Yét    

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món sę moga bascega a cayę mi cén rain
"Basque monks give me a headache."


Introduction

Yét is a Gallo-Brythonic (Celtic) language that forms part of the Q-Celtic branch, with one foot in the territory of each hypothesis. It is spoken by roughly 16,500 people in and around the Veed-Ond Delta on the western coast of the continent of Jurum on the planet Allotris, and on Enis Glas (Green Island) and Enis an Cenné (Hare Island), roughly 25km north-north-west of there, in a culture comparable to that of the late Bronze Age or early Iron Age in Britain (~1000 BC).  It is perplexing to linguists that a language so demonstrably related to Terran ones could be found on a planet so distant from Earth.  Current theories include everything from alien technology being used to transport 4th-century Celts away from Earth, the druids having a telepathic link with extra-terrestrial members of Homo sapiens present in the Milky Way (this link then influencing those extra-terrestrials' thought patterns and their language), to Basque monks.  While the latter theory has obviously been the most popular of the three since its conception in the mid-2000s, it is not the purpose of this page to describe it in any sort of detail.  Readers interested in the theory, and its contemporaries, are directed to Bunty Frisk's What Boudicca Found Among the Pondweed (1993), Guto Lloyd's Dw i'n Gwybod Beth Wyt Ti'n Meddwl: Telepathi o Blith y Derwyddon (1999) and Edo Nyland's Basque Monks for Dummies (2006).

While enough material has been discovered to attest Yét's inclusion in the Celtic branch of the Indo-European family, there is also plenty of influence from its neighbour, the isolate Tlhaañ (e.g. the verbal particles), and a little from Latin (e.g. fenesh 'window', dolor 'emotional pain, suffering').  Yét has also gone through several changes that its Earthly relatives have not.  For instance, the quintessentially Celtic consonant mutations never arose in Yét, it has two grammatical genders (plus case declensions) that derive from Proto-Celtic's noun classes, it has retained a fully functioning (nominal) dual number, and its way of expressing 'to have' is only partially periphrastic (rather than fully - it uses cayą 'to get' rather than a de facto 'have' verb).

Phonology

Yét's vowels, phonemically and allophonically, are:

            Front              Back
High        i                   ʊ ɯ
                  e    [ə]    o~ɔ~ɒ
Low                  a                 

a, e and i are all represented by their IPA equivalents, whereas o, u and y differ: o is represented by the three vowels in free variation shown above, u is /ʊ/ and y is /ɯ/, often realised as [ə].

All vowels, except y, can be lengthened -- long vowels' qualities are largely the same as their short counterparts, except (again) o and uo is /ɔ:/ and u is /u:/.  Length is marked with an acute accent.
All vowels can also be nasalised.  This is represented with an ogonek (į, ǫ), although with y -- because of the letter's descender -- it's represented as .
Vowels can be lengthened and nasalised at the same time, in which case there'll be an acute and an ogonek on the same letter at once.  This is not an issue for y, because y cannot be lengthened.

Yét's diphthongs are ay, ey, oy, aw, ew and ow, which are /aɪ eɪ ɔɪ aʊ eʊ ɔʊ/.

The consonants are as follows.  Phonemes are shown without forward slashes, and allophones are in square brackets.  A few orthographic notes are given after the table, referenced to by superscript numbers.

  Bilabial Labio-dental
Dental Alveolar Postalveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
 Plosive  p  b
   t  d
       k  g
 [ʔ]
 Nasal  m  [ɱ]¹  n        [ŋ]  
 Trill      [ r ~
 ɾ ]        
 Tap      [ r ~
 ɾ ]
       
 Fricative  ɸ¹ β¹ [ f  v¹ ]
 θ¹ ð¹  s [z]
 ʃ¹ ²  ʒ²    x¹ ɣ¹  h
 Approximant
           j    
 Lateral approximant
     l

       
'Other': w  ʍ  d͡ʒ²  t͡ʃ²
  1. These consonants are mostly found in restricted environments, usually at the ends of feminine nouns, and represented by digraphs ending in -h.  [ɱ] only occurs allophonically in free variation with [v] when represented as the digraph mh; the same is true of /β/ and bh.  /f/ and /v/ are rare as phonemes, so most of their occurrences in speech are allophonic.
    bh   /β/  [β], also allophonically [v] but without nasalisation on preceding vowel
    ch   /x/  [x]
    dh   /ð/  [ð]
    gh   /ɣ/  [ɣ]
    mh   /ɱ/  [ɱ], also allophonically [v] with nasalisation on preceding vowel
    ph   /ɸ/  [ɸ], also allophonically [f]
    sh   /ʃ/  [ʃ]
    th   /θ/  [θ]

  2. These consonants are often found on the ends of masculine nouns represented by ending in the letter -j.  Some sounds, like /ʃ/, occur in words of both genders: cóish 'leg' /kɔɪ̯ʃ/, sasj 'barley' /saʃ/.
    dj   /d͡ʒ/  [d͡ʒ];  e.g. wodj 'game' [wod͡ʒ]
    rj   /ʒ/  [(r)ʒ];  e.g. corj 'soldier' [ko(r)ʒ]
    sj   /ʃ/  [ʃ];  e.g. sasj 'barley' [saʃ]
    tj   /t͡ʃ/  [t͡ʃ];  e.g. letj 'shoulder' [let͡ʃ]

The unvoiced plosives /p t k/ are always realised as aspirated [pʰ tʰ kʰ].

[z] is an optional allophone of /s/ when /s/ appears word-finally after a vowel.

R exists in free variation as [r ~ ɾ], although there are some dialectal differences in this letter, as fishing communities along the south-east coast of Green Island tend to have it as [ɹ ~ ɻ] instead of [r ~ ɾ].

The conditions influencing [ŋ]'s appearance are not extensively understood, but it's known that it appears in words in which nasality is already present and which have either nasal consonants or velar consonants (e.g. donǫ 'person's (gen. sg.)' is usually ['dɔnɔ͂], but can be ['dɔ͂nɔ͂ ~ 'dɔ͂.ɔ͂ ~ 'dɔ͂ŋɔ͂ ~ 'dɔ͂ɣ͂ɔ͂]).  It also appears where /n/ and either of /k g/ come into contact with each other.

The plosives /p t k/ are aspirated when followed by a vowel, but left plain when followed by a consonant; they are still understood to be unvoiced, though, and not as homophones or allophones of /b d g/.

Nasalised i sometimes becomes realised as [ɨ ~ ɨ̃] or [ɯ ~ ɯ̃] when before nasal or velar consonants, and initial unvoiced plosives sometimes become voiced when followed immediately by a nasalised vowel. E.g., dįm 'something', cǫ́ 'dog': [dĩm ~ dɨm/dɨ̃m ~ dɯm/dɯ̃m], [ɡɔ̃ː ~ ɡ̊ɔ̃ː].

Orthographically, occasionally found is the use of a full-stop/period to distinguish /sh/ from /ʃ/ -- e.g. nés.hą 'to injure'.

Dialectal variation

There is not much dialectal variation in Yét, the small size of its linguistic area probably being one reason for this.  What little has been noted, however, is below:
  • The verbal infinitive ending is pronounced [ã] by almost all speakers, except those in a few fishing villages along the south-east coast of the island, who have partly retained and partly innovated a nasal consonant on the end of it, which became nasalisation in all other kinds of Yét. There, they have [aŋ] for the infinitive ending and [-n] after plain vowels where Yét has nasalisation in every other instance.
  • These same fishing communities also have r in all environments as [ɹ ~ ɻ], devoice vowels after the letter h, especially when word-initial (resulting in whispered vowels), pronounce wh as [f], and the feminine plural -ąįmh's diphthong as [e͂ ~ e] (nasalisation and pronunciation of mh aside).
  • Within recent years, speakers living on the north coast have begun speaking in Yét with the verb at the end of the clause, where elsewhere it's predominantly verb-initial. It's unknown where, how or why this phenomenon began -- to many other speakers, it sounds particularly weird.


The noun phrase

Yét is a head-initial language.  In the noun phrase, determiners come first, the head noun comes second and modifiers (such as adjectives) come third.

Determiners: The definite article

The definite article is an.  It has several allomorphs depending on the sounds following it in a sentence:
  • an, before velars, coronals and vowels (it does not become *[aŋ] before velars, though)
  • am before bilabials, and
  • ąw and ąy before the semivowels w and y.
When an follows a word that ends in a vowel, it gets contracted onto it, resulting in 'n, 'm or 'y/'w.  In the latter's case, the nasalisation shifts onto the preceding word's final vowel:

am marc, an ęw ha'n ęwál  'the mare, the (male) horse and the foal'
welete'm mąw ąw wodj   'the boy saw/watched the game'
labhrę'y yétǫ  'He speaks / I speak the language

Notice that an/am never nasalises the vowel it contracts onto.

There's no indefinite article per se, but the word ín, 'one', can be used as a singulative word -- et déte ín tay  'but one house (in particular) burned'.

Determiners: Pronouns

The demonstrative pronouns are:

on, en 'this' (m./f.)
osa, esa 'that' (m./f.)
so, sa 'yonder' (m./f.)

They are all entirely declineable for case, number and gender (e.g. osu, esaimh, se, etc.) -- see the section on nominal declension below.

The personal pronouns and possessive adjectives follow.  The possessive adjectives are different from other adjectives in that they do not agree with the noun they describe, and they come before it instead of after.
They are all largely invariable, although they do take an 'oblique' (originally accusative + dative; perhaps better called 'prepositional') case ending -n when they're the objects of prepositions, but not of verbs.  This ending does not cause nasalisation, but, oddly, removes nasalisation already present on the plural possessive adjectives.

mi  'I'                                                mo  'my'
  'you'                                            to  'your'
e  'he'                                               esh  'his/her'
a  'she'                                             esh  'his/her'
i  'it/one'                                            ish  'its (m./f.)/one's' -- the 'm./f.' relates to the possessor, not the possessee.
ni  'we'                                              ę́  'our'  -- oblique & before vowels: én 'our'
whe  'you (pl.)'                                   whę  'your (pl.)' -- oblique & before vowels: when
ei  'they' (becomes nei after vowels)    esǫ  'their' -- oblique & before vowels: eson

Also the suffix -whe, '-self', and the word inan, 'oneself' -- note that iwhe means 'itself', but only inan can mean 'oneself'.
-whe also gives the sense of 'own' when attached to the possessive adjectives -- e.g., mowhe 'my own', ishwhe 'its own'.  The post-preposition 'oblique' -n is tagged onto the end: mowhen, ishwhen, etc.
Alternatively, it can be added onto the verb of a sentence when it's obvious who does the action, so the pronoun (or subject) drops: ácę, sú sessith-whe 'please, sit'.

For indefinite pronouns and quantifiers, Yét has a mixture of ones that are Gallo-Brythonic ('G-B') in origin, ones that are from Tlhaañ ('T') and ones that are a mix ('G-B & T'):

dįm 'something' (G-B)
nęw 'someone' (G-B)
cą́w 'everyone' (G-B)
whąį 'no one' (T)
whaph 'nothing' (T)
whase 'at no time' (T)
whale 'nowhere' (T)
whath 'in no way' (T)
ílese 'sometime' (T)
ílimh 'somewhere' (G-B & T)
íleth 'in some way' (T)
whimh 'everywhere' (G-B & T)
whise 'always' (T)
whith 'in every way' (T)
rénįm 'someone else' (T)
réiph 'something else' (T)
réimh 'somewhere else' (G-B & T)
réth 'in another way, differently' (T)
óse 'now' (G-B; from onse 'this-time')
owás 'then' (G-B; from osase 'that-time')

Yét has also borrowed Tlhaañ's prefix ay-, which means 'I don't know what', to place before these in a sentence:

galę mi weletą aydįm  'I can see something, but I don't know/can't make out what it is' (< galą, 'to be able')
labhra mi do aynęw  'I spoke to someone, but I don't know who it was, either by name, by recognition or because I couldn't see them properly' (< labhrą 'to talk, speak')
hę, etį mi ayréimh  'after(wards), I went somewhere else, but I don't know where, either because I didn't recognise it or because I couldn't see' (< monyą, 'to go')
es aynęw ęn labhrą doin  'someone (I don't know who) is speaking to them' (informal)

Note that none of these pronouns have an oblique form -- this is only the case for the personal pronouns and the possessive adjectives.  They do, however, take other case endings, such as the genitive.

Determiners: Numerals

Yét's numerals follow the base-ten counting system, but can also -- in apparently ceremonial contexts -- use the words láimh 'hand', trí 'foot' and don 'person' to mean multiples of five and twenty, the dual forms of these words often coming into play.  Note that the words trí 'foot' and trí 'three' are completely unrelated (trí as in 'foot' is from Old Yét treya, whereas the other is from trì 'three').  Jóto Súla noted rarely hearing a base-five counting system based on this lexical substitution (so láimh hac ín became 'six' (< 'hand-and-one')), but most of the time the base-ten system is used.

ín ‘one’
dáu ‘two’
trí ‘three’
ced ‘four’ (often becomes ce’ in speech)
‘five’ (or láimh ‘hand’), historically cęn
whé ‘six’
hét ‘seven’ (< Old Yét hèta, which became hètu by analogy with òtu)
ót ‘eight’ (< Old Yét òtu)
náu ‘nine’
dec ‘ten’ (or láimhe ‘a pair of hands’)
dec-ín ‘eleven’
dec-dáu ‘twelve’
dec-cę ‘fifteen’ (also láimhe ha trí ‘a pair of hands and a foot’)
dáudec ‘twenty’ (also archaic wicáni, or don ‘a person(’s hands and feet altogether)’)
dáudec-ín ‘twenty one’
dáudec-cę ‘twenty five’ (also wicáni-cę or don ha láimh ‘a person and a hand’)
trídec ‘thirty’ (also don ha láimhe ‘a person and a pair of hands’)
trídec-cę ‘thirty five’ (also don, láimhe ha trí ‘a person, a pair of hands and a foot’)
ceddec ‘forty’ (also cédec; or dono ‘a pair of people’)
cędec ‘fifty’ (also cęndec; or dono ha láimhe ‘a pair of people and a pair of hands’)
whédec ‘sixty’ (also trí dona ‘three people’)
hétadec ‘seventy’ (also trí dona ha láimhe ‘three people and a pair of hands’)
ótudec ‘eighty’ (also ced dona ‘four people’)
náudec ‘ninety’ (also ced dona ha láimhe ‘four people and a pair of hands’)
can ‘one hundred’

The suffix -to, borrowed from Tlhaañ, forms the ordinal numbers in every numeral except ín 'one' (dáuto 'twice', tríto 'third', etc.) and causes and dec to become cęnto 'fifth' and detto 'tenth'.
The numeral ín 'one' has its ordinal number in enęweg 'first', from enęw 'face' + -eg, an adjective-forming suffix.  The word ínto -- derived using the same methods as for the other numbers' ordinal forms -- actually produces a grammatical particle, mentioned in a later section.  It was once the word for 'first', but as it began to drift more towards use as a grammatical particle, the word enęweg was innovated to replace it.

Nominal declension

Nouns come in masculine and feminine genders, and decline for these plus number (singular, dual and plural) and case (nominative, oblique and genitive).  The masculine singular oblique -ǫ is optional and is mostly used to avoid ambiguity in sentences where the verb is dealing with two arguments that govern the same verb form, making it hard to distinguish between subject and object.

In the table below, each noun declension is laid out in singular, dual and plural forms in succession.

   Masculine
 cat 'cat'

 Feminine
 tribh 'town'

 Nominative
 Oblique
 Genitive

 cat, cato, cata
 cat(ǫ), catu, cata
 catǫ, catu, ceti(!)
 tribh, tribhe, tribha
 tribhą, tribhe, tribhas
 tribha, tribhe, tribhąįmh*
* As already mentioned, the mh already adds nasality to whatever vowel precedes it, so the ogoneks here are optional.

Nouns that end in nasalised, final vowels in the nominative singular (such as 'woman') tend to add whatever their Old Yét letter was (which vanished during the changes to Yét) before adding the case endings; e.g. bįną 'woman (obl.sg.)' (from Old Yét bena).

Note the unusual form for masculine genitive plural nouns: in this case, ceti ‘of cats’. This remnant of Gallo-Brythonic’s i-affectation influences only masculine nouns that have o, a or u as their main (i.e. stressed) syllable’s vowel, causing o and a to become e, and u to become i:

wodj ‘game’ > wedji ‘of games’
marc ‘mare’ > merci ‘of mares’  (a feminine thing, but a masculine noun)
cúr ‘edge’ > círi ‘of edges’

To indicate that the vowel is altered in these instances, such genitive plural forms of masculine nouns will be written (in their altered form) with a diaeresis over the final -i from here on, so as not to cause confusion to the reader: wedjï, mercï, círï.

Nouns that show possession over the head-noun (e.g. ‘the man’s dog’) come after it in Yét, unlike in English.

tribh an donǫ   ‘the person’s town’
tribha'n denï    ‘the people’s towns’
an cóisha críshaimh   ‘herons’ legs’ (lit. ‘the legs of herons’; could also be spelt críshąįmh)
an atana énï     'birds' wings' (lit. 'the wings of birds') < atan 'wing', én 'bird'
tay mo (h-)atrǫ   'my father's house'  (atyr, 'father')

Adjectives

Because Yét is a head-initial language, adjectives (except the possessive adjectives) follow the nouns they modify.  When they're part of a noun phrase, they typically agree in case, number and person with its associated noun:

rén lęų 'smooth wood' (masculine)
tribha méra 'large towns' (feminine) -- many adjectives' feminine forms have different main vowels from their masculine forms (már (m.) / mér (f.) 'large')
an clych lı̨̨́ch 'the wet stone' (feminine)

...but when they don't agree, the implication is that there is a copulaic relationship between the two:

rén lęų (es)   'wood (is) smooth'
tribha már (sę)   'towns (are) large'
an clych lı̨̨́w (es)   'the stone (is) wet'

Increasingly seen, however, are adjectives that don't agree with their associated noun but without the implication of a copula -- while generally there is no strong pattern emerging about where this takes place, it has been noted where there are multiple adjectives following a noun (e.g. an dírï lireg ór 'of the cold oceanic waters', strictly dírï liregï érï).

Prepositions

Despite not having consonant mutations, Yét is still recognisably Celtic in its prepositions, in that they decline for person and number when combined with a pronoun.  They don't, however, govern any particular case on nouns that follow them, although they do cause the pronouns to enter their 'oblique' forms (ending in -n).
To express movement rather than stasis ('into' rather than 'in', 'upwards' rather than 'up/above', 'moving between' rather than 'being/standing between'), some speakers have begun forming compound prepositions with do 'to':
wardo 'onto'
ęndo 'into'
enedo 'moving between'
pliddo 'going among' (< plit + do)

Yét can also form compound prepositional phrases, such as á wartras am mór 'from across the sea', or do wo'n tay 'to under the house'.

 war ‘on’  wartras ‘across’
 ad ‘towards’  per ‘for the sake/benefit of, despite, in exchange for, since’
 do ‘to’  ene ‘between’
 wo ‘under, down(wards)’  wer ‘by, immediately next to, in the direction of, at’
  ‘because (± of), in order to’  ą́me ‘around, about, regarding’
 á ‘from, of, than (in comparisons)’  arwel ‘by (doing sth), in the manner of, like’
 roch ‘from, against, in front of, until, before’  plit ‘among’
 hęw ‘without’  álą ‘beside, next to’
 cą ‘with’  hęn ‘after, behind, ago’ (< hana, from Tlhaañ)
 ęn ‘in, into, within, during’  út ‘of it/them/these/those’ (from Tlhaañ)
 di ‘out, without/outside’
 tras ‘over, above, up(wards)’
 trei ‘through’
 nad 'away (from)'

The prepositions don't have to decline every time they are used; in very colloquial speech, they are often used in their undeclined forms and with the pronoun stated afterwards (as in: plit when 'among you (pl.)').  This isn't to say that the declined forms aren't colloquial; rather that the undeclined forms will never be used in formal/ceremonial circumstances.  The declension endings are:

   Sing.  Plural
 1st pers.
 -(e)m*  -(e)n*
 2nd pers.
 -(e)s  -(e)wh
 3rd pers.
 -(e)tai  -(e)in*
* these nasal consonants don't cause nasalisation
Also, the 3rd-person plural's -i- results in diphthongs where possible (see below)

plitewh (whin) 'among you (pl.)'
ą́mem (min) 'about me, around me, regarding me'
roces (tún) 'from you, against you, in front of you, until you'
trein (nin/ein) 'through us/them'
hęwh (whin) 'without you (pl.)'  -- notice the slightly irregular form, hęw + -(e)wh = hęw(e)wh, which becomes hęwh
doin (ein) 'to them'
álątai (en/an/in) 'beside/next to him, her, it'
yęs (tún) 'because of you'
perein (ein) 'for their benefit'

Notice how all the pronouns, if given, are in their 'oblique' forms.

The verb phrase

Yét's word order is verb-subject-object, with verbal particles (see below) coming right at the head of the sentence if given.  Within recent years, some speakers on the north coast have begun using verb-final word order -- to many other speakers, this sounds particularly weird.
Yét sometimes exhibits pro-drop tendencies, where the pronouns can be dropped if the speaker's meaning would still be clear without them.  Those which are optional in the tables below are indicated by parentheses.

Adverbs

Adverbs are essentially adjectives that have been introduced by the preposition ęn 'in' and used to describe the action of a verb rather than the state of a noun.  Because there's no noun for the adjectives to agree with when used like this, they are in their masculine state by default.

ęn dá  'well'
ęn glą  'cleanly, clearly'
ęn laur  'enough, plenty, a lot'  (< laur 'a lot (of)'; as a noun, 'plentiful supply')

Yét can also produce adverb phrases by using other words like the prepositions (outlined above), or by using toni, which means a connective 'when' (rather like Welsh's lle), and which can also be used to introduce the day, or time within a day, when something happens (e.g. toni trí díya 'in three days' time').  Alternatively, prepositions such as ęn 'in, within' and wer 'at, by, etc.' can be used.

Irregular verb 1: 'to be'

The verb 'to be' (along with wimbą 'to know') is one of the few irregular verbs in Yét.  Its conjugations are split into three: that which begins in e- (present tense), that which begins in s- (imperfect tense) and those which begin with b- (all others: preterite & future tenses and subjunctive & imperative moods).
The column labelled 'IMPERS.' contains the impersonal verb form, which is the form that expresses that 'one does something' or 'something happens of its own accord' -- also it could rather loosely be translated as a kind of passive voice, as in the (Literary) Welsh ni chaniateir cŵn 'dogs are not allowed' (here shown by the -(e)ir), but strictly speaking it is not passive at all.  It can be used in singular or plural contexts, but only ever in the present tense.

   1SG  2SG
 3SG  1PL  2PL  3PL  'IMPERS.'
 present
 imperfect
 preterite
 future
 subjunctive
 imperative

 ę (mi)
 sa mi
 buwa (mi)
 bi mi
 bą́ mi
 -
 es tú
 sas (tú)
 bús (tú)
 bi tú
 bas (tú)
 bí!
 es e/a/i
 sat (e/a/i)
 bút (e/a/i)
 bi e/a/i
 bat e/a/i
 bí!
 en ni
 są ni
 bún (ni)
 bi ni
 bą́ ni
 -
 ew whi
 sa whi
 bew (whi)
 bi whi
 báw (whi)
 bít!
 sę nei
 są nei
 bón (ei)
 bis (ei)
 bą́ nei
 bı̨̨́!
 bíet
 -
 -
 -
 -
 -

Notice that ei becomes nei when the verb form it follows ends with a vowel: bis ei 'they will be', but sę nei 'they are'.

See the 'Periphrasis' section for other uses of this verb.

Irregular verb 2: monyą 'to go'

Monyą is the only other irregular one, but has fewer available conjugations than above.  It goes like this:

   1SG  2SG  3SG  1PL  2PL
 3PL  'IMPERS.'
 present
 preterite
 subjunctive
 imperative

 yą́ (mi)
 etį mi
 elę mi
 -
 yás (tú)
 etis (tú)
 eles (tú)
 yé!
 yát (e/a/i)
 et (e/a/i)
 él (e/a/i)
 yét!
 yąų ni
 etį ni
 elį (ni)
 -
 yémh (whi)
 ete (whi)
 ele (whi)
 yéte!
 yąų nei
 etį nei
 elę nei
 yǫ́!
 yámet
 -
 -
 -

See the 'Periphrasis' section for other uses of this verb.

Regular conjugation

All other verbs are regular, and conjugate in the following ways, after removing the infinitive ending -ą to bare the stem of the verb.

   1SG  2SG  3SG  1PL  2PL  3PL  'IMPERS.'
 present
 preterite
 subjunctive
 imperative

 -ę mi
 -a (mi)
 -ą mi
 -
 -es (tú)
 -as (tú)
 -as (tú)
 -e!
 -e (e/a/i)
 -e (e/a/i)
 -at (e/a/i)
 -atú!
 -ę ni
 -ame (ni)
 -ą ni
 -
 -ith (whi)
 -eth (whi)
 -eth (whi)
 -ith!
 -ę nei
 -ą (nei)
 -ąt (nei)
 -enú!
 -et
 -
 -
 -

Periphrasis

Periphrasis is the linguistic name for saying something using other words.  Yét does this rather a lot when it comes to expressing ownership over something, saying what you're doing, what you're going to do, or what is happening to you.  Because 'to have' and the passive voice both involve the same verb, I have placed these first.  The other two involve the verbs 'to be' and 'to go', which we have already seen.

'To have'

Yét expresses ownership using the verb cayą, 'to get'.  While not fully periphrastic like in the Terran Celtic languages, it is partly periphrastic because there is no verb 'to have' per se.

cayę mi mąw                 'I have a son'
ne caye mo cǫ́ srǫ́įne     'my dog has no nose' (lit. 'does not get my dog two nostrils')

Passive voice

The passive voice also uses the verb cayą, and additionally uses the gerund-forming suffix -ąn -- the same suffix as you'll see below as one of the ways of forming the present continuous.  This is very similar to how the passive voice is formed in colloquial Welsh: ces i fy ngweld means 'I was seen' (literally, 'I got my seeing'):

cayę mi mo weletąn  'I was seen'  (< weletą 'to see')
cayę'n dametha esǫ rínan ąw wirǫ  'the sheep were bought by the man'  (< ríną 'to buy')

Additionally, there is the suffix -is, which forms the passive participle proper from verbs:

an dameth (a) rínis ąw wirǫ  'the sheep (that was) bought by the man'

Notice how in both examples, 'the man' (i.e. the referent by whom the action happens) is placed into the genitive (ąw wirǫ).

Present tense/Continuous aspect

There are two ways of giving a sentence the meaning of the present tense, other than by conjugating a verb.  The first (examples 1a & 1b below) makes use of the -ąn suffix mentioned above, which can double up as the present participle suffix (which then agrees with the gender of the subject) as well as the gerund suffix.  The second (examples 2a and 2b below) involves the 'to be + verb' construction, the relatives of which are seen in the other Celtic languages.

1a:  ąw wir (a) rínąn damethas  'the man (who is) buying sheep'
1b:  cerdęnę mi  'I (feminine) am walking'
2a:  es ąw wir ęn ríną damethas  'the man is buying sheep'
2b:  sat mo matyr ęn námą ęn am mór  'my mother was swimming in the sea'
        (also: bút mo matyr... 'my mother has been...')

In 1a, the -ąn suffix is being used to form a present participle out of the verb ríną 'to buy'; if it was am bį 'the woman' who was buying the sheep, rínąn would become rínęn to agree in gender.  In 1b, the verb cerdą 'to walk' has been turned into a present participle, made to agree with the gender of the speaker (in this case, someone female), and then made into another verb by adding the 1SG present-tense ending -ę.

In examples 2a and 2b, the 'to be + verb' construction is shown (cf. Welsh mae'r dyn yn prynu defaid 'the man is buying sheep' and roedd fy mam yn nofio yn y môr 'my mother was swimming in the sea').  A couple of things: first, the importance of the word ęn, 'in', which (like the Welsh yn or Irish ag) introduces the verb that the speaker is doing ('my mother is 'in' swimming'), and second, that the 'to be + verb' construction can also produce past-tense continuous actions.  Strictly speaking, that construction is more a 'continuous aspect' construction rather than a 'present continuous' one.

Notice that ęn, when introducing a verb, does not cause nasalisation on the vowel it contracts onto.

Simple future/Continuous aspect

The simple future's formation is similar to the examples in 2a & 2b above, except that rather than using 'to be' as a present-tense auxiliary verb, you can either use it in the future tense (plus ęn 'in' to introduce the main verb), or use monyą 'to go' as the auxiliary instead.  Using monyą gives a general meaning of 'to be going to...', whereas using the future-tense can give an impression of continuosity -- this continuosity is introduced to a monyą sentence if the preposition ęn 'in' is inserted (example 1b):

1a: yąų nei wodją  'they are going to play'
1b: yąų nei'n wodją  'they are going to be playing'

2: bi nei'n wodją  'they will play/be playing'

Here, examples 1a and 1b show a sentence using monyą as the auxiliary, 1b including the word ęn; and example 2 involves as the auxiliary and the word ęn's inclusion is obligatory.

Verbal particles

Verbal particles are short units of speech that are bound to actions, and express the speaker’s opinion or perspective of them. They are mostly borrowed from Tlhaañ ('T') and are adapted to Yét’s phonology.  They can be divided into the following categories and must be added to a sentence in the order that these categories appear.  For the sake of my fingers, examples will not be written for every single entry, unless its use is noteworthy in some way.

In terms of word order, verbal particles come at the very head of the clause: gha nemena celé dę́wrę mi  'but now, I don't often want to eat'

1. Particles about the situation or action itself, relative to other situations or actions
gha: describes a change of state or new information. (T: ghaa)
gha temelehe'n nę  'then the sky became dark'
gha bít an nę temel  -or-  gha'n nę temel es  'now the sky is dark/has darkened'
ce: beginning, inchoative (T: xe)
ce wóge  'it began/begins to rain' (wógą 'to rain'; wóc 'rain')
ínto: event experienced at least once, used with the present tense to imply it's something still done  (note: nínto means 'never', derived from ne 'not' + ínto 'once'; T: iinto)
ínto díretę mi mog basceg...  'I met a Basque monk once...' (díretą 'to meet', mog 'monk, hermit')
(t): done a little, tried, dabbled in; softens imperatives (T: tsuut)
ácę, sú sessith-whe  'please, sit down' (ácą 'to ask')
sú bi ni'n héughą  'we'll be doing some hunting' (héwghą 'to hunt'; héigh 'a hunt')
lás: introduces a hypothetical situation, forms the equivalent English's would and conditional mood (a Yét-derived particle):
lás yą́ (mi)  'I would go'

2. Particles about the action and how it is done
(ne)mena: do (in)frequently (Yét ne 'not', T: mena)
mena héughę ni láda  'we often hunt wolves' (lád 'wolf')
yóto: do at intervals, occasionally (T: yooto)
yóto sút nítę mi soit  'I sometimes dabble in magic' (soit 'magic', nítą 'to do')
yéch: to nearly do, to fail to do (T: yeex)
yéch ciya mi  'I almost fell' (ciyą 'to fall')
mena yéch dę́wre'm bį 'the woman often fails to eat'  (dę́wrą 'to eat', dę́wr/bét 'food')
    cf. yéch mena dę́wre'm bį  'the woman fails to eat often'

3. Particles that express the speaker's opinion or mood about the action or situation, some of which can be translated as modal verbs
gal: be possible (from Yét galą, to be able)
díl: should (in speaker's estimation) (T: diil)
rái: should (in actor's estimation); feel obliged to (T: raay)
áid: must (in speaker's estimation) (T: aaid)
eyá: must (by external pressure) (T: eyaa)
gobhé: hopes, aspires to (perhaps from Welsh gobeithio 'to hope' ?)
esso: is afraid to, hesitant to/of (T: esto)
íto: enjoys doing (T: iito)
ghetach: hates doing (T: ghetax)
úsh: has become tired of doing (T: uus)
ghey: is allowed to (T: ghey)
ghós: dares to (T: ghoots)
ghú: might (T: ghuu)
celé: want to (T: tlhee)
meten: intend/plan to (T: metn)
étha: would like to (T: eelha)
celú: be preparing to/ready to (T: tlhuu)
món: is made, caused to do (T: moon) -- this requires the use of a subclause, as in the example following:
món bún ni a dę́wre h-e bét  'we made him eat food', literally: 'we made it be that he ate food'
món bún
ni a dę́wr-e h-e bét(-ǫ)
caus be.1pl.pret we
conj
eat-3sg.pret epenth-he food(-m.obl.sg)

Questions

The interrogative pronouns are as follows.  They appear clause-initially, exhibiting wh-movement when only one appears in a clause (unless there are two or more in a sentence, such as in English who bought what?), and are mostly grammatically invariable.  Apart from those marked otherwise, they can also be used in connective senses, when joining two clauses together -- although, using the relative particle a is a more usual, one-size-fits-all method of doing this.  Compare osą'w wir a weleta mi h-e with osą'w wir cé weleta mi: both mean "There is the man I saw", but the first has word order that literally translates as "there (is) the man that saw I him", and the second's word order is "There is the man whom saw I".  In a sentence like this, it's always advisable to ignore Yét's pro-drop tendencies and always include the subject, because otherwise certain conjugation-forms that are identical (such as the 2SG preterite & subjunctive and 3SG present & preterite) could cause some ambiguity: osą'w wir a welete h-e could mean "there's the man who he saw", or "there's the man who saw... [someone]", because the word order doesn't explicitly show who the subject is.  The word therefore has an (unusual) oblique form, cés, to help disambiguate such sentences; it isn't needed, though, when the subject-verb agreement is clear.

ci   what/which
cam   why
cani   when (also au or toni 'then' in a connective sense)
   who  (has cés as an oblique form, helpful in avoiding ambiguity)
ci man (á)   how many/much (of)
ci cenél á   what kind of
cu   where  -or-  how (with verb following)
ci ma   how (with adj. following)

When these words are used to introduce a statement (as in When I went to town...), that statement is introduced by the word a "that" -- this takes away their questioning sense and replaces it with the sense of a statement.  If you remove the a "that", it turns it into a question: "when did you go?"

cani a etis tú
...
When you went...

cani etis tú?
When did you go?

There's also a question particle used for asking yes/no questions, which is na -- this also appears clause initially and can sometimes be used in the sentences that involve a 'whether or not' component, the idea being that you're questioning it:

étha ácę na caye h-e cónǫ/cǫ́?
I want to ask whether or not he has a dog. (or) I want to ask: does he have a dog?

The response to these questions is simply the verb repeated back:

caye (h-e).
(he) has.

ne caye (h-e).
(he) has not.

The rest of the clause does not change in word order, unless emphasis is expressed:

na cónǫ/cǫ́ a caye h-e?
Is it a dog that he has (as opposed to another animal)?

ne caye -- caye h-e cat(ǫ).
No -- he has a cat.

Writing system

Yét uses a modified version of the Ogham alphabet -- more testament to its Earthly connections.  As with Terrestrial Ogham, Yét's Ogham can be written vertically as well as horizontally.  Horizontal writing goes from left to right, and vertical writing goes from bottom to top.  Lines of writing go downwards if horizontal, and from left to right if vertical; some have been known to trace the edges of inscription stones.  As can be seen from the table to the right, Yét's Ogham does not represent the relatedness of its letters' sounds by their shapes, although it does distinguish between the sh and wh sounds (which can occur anywhere in a word, especially word-initially), the sj, tj, dj and rj sounds (which can only ever be syllable-final), and between w and oi (it treats the former as a 'halved' version of the latter).  However, it does not distinguish b from bh, m from mh, f from v (both of which are rare anyway), d from dh, etc. -- so tribh is written <trib>, ceugh is written <ceug>, and so on.


The letter y is used as both a consonant and a vowel in Yét's Ogham, and because vocalic y can never be lengthened, the over-lined form of it can only indicate that it's nasalised.

Regarding Yét's diphthongs, the ones you see in the table (oi, au, eu) are the only ones written with the single letterforms; all the others are written as pairs of single vowels.  When it comes to marking nasalisation and length (the latter being shown only on the first of the two letters), there is some variation in practice, even in one single text.  The most frequently-seen way of marking these on the single-letter oi, au and eu is just to have those letterforms with the over- and under-bar on them, with the other two-letterform diphthongs written with length and nasalisation marked individually.  Sometimes the letter n is seen after the diphthong (either one- or two-letterform) to represent nasalisation, but this is comparatively rare.

The convention in Yét's Ogham is to mark word boundaries by a space rather than a continuous line all the way through the text; whether or not that line connects to the "start of text" and "end of text" marks varies from writer to writer.  These "start" and "end of text" markers are really only used to write sentences and are always included in ceremonial texts -- when writing just single words it's usually fine to leave them out.
There are no punctuation marks besides these, and it's unknown how Yét's Ogham treats numerals -- it's hypothesised they use the letters of the Ogham alphabet to represent numbers, similar to Roman numerals or Biblical Hebrew numerals, but this is not attested anywhere.

Lexicon

It is unfinished, but this is the lexicon document as it currently stands.  Not all of the words you see in this online guide are in there yet.
I'd like to suggest Foxit Reader as well -- PDF documents look so much better through that than Adobe Acrobat Reader.