did every day diminish, so much did it increase towards Antipater. The courtiers also inclined to the same conduct, some of their own accord, and others by the king's injunction, as particularly did Ptolemy, the king's dearest friend, as also the king's brethren, and all his children; for Antipater was all in all; and what was the bitterest part of all to Alexander, Antipater's mother was also all in all; she was one that gave counsel against them, and was more harsh than a step-mother, and one that hated the queen's sons more than is usual to hate sons-in-law. All men did therefore already pay their respects to Antipater, in hopes of advantage; and it was the king's command which alienated every body [from the brethren], he having given this charge to his most intimate friends, that they should not come near, nor pay any regard, to Alexander, or to his friends. Herod was also become terrible, not only to his domestics about the court, but to his friends abroad; for Caesar had given such a privilege to no other king as he had given to him, which was this, - that he might fetch back any one that fled from him, even out of a city that was not under his own jurisdiction. Now the young men were not acquainted with the calumnies raised against them; for which reason they could not guard themselves against them, but fell under them; for their father did not make any public complaints against either of them; though in a little time they perceived how things were by his coldness to them, and by the great uneasiness he showed upon any thing that troubled him. Antipater had also made their uncle Pheroras to be their enemy, as well as their aunt Salome, while he was always talking with her, as with a wife, and irritating her against them. Moreover, Alexander's wife, Glaphyra, augmented this hatred against them, by deriving her nobility and genealogy [from great persons], and pretending that she was a lady superior to all others in that kingdom, as being derived by her father's side from Temenus, and by her mother's side from Darius, the son of Hystaspes. She also frequently reproached Herod's sister and wives with the ignobility of their descent; and that they were every one chosen by him for their beauty, but not for their family. Now those wives of his were not a few; it being of old permitted to the Jews to marry many wives, and this king delighting in many; all which hated Alexander, on account of Glaphyra's boasting and reproaches.

3. Salomen autem Aristobulus, et si socrus ejus erat, ipse inimicam sibi reddidit, et ante quidem propter maledicta Gla phyrae saevientem : frequenter enim humilitatem generis obji ciebat uxori : quodque ipse privatam, reginam vero frater suus duxisset Alexander. Hoc Salomes filia cum fletu matri nunciavit. Addebat autem, quod aliorum quoque fratrum matres idem Alexander et Aristobulus, si regnum obtinuis sent, textrices cum ancillis facere minitarentur, ipsos quoque vicorum scribas, scilicet irridentes, quod literarum studiis ope ram darent. His commota Salome, quod iracundiam cohi bere non posset, Herodi cuncta indicavit. Satis autem idonea videbatur contra generum dicens. Et praeter haec alia quae dam criminatio divulgata est, quae succendit animum regis. Audivit enim Alexandrum et Aristobulum crebro matrem implorare, casumque ejus cum gemitu atque imprecationibus conqueri: ac saepe illo quaedam ex Mariamnes vestimentis posterioribus dividente conjugibus, minitari solitos esse, quod cito pro regalibus deliciis nigris vestibus induerentur. -

[478] Nay, Aristobulus had raised a quarrel between himself and Salome, who was his mother-in-law, besides the anger he had conceived at Glaphyra's reproaches; for he perpetually upbraided his wife with the meanness of her family, and complained, that as he had married a woman of a low family, so had his brother Alexander married one of royal blood. At this Salome's daughter wept, and told it her with this addition, that Alexander threatened the mothers of his other brethren, that when he should come to the crown, he would make them weave with their maidens, and would make those brothers of his country schoolmasters; and brake this jest upon them, that they had been very carefully instructed, to fit them for such an employment. Hereupon Salome could not contain her anger, but told all to Herod; nor could her testimony be suspected, since it was against her own son-in-law There was also another calumny that ran abroad and inflamed the king's mind; for he heard that these sons of his were perpetually speaking of their mother, and, among their lamentations for her, did not abstain from cursing him; and that when he made presents of any of Mariamne's garments to his later wives, these threatened that in a little time, instead of royal garments, they would clothe theft in no better than hair-cloth.

4. His de causis Herodes licet constantem animum adoles centium formidaret, tamen ne spem correptionis abscinderet, ad se eos vocavit: Romam enim migraturus erat: et quasi rex pauca interminatus, pluribus quasi pater monuit: roga vitque ut fratres diligerent, promissa priorum peccatorum venia, si post haec meliores fierent. Illi autem criminatio num invidiam deprecando, fictas eas esse dicebant, purgatio nisque suae fidem rebus ipsis posse constare : verum ipsum quoque debere, omissa facilitate credendi, aditum maledictis obstruere. nunquam enim calumniatores defore, dum cui per suadeatur extabit.

[481] Now upon these accounts, though Herod was somewhat afraid of the young men's high spirit, yet did he not despair of reducing them to a better mind; but before he went to Rome, whither he was now going by sea, he called them to him, and partly threatened them a little, as a king; but for the main, he admonished them as a father, and exhorted them to love their brethren, and told them that he would pardon their former offenses, if they would amend for the time to come. But they refuted the calumnies that had been raised of them, and said they were false, and alleged that their actions were sufficient for their vindication; and said withal, that he himself ought to shut his ears against such tales, and not be too easy in believing them, for that there would never be wanting those that would tell lies to their disadvantage, as long as any would give ear to them.

5. Cum his eum mature placavissent, ut patrem, praesenti metu rejecto, de futuris moerere coeperunt. Etenim cogno vere Salomen sibi esse infensam, et patruum Pheroram: uter que autem saevi et graves erant : sed amplius Pheroras, qui totius quidem regni praeter diadema socius esset: proprios autem reditus haberet centum talentorum, totiusque trans Jordanem terrae fructus ipse caperet, a fratre sibi dono datae. Quinetiam tetrarcham eum fieri beneficio Caesaris, idem He rodes impetraverat: regalique conjugio dignatus erat, sorore uxoris suae nuptum ei collocata. Et post illius mortem, de sponderat ei filiarum suarum maximam, trecentis talentis in dotem datis. Sed regale matrimonium Pheroras, ancillae amore captus, refugerat. quamobrem iratus Herodes, filiam nuptum dedit fratris filio, qui post a Parthis occisus est. Mox autem morbo Pherorae venia data, indignationem re misit.

[483] When they had thus soon pacified him, as being their father, they got clear of the present fear they were in. Yet did they see occasion for sorrow in some time afterward; for they knew that Salome, as well as their uncle Pheroras, were their enemies; who were both of them heavy and severe persons, and especially Pheroras, who was a partner with Herod in all the affairs of the kingdom, excepting his diadem. He had also a hundred talents of his own revenue, and enjoyed the advantage of all the land beyond Jordan, which he had received as a gift from his brother, who had asked of Caesar to make him a tetrarch, as he was made accordingly. Herod had also given him a wife out of the royal family, who was no other than his own wife's sister, and after her death had solemnly espoused to him his own eldest daughter, with a dowry of three hundred talents; but Pheroras refused to consummate this royal marriage, out of his affection to a maidservant of his. Upon which account Herod was very angry, and gave that daughter in marriage to a brother's son of his, [Joseph,] who was slain afterward by the Parthians; but in some time he laid aside his anger against Pheroras, and pardoned him, as one not able to overcome his foolish passion for the maid-servant.

6. De hoc autem erat vetus opinio, quod etiam viva regina Herodem opprimere voluisset veneno. Sed tunc plurimis delatoribus aditus erat, ut quamvis amantissimus fratris esset Herodes, fide tamen eorum quae audisset, adduceretur ad metum. Itaque de multis qui suspecti erant habita quaestione, po stremo ad Pherorae amicos venit, quorum nulla quidem fuit de maleficiis aperta confessio, quod cum amica subrepta in Parthos cogitasset effugere prodiderunt: hujus autem consilii et fugae conscium esse Aristobulum Salomes maritum : cui rex eam tradidit, postquam superior adulterii causa peremptus est. sed nec Salome criminatione libera manserat. nam et hanc frater Pheroras accusabat, quod cum Syllaeo procuratore Obodae regis Arabum de nuptiis constituisset, quem inimicis simum Herodes habebat. Convicta autem et in hoc, et in omnibus quae Pheroras detulerat, indulgentiam meruit : ita que ipsum etiam rex Pheroram criminibus solvit.

[485] Nay, Pheroras had been accused long before, while the queen [Mariamne] was alive, as if he were in a plot to poison Herod; and there came then so great a number of informers, that Herod himself, though he was an exceeding lover of his brethren, was brought to believe what was said, and to be afraid of it also. And when he had brought many of those that were under suspicion to the torture, he came at last to Pheroras's own friends; none of which did openly confess the crime, but they owned that he had made preparation to take her whom he loved, and run away to the Parthians. Costobarus also, the husband of Salome, to whom the king had given her in marriage, after her former husband had been put to death for adultery, was instrumental in bringing about this contrivance and flight of his. Nor did Salome escape all calumny upon herself; for her brother Pheroras accused her that she had made an agreement to marry Silleus, the procurator of Obodas, king of Arabia, who was at bitter enmity with Herod; but when she was convicted of this, and of all that Pheroras had accused her of, she obtained her pardon. The king also pardoned Pheroras himself the crimes he had been accused of.

7. Domus vero tempestas in Alexandrum transiit, tota que capiti ejus incubuit. Tres erant eunuchi regis caris simi, et ex genere famulatus neminem id latebat. Uni enim vinum ministrare fuit cura, alteri coenam apponere, ter tius autem dormitum eum collocabat, et cum ipso cubabat : hos muneribus maximis Alexander cupiditati suae subjecerat. Itaque postquam regi haec sunt indicata, vi tormentorum coacti, et stuprum statim confessi sunt, et quibus essent ad hoc promissis inducti aperuerunt : quomodo eos fefellisset Alexander, nullam in Herode spem habendam esse, improbo sene, commemorans, et qui capillos inficeret, ut ob hoc etiam euim juvenem putarent : verum se coli oportere, qui etiam in vito eo regni esset futurus successor : neque multo post ab inimicis poenas repeteret, fortunatosque amicos suos beatos que faceret, ac prae caeteris ipsos. Quin et obsequia poten tium Alexandro clam parere, nilitumque rectores, itemque ordinum principes occulte ad eum convenire dixerunt.

[488] But the storm of the whole family was removed to Alexander, and all of it rested upon his head. There were three eunuchs who were in the highest esteem with the king, as was plain by the offices they were in about him; for one of them was appointed to be his butler, another of them got his supper ready for him, and the third put him into bed, and lay down by him. Now Alexander had prevailed with these men, by large gifts, to let him use them after an obscene manner; which, when it was told to the king, they were tortured, and found guilty, and presently confessed the criminal conversation he had with them. They also discovered the promises by which they were induced so to do, and how they were deluded by Alexander, who had told them that they ought not to fix their hopes upon Herod, an old man, and one so shameless as to color his hair, unless they thought that would make him young again; but that they ought to fix their attention to him who was to be his successor in the kingdom, whether he would or not; and who in no long time would avenge himself on his enemies, and make his friends happy and blessed, and themselves in the first place; that the men of power did already pay respects to Alexander privately, and that the captains of the soldiery, and the officers, did secretly come to him.

8. Haec Herodes adeo pertimuit, ut non auderet statim de lata proferre, sed exploratores die noctuque submittens, dicta factaque singula scrutabatur : et de quibus suspicio esset, ilico trucidabat. Itaque regnum ejus acerbissima iniquitate repletum est. Nam pro suo quisque odio vel inimicitiis, ca lumnias finxere, multique regis iracundia caedis cupida contra adversarios abutebantur. et mendacio quidem confestim fides habebatur : erant autem criminationibus ipsis velociora sup plicia. Denique accusabatur qui modo accusaverat : et cum eo qui ante se convictus esset, ducebatur ad poenam. De vita namque periculum regis quaestiones breviore compendio terminabat. Ad hoc autem saevitiae processerat, ut nec eorum quenquam humanis aspiceret, qui accusati non essent : ve rum etiam amicis immitissimum sese praeberet. Itaque multis etiam regno interdixit, et in quos potestatem non habebat, in eos dictis asperis saeviebat. Accessit malis Antipater, col lectaque propinquorum caterva, nullum criminationis genus omisit. Tantus autem ineptia sua regem commentisque de latorum timor invasit ut stricto instare sibi gladio videretur videre Alexandrum. Denique subito et ipsum correptum in vincula conjecit, et in amicorum ejus tormenta perrexit, multi autem tacite moriebantur, nulla voce supra conscientiam pro dita. alii vero quibus mendacium impatientia doloris extorsit, de patris eum insidiis cum fratre Aristobulo cogitasse dix erunt : tempusque observare, ut illo dum venaretur occiso, Romam profugerent. His tametsi verisimilia non erant, sed necessitate cruciatus ex tempore fingebantur, libenti tamen animo rex credebat, pro consolatione accipiens vincti filii, ne id fecisse videretur injuste.

[492] These confessions did so terrify Herod, that he durst not immediately publish them; but he sent spies abroad privately, by night and by day, who should make a close inquiry after all that was done and said; and when any were but suspected [of treason], he put them to death, insomuch that the palace was full of horribly unjust proceedings; for every body forged calumnies, as they were themselves in a state of enmity or hatred against others; and many there were who abused the king's bloody passion to the disadvantage of those with whom they had quarrels, and lies were easily believed, and punishments were inflicted sooner than the calumnies were forged. He who had just then been accusing another was accused himself, and was led away to execution together with him whom he had convicted; for the danger the king was in of his life made examinations be very short. He also proceeded to such a degree of bitterness, that he could not look on any of those that were not accused with a pleasant countenance, but was in the most barbarous disposition towards his own friends. Accordingly, he forbade a great many of them to come to court, and to those whom he had not power to punish actually he spake harshly. But for Antipater, he insulted Alexander, now he was under his misfortunes, and got a stout company of his kindred together, and raised all sorts of calumny against him; and for the king, he was brought to such a degree of terror by those prodigious slanders and contrivances, that he fancied he saw Alexander coming to him with a drawn sword in his hand. So he caused him to be seized upon immediately, and bound, and fell to examining his friends by torture, many of whom died [under the torture], but would discover nothing, nor say any thing against their consciences; but some of them, being forced to speak falsely by the pains they endured, said that Alexander, and his brother Aristobulus, plotted against him, and waited for an opportunity to kill him as he was hunting, and then fly away to Rome. These accusations though they were of an incredible nature, and only framed upon the great distress they were in, were readily believed by the king, who thought it some comfort to him, after he had bound his son, that it might appear he had not done it unjustly.

CAP. XXV. VERUM Alexander quoniam suspicionem patris nullo modo aboleri posse arbitrabatur, ultro malis assentiendum putavit : ac digestis adversus inimicos quatuor libris, fatetur insidias, earumque se plurimos socios habere perscribit ; ante omnes autem Pheroram et Salomen. Hanc enim etiam stupro sibi quondam esse mixtam, cum vim noctu adhibuisset invito. Jamque libri in manibus erant Herodis : multa et gravia de optimatibus clamantes, cum mature in Judaeam Archelaus venit, metuens genero simul ac filiae, quibus etiam providen tissimo consilio succurrit, regisque minas arte dissolvit. Mox enim cum eo congressus, ubinam est, clamat, exitiabilis gener meus ? aut ubi parricidate caput aspiciam, quod meis manibus ipse lacerabo: addamque filiam meam bono marito novo ? nam etsi consilii particeps non est, quia tamen ejusmodi viri conjunx fuit, inquinata est. Miror autem patientiam tuam, cujus periculum agitur, quod adhuc vivit Alexander: ego namque ita ex Cappadocia properans veniebam, ut qui et illum reperirem olim dedisse supplicium, et de filia quaestio nem tecum haberem, quam tui tuaeque dignitatis contempla tione illi desponderam. At nunc de utroque nobis consulen dum est: licet nimium pater sis, et ad puniendum insidiato rem filium minus fortis. Permutemus dexteras, et alter alte rius iracundiae vicarii succedamus.

[498] NOW as to Alexander, since he perceived it impossible to persuade his father [that he was innocent], he resolved to meet his calamities, how severe soever they were; so he composed four books against his enemies, and confessed that he had been in a plot; but declared withal that the greatest part [of the courtiers] were in a plot with him, and chiefly Pheroras and Salome; nay, that Salome once came and forced him to lie with her in the night time, whether he would or no. These books were put into Herod's hands, and made a great clamor against the men in power. And now it was that Archelaus came hastily into Judea, as being affrighted for his son-in-law and his daughter; and he came as a proper assistant, and in a very prudent manner, and by a stratagem he obliged the king not to execute what he had threatened; for when he was come to him, he cried out, "Where in the world is this wretched son-in-law of mine? Where shall I see the head of him which contrived to murder his father, which I will tear to pieces with my own hands? I will do the same also to my daughter, who hath such a fine husband; for although she be not a partner in the plot, yet, by being the wife of such a creature, she is polluted. And I cannot but admire at thy patience, against whom this plot is laid, if Alexander be still alive; for as I came with what haste I could from Cappadocia, I expected to find him put to death for his crimes long ago; but still, in order to make an examination with thee about my daughter, whom, out of regard to thee and by dignity, I had espoused to him in marriage; but now we must take counsel about them both; and if thy paternal affection be so great, that thou canst not punish thy son, who hath plotted against thee, let us change our right hands, and let us succeed one to the other in expressing our rage upon this occasion."

2. Talibus increpans, quamvis pertinacem fallit Herodem. Itaque ille quos Alexander perscripserat libros, legendos ei praebet, singulisque capitulis insistens, cum eo deliberabat. Unde occasionem sui consilii nactus Archelaus, paulatim cau sam in eos, qui scriptis continebantur, et in Pheroram contu lit. Cum autem sibi credere regem videret, considerandum est, inquit, ne forte adolescentulus tot nequissimorum insidiis circumveniatur, non tu ab adolescentulo. nec enim apparere causam, cur in tantum ruerit scelus, qui et nunc regno poti retur, et successionem regni speraret, nisi aliquos haberet hu jus persuasionis autore8, qui ad deteriorem partem lubricum aetatis impellerent. Ab ejusmodi namque hominibus non solum adolescentulos falli, verumetiam senes, domosque cla rissimas totaque regna solere subverti.

[502] When he had made this pompous declaration, he got Herod to remit of his anger, though he were in disorder, who thereupon gave him the books which Alexander had composed to be read by him; and as he came to every head, he considered of it, together with Herod. So Archclaus took hence the occasion for that stratagem which he made use of, and by degrees he laid the blame on those men whose names were in these books, and especially upon Pheroras; and when he saw that the king believed him [to he in earnest], he said, "We must consider whether the young man be not himself plotted against by such a number of wicked wretches, and not thou plotted against by the young man; for I cannot see any occasion for his falling into so horrid a crime, since he enjoys the advantages of royalty already, and has the expectation of being one of thy successors; I mean this, unless there were some persons that persuade him to it, and such persons as make an ill use of the facility they know there is to persuade young men; for by such persons, not only young men are sometimes imposed upon, but old men also, and by them sometimes are the most illustrious families and kingdoms overturned."

3. Consentiebat dictis Herodes, iramque paulatim remitte bat in Alexandro, et in Pheroram excitabatur. namque hic erat librorum quatuor argumentum. qui ubi propensiorem esse regis animum sensit, et in omnibus apud eum amicitiam Archelai praevalere, quam honeste non posset, ex impudentia salutem quaesivit. relictoque Alexandro, confugit ad Arche laum. et ille negat se videre, quo pacto eximat tot criminibus involutum, quibus manifeste convinceretur regem insidiis voluisse decipere, omniumque malorum praesentium adoles centi causa fuisse : nisi malit omissis artibus callidis, et ne gandi pertinacia, de quibus insimularetur omnia confiteri, et a fratre, praesertim cui dilectus esset, veniam petere. namque ad hoc ei modis omnibus se quoque opem laturum.

[504] Herod assented to what he had said, and, by degrees, abated of his anger against Alexander, but was more angry at Pheroras; for the principal subject of the four books was Pheroras; who perceiving that the king's inclinations changed on a sudden, and that Archelaus's friendship could do every thing with him, and that he had no honorable method of preserving himself, he procured his safety by his impudence. So he left Alexander, and had recourse to Archelaus, who told him that he did not see how he could get him excused, now he was directly caught in so many crimes, whereby it was evidently demonstrated that he had plotted against the king, and had been the cause of those misfortunes which the young man was now under, unless he would moreover leave off his cunning knavery, and his denials of what he was charged withal, and confess the charge, and implore pardon of his brother, who still had a kindness for him; but that if he would do so, he would afford him all the assistance he was able.

4. Paruit Archelao Pheroras, atraque veste cum lacrymis, ut quam miserabilis appararet, instructus, ad pedes Herodis accessit: veniamque meruit postulans. et se quidem scelera tum esse fatebatur : namque omnia quae sibi objicerentur fe cisse, horum autem causam esse diminutionem mentis atque insaniam, ex mulieris amore conceptam. Itaque postquam stetit Pheroras suimet ipse accusator ac testis, tunc eum jam Archelaus excusando, Herodis iracundiam mitigabat, propriis usus exemplis: etenim se quoque a fratre multo graviora perpessum, naturale jus dicebat anteposuisse vindictae. Quippe in regnis, velut in magnis corporibus, semper aliquam partem pondere ipso tumescere: quam recidi quidem non oportere, leniter vero curari.

[506] With this advice Pheroras complied, and putting himself into such a habit as might most move compassion, he came with black cloth upon his body, and tears in his eyes, and threw himself down at Herod's feet, and begged his pardon for what he had done, and confessed that he had acted very wickedly, and was guilty of every thing that he had been accused of, and lamented that disorder of his mind, and distraction which his love to a woman, he said, had brought him to. So when Archelaus had brought Pheroras to accuse and bear witness against himself, he then made an excuse for him, and mitigated Herod's anger towards him, and this by using certain domestical examples; for that when he had suffered much greater mischiefs from a brother of his own, he prefered the obligations of nature before the passion of revenge; because it is in kingdoms as it is in gross bodies, where some member or other is ever swelled by the body's weight, in which case it is not proper to cut off such member, but to heal it by a gentle method of cure.

5. Multa in hunc modum locutus Archelaus, Herodem qui dem Pherorae placidum reddidit, ipse autem Alexandro tandiu manebat iratus, filiamque ab eo distractam secum abductu rum se aiebat, donec Herodem compulit ultro pro adolescen tulo deprecari, ut iterum ei filiam desponderet. Satis autem gravatim Archelaus cui vellet eam praeter Alexandrum collo cari permisit ; maximi enim pendere, quo jura inter se affini tatis inviolata permaneant. Rege autem sibi filium ab eo donatum affirmante, nisi matrimonium diremisset, quod et liberos jam haberent, uxor quoque ab adolescente diligeretur: quae si remaneret, peccatorum foret oblivio : si vero discede ret, causa de omnibus desperandi: molliorem namque fieri audaciam si domesticis affectionibus distrahatur: vix tandem cessit, unaque et ipse rediit cum adolescente in gratiam, et patrem ejus reduxit. Procul dubio tamen eum Romam mitti debere ait, cum Caesare collocuturum : de omnibus enim sese literas ad eum fecisse.

[508] Upon Arehelaus's saying this, and much more to the same purpose, Herod's displeasure against Pheroras was mollified; yet did he persevere in his own indignation against Alexander, and said he would have his daughter divorced, and taken away from him, and this till he had brought Herod to that pass, that, contrary to his former behavior to him, he petitioned Archelaus for the young man, and that he would let his daughter continue espoused to him: but Archelaus made him strongly believe that he would permit her to be married to any one else, but not to Alexander, because he looked upon it as a very valuable advantage, that the relation they had contracted by that affinity, and the privileges that went along with it, might be preserved. And when the king said that his son would take it for a great favor to him, if he would not dissolve that marriage, especially since they had already children between the young man and her, and since that wife of his was so well beloved by him, and that as while she remains his wife she would be a great preservative to him, and keep him from offending, as he had formerly done; so if she should be once torn away from him, she would be the cause of his falling into despair, because such young men's attempts are best mollified when they are diverted from them by settling their affections at home. So Arehelaus complied with what Herod desired, but not without difficulty, and was both himself reconciled to the young man, and reconciled his father to him also. However, he said he must, by all means, be sent to Rome to discourse with Caesar, because he had already written a full account to him of this whole matter.

6. Vafrum igitur Archelai consiliuum, quo generum peri culo liberavit peractum erat, et redintegrata concordia in epu lis et humanitate convictus familiariter versabantur. Abeun tem autem muneribus talentorum septuaginta, solio quoque gemmis ornato, et eunuchis, et concubina, donat Herodes, quae Pannychis vocabatur: itemque amicorum ejus quemque pro merito, quin et cognati regis omnes jussu ejus Archelao dona splendidissima dederunt : eumque tam ipse quam opti mates Antiochiam usque prosecuti sunt.

[511] Thus a period was put to Archelaus's stratagem, whereby he delivered his son-in-law out of the dangers he was in; but when these reconciliations were over, they spent their time in feastings and agreeable entertainments. And when Archelaus was going away, Herod made him a present of seventy talents, with a golden throne set with precious stones, and some eunuchs, and a concubine who was called Pannychis. He also paid due honors to every one of his friends according to their dignity. In like manner did all the king's kindred, by his command, make glorious presents to Archelaus; and so he was conducted on his way by Herod and his nobility as far as Antioch.

CAP. XXVI. NON multo post quidam in Judaeam venit, Archelai consi liis multo potentior: qui non solum reconciliationem gratiae Alexandro quaesitam fecit irritam, verumetiam causa fuit, ut periret. Laco erat genere, nomine Eurycles, ad regni desi derium amore pecuniae corruptus. Jam enim luxum ejus re gia tolerare non poterat. Is amplissimis donis Herodi obla tis, velut eorum, quae aucuparetur illecebra, cum statim mul tiplicata recepisset, immaculatam liberalitatem nihil esse du cebat, nisi regum sanguine comparasset. Itaque regem adu latione falsisque de ipso laudibus, et sermonis calliditate cir cumvenit : matureque perspecto ejus ingenio, dictis simul et factis quae illi placerent, inter primos ejus amicos habetur. Nam et rex et omnes ejus comites libenter civem Spartae patriae causa, praecipuo dignum honore ducebant.

[513] NOW a little afterward there came into Judea a man that was much superior to Arehelaus's stratagems, who did not only overturn that reconciliation that had been so wisely made with Alexander, but proved the occasion of his ruin. He was a Lacedemonian, and his name was Eurycles. He was so corrupt a man, that out of the desire of getting money, he chose to live under a king, for Greece could not suffice his luxury. He presented Herod with splendid gifts, as a bait which he laid in order to compass his ends, and quickly received them back again manifold; yet did he esteem bare gifts as nothing, unless he imbrued the kingdom in blood by his purchases. Accordingly, he imposed upon the king by flattering him, and by talking subtlely to him, as also by the lying encomiums which he made upon him; for as he soon perceived Herod's blind side, so he said and did every thing that might please him, and thereby became one of his most intimate friends; for both the king and all that were about him had a great regard for this Spartan, on account of his country.

2. Ille autem postquam fragilitatem domus animadvertit, fratrumque inimicitias, et quemadmodum pater in singulos esset animatus, Antipatri quidem hospitio praeventus erat. Simulata vero amicitia fallebat Alexandrum olim se et Arche lai socium esse mentitus, quo etiam citius quasi probatus obrepsit. Moxque ab eo fratri quoque Aristobulo commen datus est. Pertentatis autem personis omnibus, aliam alio modo subibat: ac primum fit Antipatri mercenarius, et Alex andri proditor : illum exprobrando castigans, quod et quum fratrum sit maximus, spei suae negligat insidiatores. Alex andrum vero, quod regina creatus, et regiae vir conjugis, filium privatae mulieris pateretur regno succedere: praesertim quum haberet magnam occasionem Archelaum : quae quidem adolescenti bona fide suadere videbatur, quod amicitiam simu lasset Archelai. Unde nec Alexander quicquam metuens, et de Antipatro quae se moverent apud eum querebatur: et quod nihil mirum faceret Herodes, si cum matrem illorum intere mit, ipsis quoque regnum ejus auferret. quorum causa Eu rycles et miserari eos et condolere simulans, etiam Aristobu lum ad ea dicenda pellexit : atque ita querelis in patrem utro que devincto, referens ad Antipatrum secreta discedit: afficto quoque insidiarum mendacio, quas ei fratres parasse affirma bat, ac pene jam strictis gladiis in eum irruere. Ob haec autem multa pecunia donatus ab Antipatro, laudator ejus erat apud patrem : et ad extremum necis Alexandri et Aristobuli redempta opera, ipse accusatoris partibus fungitur. Cumque adisset Herodem, vitam ei se rependere pro beneficiis et sibi delatis, et lucem referre dixit pro hospitio : olim Alexandrum exacuisse in eum gladium, et confirmasse dexteram : verum sceleri tanto fuisse impedimento, quod societatem facinoris assimulasset. Alexandrum enim dicere, non bene se cum Herode actum putare, quod regnum obtinuisset alienum, et post matris eorum necem principatum ejus dilacerasset, nisi etiam degenerem coaptaret haeredem, avitumque ipsorum regnum Antipatro spurio traderet. Proinde semet Hyrcani manes et Mariamnes ultum ire. Nec enim decere successio nem regni ab hujusmodi patre sine caede suscipere, multis autem rebus ad hoc excitari quotidie, quia nihil sibi omnino loqui sine calumnia liceret. Nam si de nobilitate aliorum fiat mentio, sine ratione se contumeliis affici, patre dicente, solus generosus Alexander, et cui pater sit pro ignobilitate dedecori. In venationibus quoque offendere, si taceat: si vero laudet, cavillatorem appellari. et prorsus immitem sibi patrem inveniri, solique Antipatro indulgentem : ob quae vel emori non recusare nisi ex voto insidiae successissent: sin eum occidisset, primum salutis occasionem fore Archelaum socerum suum, ad quem facile possit effugere: deinde Caesa rem, qui nunc usque ignoraret mores Herodis. nee enim sic ei adstaturum ut antea, patris praesentiam formidando, nec de suis tantum criminibus locuturum, sed primum totius gentis &erumnas : et quod ad necem usque tributis opprimeret vul gaturum. deinde in quibus deliciis, quibusque actibus partae sanguine pecuniae consumptae sint, et qui vel quales ex illis fuerint locupletati, quae causa civitatis afflictae : ibi autem lamentaturum et avi et matris necem, omniaque scelera regis retecturum : quibus cognitis nemo se judicaverit patrici dam.

[516] Now as soon as this fellow perceived the rotten parts of the family, and what quarrels the brothers had one with another, and in what disposition the father was towards each of them, he chose to take his lodging at the first in the house of Antipater, but deluded Alexander with a pretense of friendship to him, and falsely claimed to be an old acquaintance of Archelaus; for which reason he was presently admitted into Alexander's familiarity as a faithful friend. He also soon recommended himself to his brother Aristobulus. And when he had thus made trial of these several persons, he imposed upon one of them by one method, and upon another by another. But he was principally hired by Antipater, and so betrayed Alexander, and this by reproaching Antipater, because, while he was the eldest son he overlooked the intrigues of those who stood in the way of his expectations; and by reproaching Alexander, because he who was born of a queen, and was married to a king's daughter, permitted one that was born of a mean woman to lay claim to the succession, and this when he had Archelaus to support him in the most complete manner. Nor was his advice thought to be other than faithful by the young man, because of his pretended friendship with Archelaus; on which account it was that Alexander lamented to him Antipater's behavior with regard to himself, and this without concealing any thing from him; and how it was no wonder if Herod, after he had killed their mother, should deprive them of her kingdom. Upon this Eurycles pretended to commiserate his condition, and to grieve with him. He also, by a bait that he laid for him, procured Aristobulus to say the same things. Thus did he inveigle both the brothers to make complaints of their father, and then went to Antipater, and carried these grand secrets to him. He also added a fiction of his own, as if his brothers had laid a plot against him, and were almost ready to come upon him with their drawn swords. For this intelligence he received a great sum of money, and on that account he commended Antipater before his father, and at length undertook the work of bringing Alexander and Aristobulus to their graves, and accused them before their father. So he came to Herod, and told him that he would save his life, as a requital for the favors he had received from him, and would preserve his light [of life] by way of retribution for his kind entertainment; for that a sword had been long whetted, and Alexander's right hand had been long stretched out against him; but that he had laid impediments in his way, prevented his speed, and that by pretending to assist him in his design: how Alexander said that Herod was not contented to reign in a kingdom that belonged to others, and to make dilapidations in their mother's government after he had killed her; but besides all this, that he introduced a spurious successor, and proposed to give the kingdom of their ancestors to that pestilent fellow Antipater: - that he would now appease the ghosts of Hyrcanus and Mariamne, by taking vengeance on him; for that it was not fit for him to take the succession to the government from such a father without bloodshed: that many things happen every day to provoke him so to do, insomuch that he can say nothing at all, but it affords occasion for calumny against him; for that if any mention be made of nobility of birth, even in other cases, he is abused unjustly, while his father would say that nobody, to be sure, is of noble birth but Alexander, and that his father was inglorious for want of such nobility. If they be at any time hunting, and he says nothing, he gives offense; and if he commends any body, they take it in way of jest. That they always find their father unmercifully severe, and have no natural affection for any of them but for Antipater; on which accounts, if this plot does not take, he is very willing to die; but that in case he kill his father, he hath sufficient opportunities for saving himself. In the first place, he hath Archelaus his father-in-law to whom he can easily fly; and in the next place, he hath Caesar, who had never known Herod's character to this day; for that he shall not appear then before him with that dread he used to do when his father was there to terrify him; and that he will not then produce the accusations that concerned himself alone, but would, in the first place, openly insist on the calamities of their nation, and how they are taxed to death, and in what ways of luxury and wicked practices that wealth is spent which was gotten by bloodshed; what sort of persons they are that get our riches, and to whom those cities belong upon whom he bestows his favors; that he would have inquiry made what became of his grandfather [Hyrcanus], and his mother [Mariamne], and would openly proclaim the gross wickedness that was in the kingdom; on which accounts he should not be deemed a parricide.

3. His Eurycles im Alexandrum falso delatis, Antipatri laudes prosequebatur, illum solum, qui patrem diligeret esse confirmans, quique adhuc insidias retardasset. Rex autem nondum praeteritae suspicionis dolore compresso, intolerabilis iracundiae feritate perturbatur. Iterumque hoc tempus nactus Antipater, alios accusatores fratribus subornavit, qui eos dicerent cum Jucundo et Tyrannio clam colloqui solitos esse, equitum regis olim principibus, tunc vero propter quasdam offensiones ordinibus motis. Hac denique indignatione suc census, confestim eos tormentis Herodes subdidit. Illi autem nihil eorum se, quae crimini darentur, scire confessi sunt. Sed oblata est quaedam velut ad praefectum castelli Alexandrii ab Alexandro scripta epistola, deprecante ut cum Aristobulo fratre se in castellum reciperet, si patrem interfecissent : tamque armis quam aliis subsidiis eos uti permitteret. Hanc Alexander Diophanti commentum esse dicebat, qui regis erat notarius, homo audacissimus, et cujuslibet manus literas imi tari percallidus. Itaque multis saepe falso conscriptis, ob hoc postremo occisus est. torto autem castelli praefecto, nec ejus indicio quicquam Herodes eorum, quae delata erant, verum esse cognovit.

[526] When Eurycles had made this portentous speech, he greatly commended Antipater, as the only child that had an affection for his father, and on that account was an impediment to the other's plot against him. Hereupon the king, who had hardly repressed his anger upon the former accusations, was exasperated to an incurable degree. At which time Antipater took another occasion to send in other persons to his father to accuse his brethren, and to tell him that they had privately discoursed with Jucundus and Tyrannus, who had once been masters of the horse to the king, but for some offenses had been put out of that honorable employment. Herod was in a very great rage at these informations, and presently ordered those men to be tortured; yet did not they confess any thing of what the king had been informed; but a certain letter was produced, as written by Alexander to the governor of a castle, to desire him to receive him and Aristobulus into the castle when he had killed his father, and to give them weapons, and what other assistance he could, upon that occasion. Alexander said that this letter was a forgery of Diophantus. This Diophantus was the king's secretary, a bold man, and cunning in counterfeiting any one's hand; and after he had counterfeited a great number, he was at last put to death for it. Herod did also order the governor of the castle to be tortured, but got nothing out of him of what the accusations suggested.

4. Sed quamvis nullum documentum validum proferretur, filios tamen asservari praecepit. Euryclem vero domus suae pestem, ac totius sceleris fabricatorem, bene de se meritum datoremque salutis appellans, talentis quinquaginta donavit. Ille autem prius quam certa fama nunciaret, ad Archelaum properat : aususque dicere, quod Herodem reconciliasset Alexandro, ab illo quoque pecunias capit. deinde in Achaiam transgressus, ad similia facinora male quaesitis abusus est. Postremo apud Caesarem accusatus, quod dissensionibus re plevisset Achaiam, et civitates spoliaret, in exilium mittitur: atque hoc eum modo poenae Alexandri et Aristobuli perse cutae sunt.

[530] However, although Herod found the proofs too weak, he gave order to have his sons kept in custody; for till now they had been at liberty. He also called that pest of his family, and forger of all this vile accusation, Eurycles, his savior and benefactor, and gave him a reward of fifty talents. Upon which he prevented any accurate accounts that could come of what he had done, by going immediately into Cappadocia, and there he got money of Archelaus, having the impudence to pretend that he had reconciled Herod to Alexander. He thence passed over into Greece, and used what he had thus wickedly gotten to the like wicked purposes. Accordingly, he was twice accused before Caesar, that he had filled Achaia with sedition, and had plundered its cities; and so he was sent into banishment. And thus was he punished for what wicked actions he had been guilty of about Aristobulus and Alexander.

5. Hoc loco dignum est Coum Euaratum huic Spartiatae conferre. Namque is cum amicissimus esset Alexandro, eo demque tempore quo Eurycles ibidem erat, advenisset, per contanti regi super his, quae ille insimularet, juratus nihil se ab adolescentibus audisse affirmavit. nec tamen id quicquam miseris profuit apud Herodem, solis maledictis aures paratissi mas aperientem : eumque gratiosissimum sibi judicantem, qui secum eadem crederet, iisdemque moveretur.

[532] But it will now be worth while to put Euaratus of Cos in opposition to this Spartan; for as he was one of Alexander's most intimate friends, and came to him in his travels at the same time that Eurycles came; so the king put the question to him, whether those things of which Alexander was accused were true? He assured him upon oath that he had never heard any such things from the young men; yet did this testimony avail nothing for the clearing those miserable creatures; for Herod was only disposed and most ready to hearken to what made against them, and every one was most agreeable to him that would believe they were guilty, and showed their indignation at them.

CAP. XXVII. INCITABAT praeterea Salome crudelitatem ejus in filios. Nam ad hanc Aristobulus, quo periculis involveret, quam et socrum habebat et amitam, monitum miserat, ut saluti suae consuleret : quasi rex eam decrevisset occidere, iterum insi mulatam, quorum ante fuerat accusata : quod Syllaeo Arabi nubere cupiens, quem sciret ejus inimicum, occulte illi secreta regis nunciaret. Et hoc fuit extremum quo tanquam tem pestate oppressi adolescentes, non secus ac turbine pessun dati sunt. Salome enim protinus contendit ad regem, eique monita Aristobuli prodit : atque ille ulterius durare non pas sus, utrumque filium vinxit, et separatos asservari praeeepit. Deinde Volumnium militiae magistrum, 'et ex amicis suis Olympum descripta ferentes judicia, proficisci jussit ad Cae sarem: qui postquam Romam navi delati, regis litteras reddi derunt, vehementer quidem Caesar ob adolescentes indoluit, verum potestatem in filios a patre auferendam non duxit. Denique rescribit ei, ut ipse sui dominus esset arbitrii : melius tamen facturum dicens, si in communi consessu pro pinquorum suorum provinciaeque rectorum de insidiis quae reret : eosque si delato crimini reperiret astrictos, occideret ; si vero fugam tantum esse meditatos, mediocri supplicio con tentus esset.

[534] MOREOVER, Salome exasperated Herod's cruelty against his sons; for Aristobulus was desirous to bring her, who was his mother-in-law and his aunt, into the like dangers with themselves; so he sent to her to take care of her own safety, and told her that the king was preparing to put her to death, on account of the accusation that was laid against her, as if when she formerly endeavored to marry herself to Sylleus the Arabian, she had discovered the king's grand secrets to him, who was the king's enemy; and this it was that came as the last storm, and entirely sunk the young men when they were in great danger before. For Salome came running to the king, and informed him of what admonition had been given her; whereupon he could bear no longer, but commanded both the young men to be bound, and kept the one asunder from the other. He also sent Volumnius, the general of his army, to Caesar immediately, as also his friend Olympus with him, who carried the informations in writing along with them. Now as soon as they had sailed to Rome, and delivered the king's letters to Caesar, Caesar was mightily troubled at the case of the young men; yet did not he think he ought to take the power from the father of condemning his sons; so he wrote back to him, and appointed him to have the power over his sons; but said withal, that he would do well to make an examination into this matter of the plot against him in a public court, and to take for his assessors his own kindred, and the governors of the province. And if those sons be found guilty, to put them to death; but if they appear to have thought of no more than flying away from him, that he should moderate their punishment.

2. Paret scriptis Herodes : cumque Berytum quo Caesar jusserat, pervenisset, cogit judicium. Praesederunt autem rectores, quibus a Caesare scriptum fuerat, Saturninus et Pedanius legati, et cum his Volumnius procurator, itemque propinqui regis et amici, necnon et Salome et Pheroras, et post hos optimates Syriae, praeter Archelaum regem : namque hunc Herodes, quod Alexandri socer esset, suspectum habe bat. Sed filios quidem satis provido consilio in judicium non produxit : sciebat enim quod si tantum visi fuissent, omni modo ad misericordiam cunctos impellerent: si vero etiam dicendi copiam nacti essent, facillime Alexander objecta dilu eret. Igitur illi quidem custodiebantur in Platane, vico Sido niorum.

[538] With these directions Herod complied, and came to Berytus, where Caesar had ordered the court to be assembled, and got the judicature together. The presidents sat first, as Caesar's letters had appointed, who were Saturninus and Pedanius, and their lieutenants that were with them, with whom was the procurator Volumnius also; next to them sat the king's kinsmen and friends, with Salome also, and Pheroras; after whom sat the principal men of all Syria, excepting Archelaus; for Herod had a suspicion of him, because he was Alexander's father-in-law. Yet did not he produce his sons in open court; and this was done very cunningly, for he knew well enough that had they but appeared only, they would certainly have been pitied; and if withal they had been suffered to speak, Alexander would easily have answered what they were accused of; but they were in custody at Platane, a village of the Sidontans.

3. Exorsus autem rex, veluti cum praesentibus ageret, com movebatur. et insidias quidem timide objiciebat : nam proba tionibus deficiebat. maledicta vero et probra et injurias, et peccata plurima in se admissa prosequebatur : eaque morte graviora esse consessoribus demonstrabat. postremo cum nemo contradiceret, semetipsum argui miserabiliter questus, acerbamque victoriam vincere, singulos sententiam proferre rogat in filios. et primus Saturninus condemnandos esse ado lescentulos, sed non morte pronunciavit. Nec enim fas esse cum tres ipse astantes habeat filios, mortem alienis decer nere. Idem etiam duobus legatis visum est, eosque nonnulli alii secuti sunt. Tristem vero sententiam primus Volumnius dixit, cunctique post eum Herodis aemulatione, vel odio ; neque indignatione quisquam necandos esse adolescentes judicavit. Tum autem universa Judaea et Syria, suspensa quidem operiebatur hujus tragoediae finem : sed nemo ex istimabat Herodis crudelitatem ad parricidium usque proces suram. llle tamen filios Tyrum traxit : atque inde navi Caesaream devectos, quo mortis genere perimeret cogitabat.

[540] So the king got up, and inveighed against his sons, as if they were present; and as for that part of the accusation that they had plotted against him, he urged it but faintly, because he was destitute of proofs; but he insisted before the assessors on the reproaches, and jests, and injurious carriage, and ten thousand the like offenses against him, which were heavier than death itself; and when nobody contradicted him, he moved them to pity his case, as though he had been condemned himself, now he had gained a bitter victory against his sons. So he asked every one's sentence, which sentence was first of all given by Saturninus, and was this: That he condemned the young men, but not to death; for that it was not fit for him, who had three sons of his own now present, to give his vote for the destruction of the sons of another. The two lieutenants also gave the like vote; some others there were also who followed their example; but Volumnius began to vote on the more melancholy side, and all those that came after him condemned the young men to die, some out of flattery, and some out of hatred to Herod; but none out of indignation at their crimes. And now all Syria and Judea was in great expectation, and waited for the last act of this tragedy; yet did nobody, suppose that Herod would be so barbarous as to murder his children: however, he carried them away to Tyre, and thence sailed to Cesarea, and deliberated with himself what sort of death the young men should suffer.

4. Interea vetus quidam regis miles, Tiro nomine, qui et filium habebat Alexandro assuetum atque amicum, et ipse diligebat adolescentulos ; prae nimia indignatione mentis postremo circumveniens clamitabat conculcatam esse justi tiam, veritatem periisse, naturam esse confusam, vitamque hominum iniquitatis esse plenam, et omnia quae dolor con temptori vitae dictasset. Deinde ipsum etiam regem ausus adire: Mihi vero, inquit, omnium videris esse infelicissimus, qui contra carissimos nequissimis credas. Siquidem Pheroras et Salome fidem apud te adversus filios tuos habent, quos saepe ipse mortis supplicio dignos esse judicasti: neque ad vertis hoc eos agere, ut justis successoribus destitutus, cum solo remaneas Antipatro, capi facile regem optantes. Verun tamen cogita, ne ille quoque militibus odiosus sit, propter caedem omnium fratrum. Nullus enim est, qui non adolescen tium misereatur, principum autem plurimi etiam palam gra viter ferunt. haec dicens: simul eos quibus res indigna vide retur nominabat. Rex autem statim illos et ipsum cum filio comprehendi jubet.

[544] Now there was a certain old soldier of the king's, whose name was Tero, who had a son that was very familiar with and a friend to Alexander, and who himself particularly loved the young men. This soldier was in a manner distracted, out of the excess of the indignation he had at what was doing; and at first he cried out aloud, as he went about, that justice was trampled under foot; that truth was perished, and nature confounded; and that the life of man was full of iniquity, and every thing else that passion could suggest to a man who spared not his own life; and at last he ventured to go to the king, and said, "Truly I think thou art a most miserable man, when thou hearkenest to most wicked wretches, against those that ought to be dearest to thee; since thou hast frequently resolved that Pheroras and Salome should be put to death, and yet believest them against thy sons; while these, by cutting off the succession of thine own sons, leave all wholly to Antipater, and thereby choose to have thee such a king as may be thoroughly in their own power. However, consider whether this death of Antipater's brethren will not make him hated by the soldiers; for there is nobody but commiserates the young men; and of the captains, a great many show their indignation at it openly." Upon his saying this, he named those that had such indignation; but the king ordered those men, with Tero himself and his son, to be seized upon immediately.

5. Ibique tum alius quidem regius tonsor, nomine Try phon, nescio qua exagitatus insania, semetipsum indicans prosilit: ac mihi quoque Tiro, inquit, iste persuasit, ut occa sione tondendi novacula te occiderem : magnaque inde Alex andrum daturum munera pollicebatur. His auditis, Herodes et Tironem ejusque filium, et tonsorem subdidit quaestioni. Cumque illi pernegarent, tonsor autem amplius nihil diceret, Tironem vehementius torqueri jussit: tumque filius ejus, patris miseratione commotus, cuncta se regi, si eum sibi con donasset, indicaturum promisit. Eoque relaxato, ipsius oc cidendi patrem suum habuisse voluntatem dixit, impulsum ab Alexandro. Hoc autem quibusdam fictum ab adolescente videbatur, quo tormentis eriperet patrem, nonnulli verum esse affirmabant.

[547] At which time there was a certain barber, whose name was Trypho. This man leaped out from among the people in a kind of madness, and accused himself, and said, "This Tero endeavored to persuade me also to cut thy throat with my razor, when I trimmed thee, and promised that Alexander should give me large presents for so doing." When Herod heard this, he examined Tero, with his son and the barber, by the torture; but as the others denied the accusation, and he said nothing further, Herod gave order that Tero should be racked more severely; but his son, out of pity to his father, promised to discover the whole to the king, if he would grant [that his father should be no longer tortured]. When he had agreed to this, he said that his father, at the persuasion of Alexander, had an intention to kill him. Now some said this was forged, in order to free his father from his torments; and some said it was true.

6. Herodes tamen et militum principibus et Tirone pro concione accusatis in eos armavit populum, ut ibidem cum tonsore lignorum et lapidum ictibus interirent. Filios vero in Sebasten missos, quae non longo a Caesarea intervallo distaret, profocari jubet: eaque re mature perfecta, in castel lum Alexandrium mortuos asportari, cum Alexandro materno avo sepeliendos. His finis Aristobulo et Alexandro vitae fuit.

[550] And now Herod accused the captains and Tero in an assembly of the people, and brought the people together in a body against them; and accordingly there were they put to death, together with [Trypho] the barber; they were killed by the pieces of wood and the stones that were thrown at them. He also sent his sons to Sebaste, a city not far from Cesarea, and ordered them to be there strangled; and as what he had ordered was executed immediately, so he commanded that their dead bodies should be brought to the fortress Alexandrium, to be buried with Alexander, their grandfather by the mother's side. And this was the end of Alexander and Aristobulus.

CAP. XXVIII. ANTIPATRUM vero, cum jam cum sine controversia suc cessionem regni speraret, intolerabile gentis excepit odium, cunctis scientibus, illum omnes fratribus suis conseruisse calumnias : nihiloque minus timor eum non mediocris solici tabat, crescente sobole peremptorum. Erant enim Alexandro ex Glaphyra filii duo, Tigranes et Alexander : itemque Ari stobulo ex Berenice Salomes filia, Herodes et Agrippa et Aristobulus, filiaeque Herodias et Mariamne. Sed Glaphyram quidem Herodes cum dote sua in Cappadociam dimisit, post quam Alexandrum interfecit : Bernicem autem Aristobuli conjugem, avunculo Antipatri nuptum dedit: ut enim Salo men, quam infensam habebat, sibi reconciliaret Antipater, istas nuptias excogitavit. Idem vero etiam Pheroram mune ribus aliisque obsequiis, atque amicos praeterea Caesaris am biebat, magnas Romam mittendo pecunias. Saturninum enim cum aliis omnibus apud Syriam donis expleverat. Hoc autem magis invisus erat cunctis, quo plura donabat, velut opes tantas non munificentia largiretur, sed metu consume ret. Itaque eveniebat, ut nec accipientium benevolentia quicquam profecerit : quibusque nihil dedisset, acerbiores inimicos haberet. In distributionibus autem munerum quo tidie largior erat, cum praeter spem videret orbos pueros ab Herode curari : quantumque illum peremptorum caedis poeni teret, prolis eorum miseratione significari. * •,

[552] BUT an intolerable hatred fell upon Antipater from the nation, though he had now an indisputable title to the succession, because they all knew that he was the person who contrived all the calumnies against his brethren. However, he began to be in a terrible fear, as he saw the posterity of those that had been slain growing up; for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra, Tigranes and Alexander; and Aristobulus had Herod, and Agrippa, and Aristobulus, his sons, with Herodias and Mariamne, his daughters, and all by Bernice, Salome's daughter. As for Glaphyra, Herod, as soon as he had killed Alexander, sent her back, together with her portion, to Cappadocia. He married Bernice, Aristobulus's daughter, to Antipater's uncle by his mother, and it was Antipater who, in order to reconcile her to him, when she had been at variance with him, contrived this match; he also got into Pheroras's favor, and into the favor of Caesar's friends, by presents, and other ways of obsequiousness, and sent no small sums of money to Rome; Saturninus also, and his friends in Syria, were all well replenished with the presents he made them; yet the more he gave, the more he was hated, as not making these presents out of generosity, but spending his money out of fear. Accordingly, it so fell out that the receivers bore him no more good-will than before, but that those to whom he gave nothing were his more bitter enemies. However, he bestowed his money every day more and more profusely, on observing that, contrary to his expectations, the king was taking care about the orphans, and discovering at the same time his repentance for killing their fathers, by his commiseration of those that sprang from them.

2. Convocatis enim propinquis atque amicis suis, et pu pillis astantibus cum lacrymis opplesset oculos, dixit: Horum quidem mihi patres fortuna quaedam tristis eripuit, ipsos autem orbitatis misericordia cum natura commendat. Ex periar itaque, ut etsi pater infortunatissimus fui, avus tamen sim providentior, et a quibus post me regantur, amicissimos mihi relinquam. Despondeo igitur filiam tuam Pherora maximo filiorum Alexandri, ut ei curator sis necessarius : tuo vero Antipater filio, Aristobuli filiam : eris enim hoc modo pater orbatae. Sororem vero ejus meus Herodes acci piet, ex pontifice avo materno prognatus. Et de his quidem hoc sit judicium meum, neque id quisquam dirimat, qui me amabit. Precor autem etiam Deum bono regni mei, meorum que nepotum copulare nuptias, atque hos pueros placidiori bus, quam patres eorum oculis aspicere. -

[556] Accordingly, Herod got together his kindred and friends, and set before them the children, and, with his eyes full of tears, said thus to them: "It was an unlucky fate that took away from me these children's fathers, which children are recommended to me by that natural commiseration which their orphan condition requires; however, I will endeavor, though I have been a most unfortunate father, to appear a better grandfather, and to leave these children such curators after myself as are dearest to me. I therefore betroth thy daughter, Pheroras, to the elder of these brethren, the children of Alexander, that thou mayst be obliged to take care of them. I also betroth to thy son, Antipater, the daughter of Aristobulus; be thou therefore a father to that orphan; and my son Herod [Philip] shall have her sister, whose grandfather, by the mother's side, was high priest. And let every one that loves me be of my sentiments in these dispositions, which none that hath an affection for me will abrogate. And I pray God that he will join these children together in marriage, to the advantage of my kingdom, and of my posterity; and may he look down with eyes more serene upon them than he looked upon their fathers."

3. Postquam haec locutus est, flevit, et puerorum dexteras junxit, benignissimeque consalutatis singulis dimisit conci lium. Statim diriguit Antipater, quantoque dolore affectus esset neminem latuit pupillorum. namque honorem apud patrem quoque sibi derogatum existimabat : iterumque de rebus cunctis periculum fore, si Alexandri filiis praeter Arche laum etiam Pheroram tetrarcham adjutorem habere licuisset. Ad haec reputabat odium suum, et orbitatis miserationem, qua tota gens flectebatur, quanto viventium puerorum studio, et quanta memoria mortuorum ipsius scelere tenerentur Ju daei. Itaque omnimodo dirimere sponsalia statuit.

[559] While he spake these words he wept, and joined the children's fight hands together; after which he embraced them every one after an affectionate manner, and dismissed the assembly. Upon this, Antipater was in great disorder immediately, and lamented publicly at what was done; for he supposed that this dignity which was conferred on these orphans was for his own destruction, even in his father's lifetime, and that he should run another risk of losing the government, if Alexander's sons should have both Archelaus [a king], and Pheroras a tetrarch, to support them. He also considered how he was himself hated by the nation, and how they pitied these orphans; how great affection the Jews bare to those brethren of his when they were alive, and how gladly they remembered them now they had perished by his means. So he resolved by all the ways possible to get these espousals dissolved.

4. Et callide quidem patri surrepere timuit, saevienti acri terque vigilanti ad suspicandum, palam vero eum supplex adire ausus est, coramque deposcere, ne se honore privaret, quo dignum esse judicasset, nudumque regis nomen habere vellet, regni autem substantiam penes alios esse. Nec enim posse rerum obtinere dominatum, si praeter avum Arche laum, etiam Pheroras Alexandri filiis socer esset adjunctus. Instantissime vero precabatur quia numerosa esset regia pro genies, nuptias permutari. Novem namque regi uxores erant, sed harum septem unde filios susceperat, ipsum Anti patrum ex Doride, Herodem autem ex Mariamne pontificis filia : itemque Antipam et Archelaum ex Malthace Samari tide, filiamque Olympiadem, quam frater ejus Josephus habu erat, ex Hierosolymitide vero Cleopatra Herodem et Philippum, necnon ex Pallade Phasaelum. Habebat autem filias quoque alias, Roxanen et Salomen, unam ex Phaedra, et alteram ex Elpide : duasque uxores sine filiis, consobrinam et fratris filiam : et praeter has Alexandri et Aristobuli sorores duas ex Mariamne. Cum igitur tanta prolis copia superesset, aliter nuptias jungi postulabat Antipater.

[561] Now he was afraid of going subtlely about this matter with his father, who was hard to be pleased, and was presently moved upon the least suspicion: so he ventured to go to him directly, and to beg of him before his face not to deprive him of that dignity which he had been pleased to bestow upon him; and that he might not have the bare name of a king, while the power was in other persons; for that he should never be able to keep the government, if Alexander's son was to have both his grandfather Archelaus and Pheroras for his curators; and he besought him earnestly, since there were so many of the royal family alive, that he would change those [intended] marriages. Now the king had nine wives, and children by seven of them; Antipater was himself born of Doris, and Herod Philip of Mariamne, the high priest's daughter; Antipas also and Archelaus were by Malthace, the Samaritan, as was his daughter Olympias, which his brother Joseph's son had married. By Cleopatra of Jerusalem he had Herod and Philip; and by Pallas, Phasaelus; he had also two daughters, Roxana and Salome, the one by Phedra, and the other by Elpis; he had also two wives that had no children, the one his first cousin, and the other his niece; and besides these he had two daughters, the sisters of Alexander and Aristobulus, by Mariamne. Since, therefore, the royal family was so numerous, Antipater prayed him to change these intended marriages.

5. Rex autem perspecto ejus animo, quid de pupillis cogi taret, vehementer iratus est: quippe filiorum quos interfecerat casum reputans, verebatur ne etiam hi quandoque criminatio num Antipatri praemium fierent. Sed tunc quidem saevioribus dictis eum protelat. Postea vero blanditiis ejus adductus, sponsalia reformavit: ac primum ipsi Antipatro Aristobuli filiam collocat, filium vero ejus jungit filiae Pherorae.

[564] When the king perceived what disposition he was in towards these orphans, he was angry at it, and a suspicion came into his mind as to those sons whom he had put to death, whether that had not been brought about by the false tales of Antipater; so that at that time he made Antipater a long and a peevish answer, and bid him begone. Yet was he afterwards prevailed upon cunningly by his flatteries, and changed the marriages; he married Aristobulus's daughter to him, and his son to Pheroras's daughter.

6. Hinc licebat advertere, quantum Antipatri valuerit adulatio, quod idem in simili causa impetrare Salome non potuit. hanc enim quamvis soror esset, atque haec saepe in tercedente Julia uxore Caesaris postulasset, Arabi Syllaeo nubere non passus est : sed inimicissimam sibi fore juravit, nisi ab hoc studio destitisset. posteaque invitam Alexae cui dam ex amicis suis in matrimonium dedit : ejusque filiarum unam Alexandri filio, alteram Antipatri avunculo tradidit. Natarum autem Mariamnes una sororis filium habebat Anti patrum, altera fratris Phasaelum.

[566] Now one may learn, in this instance, how very much this flattering Antipater could do, - even what Salome in the like circumstances could not do; for when she, who was his sister, and who, by the means of Julia, Caesar's wife, earnestly desired leave to be married to Sylleus the Arabian, Herod swore he would esteem her his bitter enemy, unless she would leave off that project: he also caused her, against her own consent, to be married to Alexas, a friend of his, and that one of her daughters should be married to Alexas's son, and the other to Antipater's uncle by the mother's side. And for the daughters the king had by Mariamne, the one was married to Antipater, his sister's son, and the other to his brother's son, Phasaelus.

CAP. XXIX. SIC interrupta pupillorum spe Antipater, et pro sua com moditate affinitatibus junctis, expectatione certa nitebatur: adjectaque malignitati fiducia, nequaquam erat tolerabilis : nam quia singulorum odium vitare non poterat, securitatem sibi ex terrore quaerebat : cum praeterea Pheroras ei veluti jam confirmato regi obsecundaret. Quin et mulierum con flata in aula conflictio novas turbas excitabat. Etenim Phe rorae uxor cum matre ac sorore sua, necnon et matre Antipa tri, multa in regia insolenter agebat, ausa etiam duas regis filias contumeliose tractare : cui rei maxime ab Antipatro erat objecta. Itaque cum illi invisa essent, alias quidem mo rigeras habebant: sola vero Salome adversabatur eorum con cordiae : quodque non bono regis coirent, apud ipsum insi mulabat. Cognita vero ejus delatione mulieres, quodque He rodes aegre tulisset, aperto quidem conventu et familiaritate abstinuerunt, contra vero et discordare inter se rege audiente simulabant : cum his adeo colluderet Antipater, ut palam Pheroram minime dubitaret offendere : occultos autem coetus et nocturnas comessationes agebant: earumque consensio nem fecit observatio firmiorem : cum horum nihil ignoraret Salome, sed Herodi cuncta nunciaret.

[567] NOW when Antipater had cut off the hopes of the orphans, and had contracted such affinities as would be most for his own advantage, he proceeded briskly, as having a certain expectation of the kingdom; and as he had now assurance added to his wickedness, he became intolerable; for not being able to avoid the hatred of all people, he built his security upon the terror he struck into them. Pheroras also assisted him in his designs, looking upon him as already fixed in the kingdom. There was also a company of women in the court, which excited new disturbances; for Pheroras's wife, together with her mother and sister, as also Antipater's mother, grew very impudent in the palace. She also was so insolent as to affront the king's two daughters, on which account the king hated her to a great degree; yet although these women were hated by him, they domineered over others: there was only Salome who opposed their good agreement, and informed the king of their meetings, as not being for the advantage of his affairs. And when those women knew what calumnies she had raised against them, and how much Herod was displeased, they left off their public meetings, and friendly entertainments of one another; nay, on the contrary, they pretended to quarrel one with another when the king was within hearing. The like dissimulation did Antipater make use of; and when matters were public, he opposed Pheroras; but still they had private cabals and merry meetings in the night time; nor did the observation of others do any more than confirm their mutual agreement. However, Salome knew every thing they did, and told every thing to Herod.

2. Ille autem ardens iracundia, maximeque adversus Phe rorae conjugem, quod eam praeter caeteras accusaret Sa lome, advocato cognatorum amicorumque concilio, et alia multa mulieri et filiarum contumelias crimini dedit, quod que Pharisaeis mercedem contra se praebuisset, fratremque sibi hostem reddidisset expugnatum venenis. Postremo con versus ad Pheroram, utrum, ait, se fratrem, an uxorem vellet optare ? Cumque ille se citius vita dixisset quam conjuge cariturum, incertus quid ageret, ad Antipatrum sermonem contulit : ac ne cum Pherora vel ejus conjuge, aut quovis alio, qui ad eam pertineret, unquam colloque retur edixit. Verum ille palam praecepta custodiens, in occulto cum his pernoctabat : metuensque observationem Salomes, per anicos in ltalia degentes, ut Romam proficisce retur, effecit ipsorum perlatis literis, ubi Antipatrum aliquanto post tempore ad Caesarem mitti oportere perscriberent. Igi tur Herodes nihil moratus eum misit, cunctis quae usui fo rent, magnaque pecunia liberaliter instructum ; testamentum que una ei portandum dedit, in quo rex ipse Antipater inscriptus erat, et Antipatri successor Herodes, ex Mariamne pontificis filia procreatus.

[571] But he was inflamed with anger at them, and chiefly at Pheroras's wife; for Salome had principally accused her. So he got an assembly of his friends and kindred together, and there accused this woman of many things, and particularly of the affronts she had offered his daughters; and that she had supplied the Pharisees with money, by way of rewards for what they had done against him, and had procured his brother to become his enemy, by giving him love potions. At length he turned his speech to Pheroras, and told him that he would give him his choice of these two things: Whether he would keep in with his brother, or with his wife? And when Pheroras said that he would die rather than forsake his wife? Herod, not knowing what to do further in that matter, turned his speech to Antipater, and charged him to have no intercourse either with Pheroras's wife, or with Pheroras himself, or with any one belonging to her. Now though Antipater did not transgress that his injunction publicly, yet did he in secret come to their night meetings; and because he was afraid that Salome observed what he did, he procured, by the means of his Italian friends, that he might go and live at Rome; for when they wrote that it was proper for Antipater to be sent to Caesar for some time, Herod made no delay, but sent him, and that with a splendid attendance, and a great deal of money, and gave him his testament to carry with him, - wherein Antipater had the kingdom bequeathed to him, and wherein Herod was named for Antipater's successor; that Herod, I mean, who was the son of Mariarmne, the high priest's daughter.

3. Quin et Syllaeus Arabs itidem Romam, neglecto Caesa ris praecepto, navigavit : de his cum Antipatro certaturus, de quibus cum Nicolao causam ante dixerat. Non leve autem cum Areta rege suo certamen habebat, cujus et alios amicos interfecerat, et Soemum in Petra oppido potentissimum, re demptoque Fabato procuratore Caesaris fautore utebatur etiam in Herodem. Sed majore pecunia data Herodes Fa batum a Syllaeo alienavit: ac per eum quae Caesar jusserat exigebat. llle autem cum nihil dedisset, accusabat apud Cae sarem Fabatum, dispensatorem esse dicens, non quae ipsi, sed quae Herodi expedirent. Quibus commotus ad iracun diam Fabatus, adhuc autem apud Herodem in honore maximo habebatur, secretorum Syllaei proditor factus est: regique indicavit, quod Syllaeus Corinthum ejus satellitem pecunia corrupisset, eumque asservari oporteret. Neque rex id fa cere dubitavit: quoniam Corinthus iste, licet in aula regis esset educatus, ex Arabia tamen fuerat oriundus. Igitur mox non illum solum corripi, sed etiam duos alios Arabas jus sit apud eum repertos, unum Syllaei amicum, alterum Phy larchum. Qui subditi quaestioni, magna pecunia Corintho, ut Herodem occideret, persuasisse confessi sunt : atque etiam a Saturnino Syriae rectore interrogati, Romam transmissi sunt.

[574] Sylleus also, the Arabian, sailed to Rome, without any regard to Caesar's injunctions, and this in order to oppose Antipater with all his might, as to that law-suit which Nicolaus had with him before. This Sylleus had also a great contest with Aretas his own king; for he had slain many others of Aretas's friends, and particularly Sohemus, the most potent man in the city Petra. Moreover, he had prevailed with Phabatus, who was Herod's steward, by giving him a great sum of money, to assist him against Herod; but when Herod gave him more, he induced him to leave Syllcus, and by this means he demanded of him all that Caesar had required of him to pay. But when Sylleus paid nothing of what he was to pay, and did also accuse Phabatus to Caesar, and said that he was not a steward for Caesar's advantage, but for Herod's, Phabatus was angry at him on that account, but was still in very great esteem with Herod, and discovered Sylleus's grand secrets, and told the king that Sylleus had corrupted Corinthus, one of the guards of his body, by bribing him, and of whom he must therefore have a care. Accordingly, the king complied; for this Corinthus, though he was brought up in Herod's kingdom, yet was he by birth an Arabian; so the king ordered him to be taken up immediately, and not only him, but two other Arabians, who were caught with him; the one of them was Sylleus's friend, the other the head of a tribe. These last, being put to the torture, confessed that they had prevailed with Corinthus, for a large sum of money, to kill Herod; and when they had been further examined before Saturninus, the president of Syria, they were sent to Rome.

4. At Herodes Pherorae vehementius imminebat, ut repu diaret uxorem, neque quomodo mulierem plecteret inveniebat, cum multas in eam odii causas haberet, donec ipsum etiam fratrem cum ea supra modum indignatus ejecit. Pheroras autem aequo animo accepta injuria, in tetrarchiam suam re cessit, juratus unum sibi exilii finem fore mortem Herodis, neque ad eum reversurum esse dum vixerit. Denique nec aegrotum quamvis saepe accitus fratrem invisere voluit, cum quibusdam mandatis eum quasi moriturus vellet instruere. Sed ille quidem praeter spem convaluit. Postquam autem Pheroras in morbum incidit, tum Herodis patientia demonstrata est. Nam et venit ad eum, et humanissime curatum voluit: sed morbum superare non quivit : intra dies enim paucos est mortuus. Quem licet usque ad ultimum vitae diem dilexisset Herodes, tamen quod illum quoque veneno peremisset, fama vulgatum est. Verum ejus corpore in Hierosolymam depor tato, luctum maximum cunctae genti denunciavit, clarissi maque funus sepultura dignatus est. Unus quidem inter fector Alexandri et Aristobuli hunc exitum vitae sortitus est.

[578] However, Herod did not leave off importuning Pheroras, but proceeded to force him to put away his wife; yet could he not devise any way by which he could bring the woman herself to punishment, although he had many causes of hatred to her; till at length he was in such great uneasiness at her, that he cast both her and his brother out of his kingdom. Pheroras took this injury very patiently, and went away into his own tetrarchy, [Perea beyond Jordan,] and sware that there should be but one end put to his flight, and that should be Herod's death; and that he would never return while he was alive. Nor indeed would he return when his brother was sick, although he earnestly sent for him to come to him, because he had a mind to leave some injunctions with him before he died; but Herod unexpectedly recovered. A little afterward Pheroras himself fell sick, when Herod showed great moderation; for he came to him, and pitied his case, and took care of him; but his affection for him did him no good, for Pheroras died a little afterward. Now though Herod had so great an affection for him to the last day of his life, yet was a report spread abroad that he had killed him by poison. However, he took care to have his dead body carried to Jerusalem, and appointed a very great mourning to the whole nation for him, and bestowed a most pompous funeral upon him. And this was the end that one of Alexander's and Aristobulus's murderers came to.

CAP. XXX. TRANSIIT autem in Antipatrum autorem poena sceleris, ex interitu Pherorae nacta principium. Quidam enim ex ejus libertis, cum regem tristes adiissent, fratrem ipsius Pheroram veneno interceptum esse dicebaiit. Nam quendam ei cibum obtulisse conjugem suam, et non eo quo solebat modo condi tum : eoque sumpto illum morbo protinus esse correptum. Venisse autem ante biduum, matris ac sororis ejus accitu, quandam veneficam mulierculam ex Arabia, ut venenum Phe rorae conficeret amatorium : et pro amatorio dedisse mortife rum Syllaei consilio : namque illi notam-fuisse.

[582] BUT now the punishment was transferred unto the original author, Antipater, and took its rise from the death of Pheroras; for certain of his freed-men came with a sad countenance to the king, and told him that his brother had been destroyed by poison, and that his wife had brought him somewhat that was prepared after an unusual manner, and that, upon his eating it, he presently fell into his distemper; that Antipater's mother and sister, two days before, brought a woman out of Arabia that was skillful in mixing such drugs, that she might prepare a love potion for Pheroras; and that instead of a love potion, she had given him deadly poison; and that this was done by the management of Sylleus, who was acquainted with that woman.

2. Perculsus igitur plurimis suspicionibus rex, ancillas et nonnullas libertinas quaestioni subjecit. Ibique tum exclamat aliqua doloris impatiens, Deus caeli terraeque rector, in ma trem Antipatri, quae horum nobis malorum causa est, vin dicet. Hoc rex initium nactus, persequebatur ulterius inda ginem veritatis. Mulier vero et matris Antipatri familiarita tem cum Pherora ejusque mulieribus, et occultos eorum con ventus aperuit : quodque Pheroras et Antipater redeuntes a rege, tota cum illis nocte potare soliti essent, servis omnibus exclusis et ancillis. Una quidem libertinarum haec indicavit.

[584] The king was deeply affected with so many suspicions, and had the maid-servants and some of the free women also tortured; one of which cried out in her agonies, "May that God that governs the earth and the heaven punish this author of all these our miseries, Antipater's mother!" The king took a handle from this confession, and proceeded to inquire further into the truth of the matter. So this woman discovered the friendship of Antipater's mother to Pheroras, and Antipater's women, as also their secret meetings, and that Pheroras and Antipater had drunk with them for a whole night together as they returned from the king, and would not suffer any body, either man-servant or maidservant, to be there; while one of the free women discovered the matter.

3. Cum autem ancillae separatim singulae torquerentur, patuit omnium dicta congruere, qua de causa Romam quidem Antipater ex composito, Pheroras vero trans flumen secedere euravisset. Nam saepe illos in sermone dixisse, quod post Alexandrum et Aristobulum ad ipsos eorumque conjuges transiturus esset Herodes. Nec alicui posse parcere, qui Mariamnae ejusque filiis minime pepercisset: ideoque me lius esse, ab hac belua. quam longissime fugere. Saepe autem dixisse matri Antipatrum conquerentem, quod cum ipse jam cauus esset, pater in dies singulos juvenesceret, seque fortasse prius quam regnare incipiat moriturum : aut si unquam ille decesserit (quando autem istud futurum ?) vo luptatem sibi successionis omnino fore brevissimam. Pullu lare praeterea hydrae capita, hoc est Alexandri et Aristobuli filios : sibi autem filiorum quoque spem ademptam esse pa tris injuria : qui non eorum quenquam post mortem suam regni successorem, sed Mariamnes filium scripsisset haere dem. Qua quidem in re prorsus eum senectute delirare, si testamento suo standum arbitraretur ; se namque ut ex ejus progenie nemo superesset curaturum. Quinetiam cum omnes patres, quibus invisi umquam filii fuerunt, odio vincat, plus tamen eum etiam fratres odisse. Denique nuper sibi ne cum Pherora colloqueretur, centum talenta donasse : atque cum Pheroras diceret, quid enim per nos laedebatur? respondisse Antipatrum, utinam cunctis ablatis nudos se dummodo vi vos relinqueret. Verum hoc nequaquam fieri posse, ut tam pestiferam bestiam quisquam effugiat, sub qua nec amicis esse palam liceret. Denique nunc occulte, inquit, conveni mus : licebit autem aperte, si virorum spiritum manusque habeamus.

[586] Upon this Herod tortured the maid-servants every on by themselves separately, who all unanimously agreed in the foregoing discoveries, and that accordingly by agreement they went away, Antipater to Rome, and Pheroras to Perea; for that they oftentimes talked to one another thus: That after Herod had slain Alexander and Aristobulus, he would fall upon them, and upon their wives, because, after he Mariamne and her children he would spare nobody; and that for this reason it was best to get as far off the wild beast as they were able: - and that Antipater oftentimes lamented his own case before his mother, and said to her, that he had already gray hairs upon his head, and that his father grew younger again every day, and that perhaps death would overtake him before he should begin to be a king in earnest; and that in case Herod should die, which yet nobody knew when it would be, the enjoyment of the succession could certainly be but for a little time; for that these heads of Hydra, the sons of Alexander and Aristobulus, were growing up: that he was deprived by his father of the hopes of being succeeded by his children, for that his successor after his death was not to be any one of his own sons, but Herod the son of Mariamne: that in this point Herod was plainly distracted, to think that his testament should therein take place; for he would take care that not one of his posterity should remain, because he was of all fathers the greatest hater of his children. Yet does he hate his brother still worse; whence it was that he a while ago gave himself a hundred talents, that he should not have any intercourse with Pheroras. And when Pheroras said, Wherein have we done him any harm? Antipater replied, "I wish he would but deprive us of all we have, and leave us naked and alive only; but it is indeed impossible to escape this wild beast, who is thus given to murder, who will not permit us to love any person openly, although we be together privately; yet may we be so openly too, if we have but the courage and the hands of men."

4. Haec in tormentis ancillae prodiderunt : et quod Pheroras cum illis Petram fugere cogitasset. Ut omnibus autem dictis Herodes crederet, centum talentis effectum est. De his enim soli Antipatro dixerat. Igitur ante alios in Doridem Antipa tri matrem furor ejus erumpit : eamque omni ornatu, quem illi donaverat, spoliatam, multis comparato talentis, expellit. Deinde ira deposita, Pherorae mulieres a tormentis recreabat. Timore autem pavidus erat, et ad omnes suspiciones excita batur: multosque innocentes, metu ne quem nocentium prae termitteret, in tormenta ducebat.

[590] These things were said by the women upon the torture; as also that Pheroras resolved to fly with them to Perea. Now Herod gave credit to all they said, on account of the affair of the hundred talents; for he had no discourse with any body about them, but only with Antipater. So he vented his anger first of all against Antipater's mother, and took away from her all the ornaments which he had given her, which cost a great many talents, and cast her out of the palace a second time. He also took care of Pheroras's women after their tortures, as being now reconciled to them; but he was in great consternation himself, and inflamed upon every suspicion, and had many innocent persons led to the torture, out of his fear lest he should leave any guilty person untortured.

5. Hinc ad Samaritam se convertit Antipatrum, qui pro curator erat Antipatri, et ex illius tormentis comperit, ne candi sui causa ex AEgypto Antipatrum venenum malum pe tiisse, per quendam Antiphili amicum : idque ab eo Antipatri avunculum accepisse Theudionem, ac Pherorae tradidisse, cui mandasset Antipater ut Herodem occideret, dum ipse Romae abesset, ac suspicione careret : Pheroram vero venenum uxori suae dedisse servandum. Itaque hanc evocatam, statim rex quod acceperat afferre jubet. Illa vero quasi allatura egressa, de tecto se praecipitem dedit, ut eo modo probationes et regis tormenta praeveniret. Sed Dei providentia, sicut apparet, quae ab Antipatro poenas repeteret, non in caput, sed in di versam delata partem, periculum mortis evasit. Portataque ad regem, ubi resipiscere potuit (nam casus eam perturbave rat) quamobrem seprae cipitasset interrogata ; adjurante rege, quod vera dicenti remittere tomne supplicium, sin falsa pro mere maluisset, corpus ejus tormentis absumeret, neque se pulturae quicquam relinqueret; -

[592] And now it was that he betook himself to examine Antipater of Samaria, who was the steward of [his son] Antipater; and upon torturing him, he learned that Antipater had sent for a potion of deadly poison for him out of Egypt, by Antiphilus, a companion of his; that Theudio, the uncle of Antipater, had it from him, and delivered it to Pheroras; for that Antipater had charged him to take his father off while he was at Rome, and so free him from the suspicion of doing it himself: that Pheroras also committed this potion to his wife. Then did the king send for her, and bid her bring to him what she had received immediately. So she came out of her house as if she would bring it with her, but threw herself down from the top of the house, in order to prevent any examination and torture from the king. However, it came to pass, as it seems by the providence of God, when he intended to bring Antipater to punishment, that she fell not upon her head, but upon other parts of her body, and escaped. The king, when she was brought to him, took care of her, (for she was at first quite senseless upon her fall,) and asked her why she had thrown herself down; and gave her his oath, that if she would speak the real truth, he would excuse her from punishment; but that if she concealed any thing, he would have her body torn to pieces by torments, and leave no part. of it to be buried.

6. Paulisper tacuit. deinde inquit, Secreta custodio, cum Pheroras obierit, Antipatro qui nos omnes perdidit servitura ? Audi rex, et tecum Deus testis mihi veritatis, qui falli non potest. Cum Pherorae morituro lacrymans assiderem, tunc ille me ad se vocavit : En multum, inquit, conjunx de fratris erga me animo sum deceptus. Nam qui sic me diligeret, invisum habui, et necare cogitavi : qui tanto nunc mei, quam vis necdum mortui, dolore confunditur. Sed ego quidem im pietatis precium fero: tu vero quod in eum servas relictum nobis ab Antipatro venenum, huc affer propere, meque vi dente consume, ne ad inferos quoque ultricem hujus sceleris conscientiam deferam. Ita ut jussit attuli, et magnam qui dem veneni partem sub obtutibus ejus in ignem effudi : modi cum vero mihi propter dubios casus, et quae te metuerem, reservavi.

[595] Upon this the woman paused a little, and then said, "Why do I spare to speak of these grand secrets, now Pheroras is dead? that would only tend to save Antipater, who is all our destruction. Hear then, O king, and be thou, and God himself, who cannot be deceived, witnesses to the truth of what I am going to say. When thou didst sit weeping by Pheroras as he was dying, then it was that he called me to him, and said, My dear wife, I have been greatly mistaken as to the disposition of my brother towards me, and have hated him that is so affectionate to me, and have contrived to kill him who is in such disorder for me before I am dead. As for myself, I receive the recompence of my impiety; but do thou bring what poison was left with us by Antipater, and which thou keepest in order to destroy him, and consume it immediately in the fire in my sight, that I may not be liable to the avenger in the invisible world." This I brought as he bid me, and emptied the greatest part of it into the fire, but reserved a little of it for my own use against uncertain futurity, and out of my fear of thee."

7. His dictis, illa quidem omnino paululum quiddam vene ni habentem pyxidem profert : rex vero in matrem fratremque Antiphili contulit quaestionem. Verum hi quoque Antiphilum ex AEgypto attulisse pyxidem fatebantur. illumque venenum a fratre apud Alexandriam exercente medicinam accepisse di cebant. Totum autem regnum circumeuntes Alexandri et Aristobuli manes, ipsi erant incertarum rerum exploratores atque indices, et a suspicionibus remotissimos ad probationes trahebant. Denique etiam pontificis filiam Mariamnem con sciam esse maleficiorum patuit. Hoc enim tortis ejus fra tribus demonstratum est. Rex autem matris audaciam filii quoque poena coercuit. Nam quem illa pepererat Herodem, patri successorem scriptum ex testamento delevit.

[598] When she had said this, she brought the box, which had a small quantity of this potion in it: but the king let her alone, and transferred the tortures to Antiphilus's mother and brother; who both confessed that Antiphilus brought the box out of Egypt, and that they had received the potion from a brother of his, who was a physician at Alexandria. Then did the ghosts of Alexander and Aristobulus go round all the palace, and became the inquisitors and discoverers of what could not otherwise have been found out and brought such as were the freest from suspicion to be examined; whereby it was discovered that Mariamne, the high priest's daughter, was conscious of this plot; and her very brothers, when they were tortured, declared it so to be. Whereupon the king avenged this insolent attempt of the mother upon her son, and blotted Herod, whom he had by her, out of his treament, who had been before named therein as successor to Antipater.

CAP. XXXI. POST haec etiam Bathyllus novissima consiliorum An tipatri fides documentis accessit. Namque is erat quidem libertus ejus : aliud autem venenum ferens, hoc est, aspidum virus, advenerat, aliorumque serpentum succos : ut si prius fuisset invalidum, hoc se Pheroras cum sua conjuge in regem armaret. Idem vero praeter susceptam contra salutem patris audaciam, velut operam succisivam, habebat epistolas adver sum fratres compositas ab Antipatro. Erant autem Romae in studiis Archelaus et Philippus, jam adolescentuli, magnique animi, regis filii, quos Antipater velut imminentes spei suae removere festinans, quasdam in eos literas ipse finxit, amico rum nomine Romae degentium. Nonnullis autem corruptis scribere persuasit : quod multis patrem maledictis carperent, ac de Alexandri et Aristobuli nece manifeste quererentur, seque accitos esse graviter ferrent : jam enim pater eos re dire praeceperat, idque maxime solicitabat Antipatrum.

[601] AFTER these things were over, Bathyllus came under examination, in order to convict Antipater, who proved the concluding attestation to Antipater's designs; for indeed he was no other than his freed-man. This man came, and brought another deadly potion, the poison of asps, and the juices of other serpents, that if the first potion did not do the business, Pheroras and his wife might be armed with this also to destroy the king. He brought also an addition to Antipater's insolent attempt against his father, which was the letters which he wrote against his brethren, Archelaus and Philip, which were the king's sons, and educated at Rome, being yet youths, but of generous dispositions. Antipater set himself to get rid of these as soon as he could, that they might not be prejudicial to his hopes; and to that end he forged letters against them in the name of his friends at Rome. Some of these he corrupted by bribes to write how they grossly reproached their father, and did openly bewail Alexander and Aristobulus, and were uneasy at their being recalled; for their father had already sent for them, which was the very thing that troubled Antipater.

2. Quinetiam prius quam proficiscerentur, in Judaea con stitutus Antipater, ejusdem modi contra eos Romae literas mercabatur : patremque adeundo vitandae suspicionis causa fratres purgare simulabat : quaedam falso scripta, quaedam vero adolescentiae peccata esse commemorans. Quo quidem tempore scriptoribus epistolarum, quas in fratrum perniciem simulabat, plurimis pecuniis datis, sumptuum confundere tentabat indicia, vestem preciosam variaque stragula, pocu laque argentea necnon et aurea comparando, aliaque plurima instrumenta, ut preciorum magnitudine mercedes falsariis erogatas celaret. Denique ducenta talenta retulit expensa, et eorum maxima fuit occasio causa Syllaei. Universis autem malis tunc minoribus majore contectis, cum omnia quidem tormenta de parricidio, epistolae vero de iteratis fratricidiis conclamarent, nemo tamen ex Judaea venientium, quo loco fortunae domus essent ei nunciavit, quamvis inter scelus pro batum et ipsius reditum septem mensium intervalla fluxis sent. Ita erat invisus omnibus. Fortasse autem etiam qui bus indicandi voluntas fuit per interfectorum fratrum manes obmutescebant. Denique Roma literas misit, continuo se ven turum esse, quodque honorifice diumissus esset a Caesare nun cians. -

[604] Nay, indeed, while Antipater was in Judea, and before he was upon his journey to Rome, he gave money to have the like letters against them sent from Rome, and then came to his father, who as yet had no suspicion of him, and apologized for his brethren, and alleged on their behalf that some of the things contained in those letters were false, and others of them were only youthful errors. Yet at the same time that he expended a great deal of his money, by making presents to such as wrote against his brethren, did he aim to bring his accounts into confusion, by buying costly garments, and carpets of various contextures, with silver and gold cups, and a great many more curious things, that so, among the view great expenses laid out upon such furniture, he might conceal the money he had used in hiring men [to write the letters]; for he brought in an account of his expenses, amounting to two hundred talents, his main pretense for which was file law-suit he had been in with Sylleus. So while all his rogueries, even those of a lesser sort also, were covered by his greater villainy, while all the examinations by torture proclaimed his attempt to murder his father, and the letters proclaimed his second attempt to murder his brethren; yet did no one of those that came to Rome inform him of his misfortunes in Judea, although seven months had intervened between his conviction and his return, so great was the hatred which they all bore to him. And perhaps they were the ghosts of those brethren of his that had been murdered that stopped the mouths of those that intended to have told him. He then wrote from Rome, and informed his [friends] that he would soon come to them, and how he was dismissed with honor by Caesar.

3. Rex autem insidiatorem manibus tenere desiderans, ti mensque ne si quid praescisset, forte caveret, ipse quoque lite ris benevolentiam simulans, et alia familiarissime scripsit, et ut reversionem suam maturaret oravit. Nam si properas set, matris suae quoque offensionem posset componere, quam expulsam esse non ignoravit Antipater. Primam quidem jam de morte Pherorae susceperat epistolam apud Tarentem, eum que vehementer luxerat: id autem nonnullis de patruo lauda bile videbatur : sed quantum intelligi datur, causa doloris erat, quod insidiae pro voto non cesserant : neque tam Phero ram flebat, quam maleficiorum ministrum. Praeterea metus eum quidem ob ea quae confecerat occupabat, ne quando forte deprehenderetur venenum. *Tunc autem in Cilicia patris epi stola sibi reddita quam supra memoravi, statim quidem fes tinabat : sed postquam in Celenderin delatus est, subit eum quaedam materni casus cogitatio, anima jam per semetipsam divinante. Et amicorum quidem prudentiores ei suadebant, ne prius patrem conveniret, quam pro certo cognosceret, qui bus ex causis matrem suam repudiasset : namque timere, ne forte criminibus matris adderetur. Minus autem prudentes, et visendae patriae cupidi magis, quam quid Antipatro esset utile considerantes, ut properaret monebant, ne ex ipsa mora et patri causam pravae suspicionis, et occasionem praeberet calumniantibus. Nunc enim si quid motum est, in absentem esse factum : nec enim praesente illo quemquam id ansurum fuisse. Absurdum autem videri, propter suspiciones incertas certis bonis carere, neque mature se patri reddere, ab eoque regnum accipere, quod solo ipso niteretur. Paruit his Anti pater, impellente fortuna, transmissusque in Sebastum Cae sariae portum defertur.

[608] Now the king, being desirous to get this plotter against him into his hands, and being also afraid lest he should some way come to the knowledge how his affairs stood, and be upon his guard, he dissembled his anger in his epistle to him, as in other points he wrote kindly to him, and desired him to make haste, because if he came quickly, he would then lay aside the complaints he had against his mother; for Antipater was not ignorant that his mother had been expelled out of the palace. However, he had before received a letter, which contained an account of the death of Pheroras, at Tarentum, and made great lamentations at it; for which some commended him, as being for his own uncle; though probably this confusion arose on account of his having thereby failed in his plot [on his father's life]; and his tears were more for the loss of him that was to have been subservient therein, than for [an uncle] Pheroras: moreover, a sort of fear came upon him as to his designs, lest the poison should have been discovered. However, when he was in Cilicia, he received the forementioned epistle from his father, and made great haste accordingly. But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a suspicion came into his mind relating to his mother's misfortunes; as if his soul foreboded some mischief to itself. Those therefore of his friends which were the most considerate advised him not rashly to go to his father, till he had learned what were the occasions why his mother had been ejected, because they were afraid that he might be involved in the calumnies that had been cast upon his mother: but those that were less considerate, and had more regard to their own desires of seeing their native country, than to Antipater's safety, persuaded him to make haste home, and not, by delaying his journey, afford his father ground for an ill suspicion, and give a handle to those that raised stories against him; for that in case any thing had been moved to his disadvantage, it was owing to his absence, which durst not have been done had he been present. And they said it was absurd to deprive himself of certain happiness, for the sake of an uncertain suspicion, and not rather to return to his father, and take the royal authority upon him, which was in a state of fluctuation on his account only. Antipater complied with this last advice, for Providence hurried him on [to his destruction]. So he passed over the sea, and landed at Sebastus, the haven of Cesarea.

4. Occurrit autem illi praeter opinionem maxima solitudo, cum omnes eum devitarent, nullusque auderet accedere. Nam etsi semper aeque invisus erat, odio tamen ut proderetur tunc data libertas est. Multos autem avertebat ex rege formido, quoniam cunctas jam civitates de Antipatro fama repleverat, solusque de se quid ageretur Antipater ignorabat. Nec enim vel clarius eo quisquam deductus est, cum Romam navigaret, vel ignobilius inde susceptus est. Enimvero clades ille do mesticas intelligens, calliditate celabat, metuque pene mor tuus, vultu confidentiam simulabat. Et neque fugae spes ulla erat, neque circumstantibus malis emergere poterat : certum que nihil ei de domo, ne ibi quidem nunciabatur: id enim regis interminatio prohibuerat. Unde interdum etiam spes eum pertentabat hilarior, aut nihil esse deprehensum, aut si quid esset, hoc sese impudentia sua diluturum, ac dolis, quae sola instrumenta salutis haberet. -

[614] And here he found a perfect and unexpected solitude, while ever body avoided him, and nobody durst come at him; for he was equally hated by all men; and now that hatred had liberty to show itself, and the dread men were in at the king's anger made men keep from him; for the whole city [of Jerusalem] was filled with the rumors about Antipater, and Antipater himself was the only person who was ignorant of them; for as no man was dismissed more magnificently when he began his voyage to Rome so was no man now received back with greater ignominy. And indeed he began already to suspect what misfortunes there were in Herod's family; yet did he cunningly conceal his suspicion; and while he was inwardly ready to die for fear, he put on a forced boldness of countenance. Nor could he now fly any whither, nor had he any way of emerging out of the difficulties which encompassed him; nor indeed had he even there any certain intelligence of the affairs of the royal family, by reason of the threats the king had given out: yet had he some small hopes of better tidings; for perhaps nothing had been discovered; or if any discovery had been made, perhaps he should be able to clear himself by impudence and artful tricks, which were the only things he relied upon for his deliverance.

5. Itaque his armatus, sine amicis in regiam venit, qui a prima janua cum injuria sunt repulsi. Forte autem Varus Syriae rector intus aderat. Ingressus inde ad patrem, con firmatusque audacia, velut ejus salutandi causa, propius acce debat : cum ille objecta manu, et capite declinato, exclamat: Et hoc parricidae est, ut me amplexari velis, qui tot maleficiis involutus sis. Dispereas, impium caput, neque me attingas, prius quam criminibus te exuas. Dabo enim tibi judicium et judicem, qui opportune praesto est, Varum. Abi, et quemad modum te purges in diem crastinum meditare. nam et tem pus indulgeo calliditatibus tuis. Ad haec metu obstupefactus Antipater, quia respondere nihil potuit, reversus est. Cum autem ad eum venissent mater et uxor, cunctas ei probationes exposuerunt. Tumque recepta mente, quo pacto sese defen deret cogitabat.

[617] And with these hopes did he screen himself, till he came to the palace, without any friends with him; for these were affronted, and shut out at the first gate. Now Varus, the president of Syria, happened to be in the palace [at this juncture]; so Antipater went in to his father, and, putting on a bold face, he came near to salute him. But Herod Stretched out his hands, and turned his head away from him, and cried out, "Even this is an indication of a parricide, to be desirous to get me into his arms, when he is under such heinous accusations. God confound thee, thou vile wretch; do not thou touch me, till thou hast cleared thyself of these crimes that are charged upon thee. I appoint thee a court where thou art to be judged, and this Varus, who is very seasonably here, to be thy judge; and get thou thy defense ready against tomorrow, for I give thee so much time to prepare suitable excuses for thyself." And as Antipater was so confounded, that he was able to make no answer to this charge, he went away; but his mother and wife came to him, and told him of all the evidence they had gotten against him. Hereupon he recollected himself, and considered what defense he should make against the accusations.

CAP. XXXII. POSTERO autem die rex adhibito propinquorum atque amicorum concilio, Antipatri quoque amicos vocat. Ipse autem cum Varo residens, cunctos indices jussit adduci, in quibus erant etiam servi matris Antipatri quidam pridem comprehensi, qui ab ea literas ad eum deportaverunt hu juscemodi : Quoniam illa omnia patri tuo cognita sunt, cave ne ad eum venias, nisi aliquod auxilium a Caesare impetrave ris. Itaqué his una cum aliis introductis, ingreditur Antipa ter. Cumque pronus ante pedes patris cecidisset : Oro, in quit, pater, ne quid de me praejudices, sed integras aures satisfactioni meae praebeas. Demonstrabo enim me innoxium, si tu velis.

[620] NOW the day following the king assembled a court of his kinsmen and friends, and called in Antipater's friends also. Herod himself, with Varus, were the presidents; and Herod called for all the witnesses, and ordered them to be brought in; among whom some of the domestic servants of Antipater's mother were brought in also, who had but a little while before been caught, as they were carrying the following letter from her to her son: "Since all those things have been already discovered to thy father, do not thou come to him, unless thou canst procure some assistance from Caesar." When this and the other witnesses were introduced, Antipater came in, and falling on his face before his father's feet, he said, "Father, I beseech thee, do not condemn me beforehand, but let thy ears be unbiassed, and attend to my defense; for if thou wilt give me leave, I will demonstrate that I am innocent."

2. Ille autem magna voce imperato ei silentio, ad Varum locutus est: Quod et tu Vare, et quivis justus judex, Antipa trum morte dignum judicaverit, certo scio. Vereor autem ne mea quoque tibi sit invisa fortuna, omnique calamitate dignunm deputes, qui tales filios genuerim. Atqui hoc tibi magis miserandus videri debeo, quod erga tam scelestos in dulgentissimus pater fui. Nam illis prioribus adhuc ado lescentulis regnum detuleram, eosque Romae educatos amicos Caesaris feceram : sed quos aliis invidendos regibus aemu landosque constitui, meae salutis hostes inveni, quorum ta men interitus Antipatro magis profuit. Isti enim quod juvenis et successor meus futurus esset, maxime securitas quaereba tur, at vero hic belua, patientia mea supra quam satis erat, expletus, in me satietatem suam profudit: eique diu vivere sum visus, meamque senectutem graviter tulit, rexque fieri non nisi parricidio passus est, quae quidem profecto novi qua ratione cogitavit: quod eum ex agro abjectum reduxerim, et exclusis quos mihi regina pepererat filiis, regni mei vicarium declaraverim. Equidem tibi Ware confiteor meae mentis erro rem. Ego illos contra me filios irritavi qui Antipatri gratia spes eorum justas abrupi. Quid enim tantum de illis, quan tum de isto beue sum meritus ? cui vivus etiam potestatem meam pene concessi: aperte autem regni successionem tes tamento reliqui, et praeter destinatos ei separatim quinqua ginta reditus talentorum, sumptum passim mea pecunia sub ministravi: ac nuper Romam quoque navigaturo dedi tre centa talenta, quemque solum ex omni familia mea, tanquam patris servatorem, Caesari commendavi. Aut quid illi tantum sceleris, quantum Antipater admiserunt? quodve de his ha bui indicium, quale demonstravit hujus insidias ? etiam ap probo, quia ausus est aliquid parricida, rursumque veritatem dolis sperat obtegere : tibi Vare cavendum. nam ego istam beluam novi: et quam sit verisimilia dicturus, jam nunc pro spicio, fletusque simulatos. Hic est qui me quondam mone bat, ut vivum Alexandrum caverem, neque meum corpus om nibus crederem. Hic est qui usque ad cubile meum solebat ingredi, et circumspicere, ne quis mihi forte parasset insidias. Hic somni mei custos erat, et securitatis dator, qui consola retur luctum peremptorum, et viventium fratrum benevolen tiam dijudicaret: hic propugnator et satelles meus. Quum ejus calliditas Vare in mentem venit, et quemadmodum sin gula simulasset, vix me credo vivere, tamque gravem insidia torem quo pacto effugerim miror. Verumtamen quia fortuna quaedam excitat contra me domum meam, mihique amicis simi semper infensi sunt : ego quidem fatorum iniquitatem flebo, et mecum ipse solitudinem gemam. Nemo autem qui meum sanguinem sitierit elabetur, etiamsi per omnes filios meos indicia ventura sint.

[622] Hereupon Herod cried out to him to hold his peace, and spake thus to Varus: "I cannot but think that thou, Varus, and every other upright judge, will determine that Antipater is a vile wretch. I am also afraid that thou wilt abhor my ill fortune, and judge me also myself worthy of all sorts of calamity for begetting such children; while yet I ought rather to be pitied, who have been so affectionate a father to such wretched sons; for when I had settled the kingdom on my former sons, even when they were young, and when, besides the charges of their education at Rome, I had made them the friends of Caesar, and made them envied by other kings, I found them plotting against me. These have been put to death, and that, in great measure, for the sake of Antipater; for as he was then young, and appointed to be my successor, I took care chiefly to secure him from danger: but this profligate wild beast, when he had been over and above satiated with that patience which I showed him, he made use of that abundance I had given him against myself; for I seemed to him to live too long, and he was very uneasy at the old age I was arrived at; nor could he stay any longer, but would be a king by parricide. And justly I am served by him for bringing him back out of the country to court, when he was of no esteem before, and for thrusting out those sons of mine that were born of the queen, and for making him a successor to my dominions. I confess to thee, O Varus, the great folly I was guilty for I provoked those sons of mine to act against me, and cut off their just expectations for the sake of Antipater; and indeed what kindness did I do them; that could equal what I have done to Antipater? to I have, in a manner, yielded up my royal while I am alive, and whom I have openly named for the successor to my dominions in my testament, and given him a yearly revenue of his own of fifty talents, and supplied him with money to an extravagant degree out of my own revenue; and' when he was about to sail to Rome, I gave him three talents, and recommended him, and him alone of all my children, to Caesar, as his father's deliverer. Now what crimes were those other sons of mine guilty of like these of Antipater? and what evidence was there brought against them so strong as there is to demonstrate this son to have plotted against me? Yet does this parricide presume to speak for himself, and hopes to obscure the truth by his cunning tricks. Thou, O Varus, must guard thyself against him; for I know the wild beast, and I foresee how plausibly he will talk, and his counterfeit lamentation. This was he who exhorted me to have a care of Alexander when he was alive, and not to intrust my body with all men! This was he who came to my very bed, and looked about lest any one should lay snares for me! This was he who took care of my sleep, and secured me from fear of danger, who comforted me under the trouble I was in upon the slaughter of my sons, and looked to see what affection my surviving brethren bore me! This was my protector, and the guardian of my body! And when I call to mind, O Varus, his craftiness upon every occasion, and his art of dissembling, I can hardly believe that I am still alive, and I wonder how I have escaped such a deep plotter of mischief. However, since some fate or other makes my house desolate, and perpetually raises up those that are dearest to me against me, I will, with tears, lament my hard fortune, and privately groan under my lonesome condition; yet am I resolved that no one who thirsts after my blood shall escape punishment, although the evidence should extend itself to all my sons."

3. Haec dicens, ipse quidem interrupto sermone tacuit, do lore confusus. Nicolaum autem unum ex amicis probationes jussit exponere. Inter haec autem Antipater sublato capite, cum prostratus ante patris pedes maneret, exclamat : Tu pater meas partes defendisti. Nam quomodo ego parricida, quem tu semper servatorem te habuisse commemoras ? Aut si ficta, ut dicis, simulataque mea pietas fuit, cur in aliis tam callidus, in hoc adeo demens fui, ut non intelligeren, quod si homines lateret tanti sceleris cogitatio, caelestem latere judicem omnino non posset, qui ubique praesto esset, et cuncta conspiceret? An fratrum exitus ignorabam, quos ob id Deus ultus est, quia tibi male cogitaverant? Quid au tem fuit cur me tua salus offenderet ? Spes regni ? Sed reg nabam. Odii suspicio? Sed diligebar. An ex te metus ali. quis? Quin tui servans, aliis timendus eram. Fortassis ege stas causa fuit? Multo minus. Quis enim magis expensarum habuit potestatem? Si autem omnium hominum perditissimus essem, immanisque bestiae animum gererem, certe mansueti patris beneficiis vincerer : quem, sicut tu dixisti, reduxeris, totque filiis anteposueris, vivusque regem declaraveris, alio rumque bonorum magnitudine reddideris invidendum. 6 me miserum acerbissimamque peregrinationem meam, quam longum livori tempus magnumque insidiantibus spatium prae bui. Sed tanem tibi pater tuisque rebus abieram, ne Syllaeus tuam contemneret senectutem. Roma mihi testis est pietatis, et princeps orbis terrae Caesar, qui me patris amatorem saepe vocitabat. Accipe pater has ejus literas, hae fictis in me criminationibus veriores. his me defendo. hae affectus erga te mei argumenta certissima. Recordare quam invitus hinc navigaverim, latentes in regno contra me inimicitias non ig norans. Tu pater imprudens me perdidisti, tu compulisti ut darem accusandi tempus invidiae. Verum ad indicia ve niam. Ecce adsum, terra marique nihil usquam parricida perpessus. Sed nondum me hoc argumento diligas, nam et apud Deum, et apud te pater condemnatum me esse scio. Condemnatus autem deprecor, ne aliorum tormentis fidem habeas : in me feratur ignis, per viscera mea pergant instru menta poenarum, ne pareas scelesto corpori. Nam si parri cida sum, tormentorum expers mori non debeo. Talia cum lacrymis ac ejulatu vociferans, et omnes alios, et Varum ad misericordiam provocavit : solum autem Herodem, quo minus fieret, iracundia continebat, documentis veris intentum.

[629] Upon Herod's saying this, he was interrupted by the confusion he was in; but ordered Nicolaus, one of his friends, to produce the evidence against Antipater. But in the mean time Antipater lifted up his head, (for he lay on the ground before his father's feet,) and cried out aloud, "Thou, O father, hast made my apology for me; for how can I be a parricide, whom thou thyself confessest to have always had for thy guardian? Thou callest my filial affection prodigious lies and hypocrisy! how then could it be that I, who was so subtle in other matters, should here be so mad as not to understand that it was not easy that he who committed so horrid a crime should be concealed from men, but impossible that he should be concealed from the Judge of heaven, who sees all things, and is present every where? or did not I know what end my brethren came to, on whom God inflicted so great a punishment for their evil designs against thee? And indeed what was there that could possibly provoke me against thee? Could the hope of being king do it? I was a king already. Could I suspect hatred from thee? No. Was not I beloved by thee? And what other fear could I have? Nay, by preserving thee safe, I was a terror to others. Did I want money? No; for who was able to expend so much as myself? Indeed, father, had I been the most execrable of all mankind, and had I had the soul of the most cruel wild beast, must I not have been overcome with the benefits thou hadst bestowed upon me? whom, as thou thyself sayest, thou broughtest [into the palace]; whom thou didst prefer before so many of thy sons; whom thou madest a king in thine own lifetime, and, by the vast magnitude of the other advantages thou bestowedst on me, thou madest me an object of envy. O miserable man! that thou shouldst undergo this bitter absence, and thereby afford a great opportunity for envy to arise against thee, and a long space for such as were laying designs against thee! Yet was I absent, father, on thy affairs, that Sylleus might not treat thee with contempt in thine old age. Rome is a witness to my filial affection, and so is Caesar, the ruler of the habitable earth, who oftentimes called me Philopater. Take here the letters he hath sent thee, they are more to be believed than the calumnies raised here; these letters are my only apology; these I use as the demonstration of that natural affection I have to thee. Remember that it was against my own choice that I sailed [to Rome], as knowing the latent hatred that was in the kingdom against me. It was thou, O father, however unwillingly, who hast been my ruin, by forcing me to allow time for calumnies against me, and envy at me. However, I am come hither, and am ready to hear the evidence there is against me. If I be a parricide, I have passed by land and by sea, without suffering any misfortune on either of them: but this method of trial is no advantage to me; for it seems, O father, that I am already condemned, both before God and before thee; and as I am already condemned, I beg that thou wilt not believe the others that have been tortured, but let fire be brought to torment me; let the racks march through my bowels; have no regard to any lamentations that this polluted body can make; for if I be a parricide, I ought not to die without torture." Thus did Antipater cry out with lamentation and weeping, and moved all the rest, and Varus in particular, to commiserate his case. Herod was the only person whose passion was too strong to permit him to weep, as knowing that the testimonies against him were true.

4. Ibi autem Nicolaus, jussu regis multa de Antipatri cal liditate praefatus, et misericordiae spem abstulit, et atrocissi mam accusationem instituit, cuncta quidem regni nmaleficia ascribens : maxime vero fratrum interitum, quos ipsius ca lumniis interfectos esse demonstrans, etiam superstitibus eum insidiari quasi successionis captatoribus affirmabat. Nam qui patri venenum parasset, multo minus a fratribus abstine ret. Cum autem ad veneni probationem venisset, per ordi nem proferebat indicia, etiam de Pherora crimen exaggerans, veluti illum quoque Antipater fratricidam fecisset, corruptis que regis amicissimis, scelere omnem domum replevisset. Atque ita multis aliis dictis et probatis peroravit.

[637] And now it was that, at the king's command, Nicolaus, when he had premised a great deal about the craftiness of Antipater, and had prevented the effects of their commiseration to him, afterwards brought in a bitter and large accusation against him, ascribing all the wickedness that had been in the kingdom to him, and especially the murder of his brethren; and demonstrated that they had perished by the calumnies he had raised against them. He also said that he had laid designs against them that were still alive, as if they were laying plots for the succession; and (said he) how can it be supposed that he who prepared poison for his father should abstain from mischief as to his brethren? He then proceeded to convict him of the attempt to poison Herod, and gave an account in order of the several discoveries that had been made; and had great indignation as to the affair of Pheroras, because Antipater had been for making him murder his brother, and had corrupted those that were dearest to the king, and filled the whole palace with wickedness; and when he had insisted on many other accusations, and the proofs for them, he left off.

5. Varus autem cum respondere jussisset Antipatrum, et ille nihil amplius elocutus, quam, Deus testis est innocentiae meae, silensque jaceret, venenum petiit, idque cuipiam dam natorum capitis ex custodiis bibendum dedit : eoque statim mortuo, quaedam in secreto cum Herode sermocinatus, gesta in concilio Caesari scripsit : posteroque die inde discessit. Nihiloque minus rex Antipatro vinculis tradito, cladis suae nuncios ad Caesarem misit.

[639] Then Varus bid Antipater make his defense; but he lay along in silence, and said no more but this, "God is my witness that I am entirely innocent." So Varus asked for the potion, and gave it to be drunk by a condemned malefactor, who was then in prison, who died upon the spot. So Varus, when he had had a very private discourse with Herod, and had written an account of this assembly to Caesar, went away, after a day's stay. The king also bound Antipater, and sent away to inform Caesar of his misfortunes.

6. Post haec Salomen appetisse insidiis arguebatur Anti pater. Quidam enim e servis Antiphili Roma venerat, epi stolas ferens cujusdam Acmes nomine, ancillae Juliae : quibus ad regem scriptis, indicaverat Salomes epistola inter literas Juliae reperta, clam ei benevolentiae causa misisse. Ipsius autem Salomes epistolis et maledicta in regem acerbissima, et accusatio maxima continebantur. Sed hae ab Antipatro erant fictae: isque Acmen pecunia corruptam, ad Herodem eas mittere persuaserat. Epistola enim ejusdem mulierculae ad ipsum scripta id prodidit, cujus verba haec sunt : Sicut voluisti patri tuo scripsi, et alias epistolas misi, certo sciens, regem sorori suae minime posse parcere, si eas recitavit. Bene autem facies, si consummatis omnibus, pollicitationum tuarum memor fueris.

[641] Now after this it was discovered that Antipater had laid a plot against Salome also; for one of Antiphilus's domestic servants came, and brought letters from Rome, from a maid-servant of Julia, [Caesar's wife,] whose name was Acme. By her a message was sent to the king, that she had found a letter written by Salome, among Julia's papers, and had sent it to him privately, out of her good-will to him. This letter of Salome contained the most bitter reproaches of the king, and the highest accusations against him. Antipater had forged this letter, and had corrupted Acme, and persuaded her to send it to Herod. This was proved by her letter to Antipater, for thus did this woman write to him: "As thou desirest, I have written a letter to thy father, and have sent that letter, and am persuaded that the king will not spare his sister when he reads it. Thou wilt do well to remember what thou hast promised when all is accomplished."

7. Hac epistola et quae in Salomen sunt composita depre hensis, regem subiit cogitatio, ne forte etiam Alexander falsis epistolis fuisset oppressus : quodque pene sororem propter Antipatrum occidisset, anxius erat. Itaque non est ultra cunctatus, quo minus ab eo sumeret omnium causa suppli cium : sed ne propositis satis faceret, gravi morbo impeditus est. De Acme tamen ancilla, et in Salomen fictione conflata, dedit literas ad Caesarem. ac propterea testamento mutato, exemit nomen Antipatri, regemque scripsit Antipam, praete ritis Archelao et Philippo natu majoribus. nam et hos Anti pater insimulaverat. Caesari autem post alia pecuniaria mu mera mille talenta, et uxori ejus ac filiis, itemque amicis et libertis, prope quinquaginta: caeterisque omnibus-agrorum et pecuniarum non parum distribuit, ac sororem , Salomem lucu lentissimis donis honoravit. In testamento quidem ista cor rexit.

[644] When this epistle was discovered, and what the epistle forged against Salome contained, a suspicion came into the king's mind, that perhaps the letters against Alexander were also forged: he was moreover greatly disturbed, and in a passion, because he had almost slain his sister on Antipater's account. He did no longer delay therefore to bring him to punishment for all his crimes; yet when he was eagerly pursuing Antipater, he was restrained by a severe distemper he fell into. However, he sent all account to Caesar about Acme, and the contrivances against Salome; he sent also for his testament, and altered it, and therein made Antipas king, as taking no care of Archclaus and Philip, because Antipater had blasted their reputations with him; but he bequeathed to Caesar, besides other presents that he gave him, a thousand talents; as also to his wife, and children, and friends, and freed-men about five hundred: he also bequeathed to all others a great quantity of land, and of money, and showed his respects to Salome his sister, by giving her most splendid gifts. And this was what was contained in his testament, as it was now altered.

CAP. XXXIII. MORBUS autem ingravescebat, quod eum senectus pariter ac moeror urgeret, et annos jam septuaginta natus esset: et filiorum cladibus animum adeo habebat afflictum, ut nec bona valetudine quicquam jucunditatis admitteret. Acriorem autem faciebat aegritudinem, quod Antipater viveret. Hunc enim nom obiter et aliud agens, sed cum ipse convaluisset, cogita bat occidere.

[647] NOW Herod's distemper became more and more severe to him, and this because these his disorders fell upon him in his old age, and when he was in a melancholy condition; for he was already seventy years of age, and had been brought by the calamities that happened to him about his children, whereby he had no pleasure in life, even when he was in health; the grief also that Antipater was still alive aggravated his disease, whom he resolved to put to death now not at random, but as soon as he should be well again, and resolved to have him slain [in a public manner].

2. Ad has ei calamitates accidit etiam populi quidam tu multus. Erant in civitate sophistae duo, qui summe scire leges patrias videbantur : et propterea per omnem gentem maxima gloria praedicabantur : Judas filius Sepphoraei, et alter Margali Matthias. Hos non pauci adolescentium secta bantur, cum leges exponerent, et in dies singulos puberum exercitum congregabant. Qui cum regem audissent moerore ac morbo tabescere, apud notos loquebantur, opportunum jam tempus esse, ut Deus vindicaretur, fabricataque adversus leges patrias opera destruerentur. Siquidem in templo nefas sit imagines, aut vultus, aut cujuslibet animalis cognomine simulacrum haberi. Hoc propterea dicebatur, quod supra maximam portam templi Aquilam collocaverat auream. Eum que tunc monebant sophistae ut tollerent, pulchrum esse di centes, etiam si quod inde periculum immimeret, pro legibus patriis mori non recusare: sic enim decentibus et animam immortalem, et bonarum rerum sensum perseverare perpetuo: minus autem fortes, et sapientiae suae nescios amare ani mam imperitia: magisque morbo cupere, quam virtute de fungi.

[648] There also now happened to him, among his other calamities, a certain popular sedition. There were two men of learning in the city [Jerusalem,] who were thought the most skillful in the laws of their country, and were on that account had in very great esteem all over the nation; they were, the one Judas, the son of Sepphoris, and the other Mattbias, the son of Margalus. There was a great concourse of the young men to these men when they expounded the laws, and there got together every day a kind of an army of such as were growing up to be men. Now when these men were informed that the king was wearing away with melancholy, and with a distemper, they dropped words to their acquaintance, how it was now a very proper time to defend the cause of God, and to pull down what had been erected contrary to the laws of their country; for it was unlawful there should be any such thing in the temple as images, or faces, or the like representation of any animal whatsoever. Now the king had put up a golden eagle over the great gate of the temple, which these learned men exhorted them to cut down; and told them, that if there should any danger arise, it was a glorious thing to die for the laws of their country; because that the soul was immortal, and that an eternal enjoyment of happiness did await such as died on that account; while the mean-spirited, and those that were not wise enough to show a right love of their souls, preferred a death by a disease, before that which is the result of a virtuous behavior.

3. Dum haec illi dissererent, rumor subito pervagatur, regem fere jam mori : unde etiam confidentius adolescentes coronam adorti sunt: ipsoque meridie, quum plurima multi tudo versaretur in templo, crassis demissi funibus, Aquilam ex tecto auream securibus abscindebant. Qua re statim regis duci nunciata, non parva ille manu comitatus ad templum cucurrit: et prope ad quadraginta juvenes comprehensos regi exhibüit. Qui primum interrogati, an Aquilam ipsi auream concidere ausi essent, fecisse confessi sunt : deinde quo ju bente, lege patria responderunt. Cum vero, quid exultarent tantum, quibus mors immineret, ab his quaereretur: quia post mortem bonis plurimis frui sperarent, asseruerunt.

[651] At the same time that these men made this speech to their disciples, a rumor was spread abroad that the king was dying, which made the young men set about the work with greater boldness; they therefore let themselves down from the top of the temple with thick cords, and this at midday, and while a great number of people were in the temple, and cut down that golden eagle with axes. This was presently told to the king's captain of the temple, who came running with a great body of soldiers, and caught about forty of the young men, and brought them to the king. And when he asked them, first of all, whether they had been so hardy as to cut down the golden eagle, they confessed they had done so; and when he asked them by whose command they had done it, they replied, at the command of the law of their country; and when he further asked them how they could be so joyful when they were to be put to death, they replied, because they should enjoy greater happiness after they were dead.

4. His itaque rex commotus, magnitudine iracundiae mor bum superat, atque in concionem procedit. Deinde multum in eos quasi sacrilegos invectus, et quod occasione legis patriae quaedam majora tentassent, velut impios supplicio dignos esse judicavit. Populus autem metuens, ne per multos quaestio iret, precabatur, ut primum facinoris suasoribus, deinde in eo deprehensis poenae subditis, caeteris indignationem remitteret. Tandem igitur exoratus, et ipsos- rex qui funibus demissi erant cum sophistis vivos incendi, et reliquos qui una com prehensi sunt, obtruncandos carnificibus tradidit.

[654] At this the king was in such an extravagant passion, that he overcame his disease [for the time,] and went out, and spake to the people; wherein he made a terrible accusation against those men, as being guilty of sacrilege, and as making greater attempts under pretense of their law, and he thought they deserved to be punished as impious persons. Whereupon the people were afraid lest a great number should be found guilty and desired that when he had first punished those that put them upon this work, and then those that were caught in it, he would leave off his anger as to the rest. With this the king complied, though not without difficulty, and ordered those that had let themselves down, together with their Rabbins, to be burnt alive, but delivered the rest that were caught to the proper officers, to be put to death by them.

5. Hinc totum ejus corpus morbo occupatum variis dolori bus differebatur. nam febris quidem non mediocris erat: pru rigo autem intolerabilis habebat omnem corporis superficiem. Assiduis autem vexabatur coli tormentis, pedesque tanquam ex intercutis vitio tumuerant. Quin et inflatio ventriculi, putredoque virilis membri vermiculos generans, ac praeterea creber anhelitus, et irrupta eum suspiria, membrorumque omnium contractio fatigabat : ut qui haec ad divinitatem re ferrent, ultionem eam esse dicerent sophistarum. Ille autem, quamvis cum tot morborum cruciatibus luctaretur, vitae tamen cupidus erat, et remediis excogitatis salutem sperabat. De nique Jordanem transgressus, apud Calliroen aquis calidis utebatur, quae in lacum feracem bituminis, qui Asphaltites vocatur, effluentes, prae dulcedine potui sunt. Ibi autem corpus ejus, quod medicis oleo calidiori foveri placuerat, in solium plenum demersum ita dissolutum est, ut etiam lumina quasi mortuus resoluta torqueret. Deinde perturbatis qui eum curabant, ad clamorem quidem illorum respicere visus est. desperata vero salute, militibus quinquagenas drach mas, multamque pecuniam rectoribus atque amicis dividi jus sit.

[656] After this, the distemper seized upon his whole body, and greatly disordered all its parts with various symptoms; for there was a gentle fever upon him, and an intolerable itching over all the surface of his body, and continual pains in his colon, and dropsical turnouts about his feet, and an inflammation of the abdomen, and a putrefaction of his privy member, that produced worms. Besides which he had a difficulty of breathing upon him, and could not breathe but when he sat upright, and had a convulsion of all his members, insomuch that the diviners said those diseases were a punishment upon him for what he had done to the Rabbins. Yet did he struggle with his numerous disorders, and still had a desire to live, and hoped for recovery, and considered of several methods of cure. Accordingly, he went over Jordan, and made use of those hot baths at Callirrhoe, which ran into the lake Asphaltitis, but are themselves sweet enough to be drunk. And here the physicians thought proper to bathe his whole body in warm oil, by letting it down into a large vessel full of oil; whereupon his eyes failed him, and he came and went as if he was dying; and as a tumult was then made by his servants, at their voice he revived again. Yet did he after this despair of recovery, and gave orders that each soldier should have fifty drachmae a-piece, and that his commanders and friends should have great sums of money given them.

6. Cum autem rediens ad Hierichunta venisset, atra jam bili correptus, et pene ipsi morti minabatur, factumque nefa rium excogitavit. Collectos enim cujusque vici ex omni Judaea nobiles, in locum cui nomen est Hippodromus, con cludi praecepit. Deinde Salome sorore et Alexa marito ejus ad se vocatis : Scio, inquit, mortem meam festis gaudiis cele braturos esse Judaeos. Verum per alios lugeri potero, et praeclarissimos honores sepulturae assequi, si quae praecipio feceritis. Hos viros qui habentur in custodia, cum animam efflavero, statim militibus circumdatos occidite : ut etiam in vita omnis mihi Judaea, omnisque domus illacrymet.

[659] He then returned back and came to Jericho, in such a melancholy state of body as almost threatened him with present death, when he proceeded to attempt a horrid wickedness; for he got together the most illustrious men of the whole Jewish nation, out of every village, into a place called the Hippodrome, and there shut them in. He then called for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and made this speech to them: "I know well enough that the Jews will keep a festival upon my death however, it is in my power to be mourned for on other accounts, and to have a splendid funeral, if you will but be subservient to my commands. Do you but take care to send soldiers to encompass these men that are now in custody, and slay them immediately upon my death, and then all Judea, and every family of them, will weep at it, whether they will or no."

7. Et simul his mandatis, legatorum quos Romam miserat, epistolae sunt allatae, quibus Acmen ancillam Juliae jussu Caesaris interemptam, et Antipatrum morte damnatum esse indicabatur. Quin et si pater eum in exilium dare mallet, id quoque permisisse Caesarem, scriptum erat. Herodes autem paululum hoc nuncio recreatus, doloribusque rursum victus (nam inedia tussisque pariter violentia distendebatur) fatum praevenire conatus est : sumptoque malo, etiam cultellum poposcit : sectum enim comedere consueverat. Deinde cir cumspecto ne quis arbiter impediret, tanquam se percussurus dexteram sustulit. Cum vero Achiabus consobrinus ejus ac currisset, manumque continuisset, ululatus maximus in regia statim, quasi rex mortuus esset, excitatus est. Eoque pro pere audito, Antipater fiduciam recepit : laetusque jam cus todes promissa etiam pecunia, rogabat, ut se solverent, atque dimitterent : quod eorum princeps non solum ne fieret obsti tit, sed etiam regi velociter nunciavit. Ille autem fortius ex clamans, quam vires aegrotantis valebant, continuo satelli tibus missis occidit Antipatrum : mortuumque sepeliri prae cepit in Hyrcanio. Deinde rursum corrigit testamentum, et successorem quidem Archelaum natu maximum Antipae fratrem scripsit, tetrarcham vero Antipam.

[661] These were the commands he gave them; when there came letters from his ambassadors at Rome, whereby information was given that Acme was put to death at Caesar's command, and that Antipater was condemned to die; however, they wrote withal, that if Herod had a mind rather to banish him, Caesar permitted him so to do. So he for a little while revived, and had a desire to live; but presently after he was overborne by his pains, and was disordered by want of food, and by a convulsive cough, and endeavored to prevent a natural, death; so he took an apple, and asked for a knife for he used to pare apples and eat them; he then looked round about to see that there was nobody to hinder him, and lift up his right hand as if he would stab himself; but Achiabus, his first cousin, came running to him, and held his hand, and hindered him from so doing; on which occasion a very great lamentation was made in the palace, as if the king were expiring. As soon as ever Antipater heard that, he took courage, and with joy in his looks, besought his keepers, for a sum of money, to loose him and let him go; but the principal keeper of the prison did not only obstruct him in that his intention, but ran and told the king what his design was; hereupon the king cried out louder than his distemper would well bear, and immediately sent some of his guards and slew Antipater; he also gave order to have him buried at Hyrcanium, and altered his testament again, and therein made Archclaus, his eldest son, and the brother of Antipas, his successor, and made Antipas tetrarch.

8. Post interitum autem filii quinque diebus exactis mori tur : annos quidem trigintaquatuor, ex quo interfecit Antigo num, regno politus: triginta vero septem, postquam rex a Romanis declaratus est. Et in aliis quidem omnibus, secunda fortuna usus est, si quis alius. Regnum enim quod privatus sibi quaesierat, tanto conservatum tempore, filiis suis reliquit. In rebus autem domesticis infelicissimus fuit. Salome au tem, antequam resciret mortem regis exercitus, cum marito progressa, vinctos absolvit, quos occidi mandaverat: ipsum dicens mutasse consilium, et unumquenque jussisse domum dimitti. Atque ita post horum abitum militibus indicatur. Quibus in concionem cum alia turba in amphitheatrum apud Hierichunta collectis, Ptolemaeus anuli regis custos, quo sig nare solitus erat, et fortunatum illum coepit dicere, et multitu dinem consolari. Relictamque ab eo militibus epistolam re citavit, in qua multum rogabat, ut benevolo animo successo rem suum foverent. Deinde post epistolam testamentum legebat, in quo Philippum quidem haeredem Trachonis, proxi marumque regionum: tetrarcham vero, sicut supra diximus, Antipam : regem autem Archelaum scripserat : eidemque anulum ad Caesarem ferre mandaverat, assignatamque regni administrati notitiam. Omnium namque dispositionum sua rum dominum et confirmatorem Caesarem esse voluit, caetera vero servari juxta superius testamentum.

[665] So Herod, having survived the slaughter of his son five days, died, having reigned thirty-four years since he had caused Antigonus to be slain, and obtained his kingdom; but thirty-seven years since he had been made king by the Romans. Now as for his fortune, it was prosperous in all other respects, if ever any other man could be so, since, from a private man, he obtained the kingdom, and kept it so long, and left it to his own sons; but still in his domestic affairs he was a most unfortunate man. Now, before the soldiers knew of his death, Salome and her husband came out and dismissed those that were in bonds, whom the king had commanded to be slain, and told them that he had altered his mind, and would have every one of them sent to their own homes. When these men were gone, Salome, told the soldiers [the king was dead], and got them and the rest of the multitude together to an assembly, in the amphitheater at Jericho, where Ptolemy, who was intrusted by the king with his signet ring, came before them, and spake of the happiness the king had attained, and comforted the multitude, and read the epistle which had been left for the soldiers, wherein he earnestly exhorted them to bear good-will to his successor; and after he had read the epistle, he opened and read his testament, wherein Philip was to inherit Trachonitis, and the neighboring countries, and Antipas was to be tetrarch, as we said before, and Archelaus was made king. He had also been commanded to carry Herod's ring to Caesar, and the settlements he had made, sealed up, because Caesar was to be lord of all the settlements he had made, and was to confirm his testament; and he ordered that the dispositions he had made were to be kept as they were in his former testament.

9. Quo perlecto, confestim clamor secutus est omnium Ar chelao gratulantium: militesque per cuneos et populus ad euntes, suamque promittebant, deique benevolentiam preca bantur. Hinc ad sepeliendum regem operam contulerunt. Nihil autem munificentiae praetermisit Archelaus, sed omnem ornatum extulit regium in funeris pompa ducendum. Lec tus quippe totus erat gemmis auroque distinctus, totus autem purpura variatus, corpusque super eum velatum itidem pur pura. Capiti autem diadema erat impositum : corona vero desuper aurea, sceptrumque in dextera, et circa lectum filii cum propinquis. praeterea satellites agmenque Thracium, Germanique et Galli, velut ad bellum instructi omnes antece debant. Caetera vero militum manus armata, ducesque suos ordinumque principes sequebantur decenter. Quingenti au tem servi ac liberi odores ferebant: corpus autem per ducenta stadia portatum est in castellum Herodion : ibique secundum ipsius regis mandata sepultum est. Et Herodis quidem regis hic finis fuit.

[670] So there was an acclamation made to Archelaus, to congratulate him upon his advancement; and the soldiers, with the multitude, went round about in troops, and promised him their good-will, and besides, prayed God to bless his government. After this, they betook themselves to prepare for the king's funeral; and Archelaus omitted nothing of magnificence therein, but brought out all the royal ornaments to augment the pomp of the deceased. There was a bier all of gold, embroidered with precious stones, and a purple bed of various contexture, with the dead body upon it, covered with purple; and a diadem was put upon his head, and a crown of gold above it, and a secptre in his right hand; and near to the bier were Herod's sons, and a multitude of his kindred; next to which came his guards, and the regiment of Thracians, the Germans. also and Gauls, all accounted as if they were going to war; but the rest of the army went foremost, armed, and following their captains and officers in a regular manner; after whom five hundred of his domestic servants and freed-men followed, with sweet spices in their hands: and the body was carried two hundred furlongs, to Herodium, where he had given order to be buried. And this shall suffice for the conclusion of the life of Herod.


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