Summer 2005 in The Feminist Psychologist
Needed: Mother's in Academia
by Misty Hook
You may have noticed a re-emergence of mothering issues in both fiction and non-fiction during the last few years (the last time mothers appeared in high numbers was in the 1980s). From Susan Douglas and Meredith Michael’s The Mommy Myth to Jennifer Weiner’s Little Earthquakes and even Jenny McCarthy’s Belly Laughs, tales about mothering are everywhere. Yet, despite the infiltration of mothers in books, there is a startling lack of mothers in professional occupations and academia is certainly no exception.
Although close to 70% of men professors have children, only 50% of women teaching full time in four year institutions do, and many of them are not tenured (Williams, 2002). In order to obtain tenure, academics are expected to obtain grants, do research, and publish. These things require a great deal of concentration and time, things that are severely hampered by lack of sleep, supervising bath time, karate practice, helping with homework, and other demands of parenthood. Moreover, as universities attempt to appeal to working students, professors are expected to teach more night and weekend classes, times that cut into already scarce family time.
Even more inhibiting is the hostile work environment many professors face due to their status as mothers. Many mother professors have their competence and hard work called into question. In recent years, The Chronicle of Higher Education has published several articles relating plenty of anecdotal evidence of university discrimination against mother professors (e.g., Wilson, 1999; Wilson, 2002). These articles detail hostile work environments that include a range of behaviors from unpleasant comments and looks to negative evaluations and denied promotions and tenure. However, the low levels of tenure and promotion of mother professors is not anecdotal; it is a serious problem, one that Mary Ann Mason (a Berkeley dean) and Marc Goulden called “the baby gap” because having children helps the careers of fathers while inhibiting that of mothers (Mason & Goulden, 2002). As a result of all this, mother professors are hard to find and keep.
The difficulties involved in both recruiting and retaining mother professors must be addressed because the presence of mother professors is vitally needed in the halls of the ivory tower. The Mapping Project, a grant funded project examining campus environments, suggested that higher rates of parenting among faculty would lead to better-quality campuses (Drago & Colbeck, 2003). Similarly, the American Association of University Professors (2001) recently reversed a previous stance and issued recommendations for the balance of family and work. These organizations are speaking out because they recognize the harm generated by the lack of mother professors.
By ignoring family concerns, academia is missing out on some of the brightest talent in the field. This is especially true for psychology, as women now comprise more of the student population than men. If, as research indicates, most of them do not seek academic positions due to family concerns ((Freyd, 1990; Mason & Goulden, 2002; Wilson, 1999), many valuable resources will be lost. The addition of more mother professors can staunch that flow. Studies that look at mentoring consistently show that women students prefer faculty mentors who can serve as role models for juggling multiple roles (Jacobi, 1991; Ragins & McFarlin, 1990; Silverman, 1993). Mother professors are uniquely positioned to provide mentorship on how to successfully balance family and work.
Mother professors can also provide unique contributions to the field in general. Although they may be a bit less accessible than their colleagues, their perspective on family development and contextual variables is crucial and may be something that is currently missing from many psychology departments. Moreover, research shows that mothers in particular are exceptional at multitasking and are quite efficient (Weiss, Kreider, & Mayer, 2005). They may work fewer paid hours but more gets done during that time. Finally, the lack of mother professors in the field makes the likelihood of change quite low. If mother professors continue to leave academia, it is sending the message that family and academic work are incompatible. Moreover, their absence means that there are few people who may be willing to advocate for change. Without advocacy and a voice for family concerns, change is unlikely.
Some people argue that, because some mother professors take longer “breaks” and cannot maintain the expected high level of productivity, they should not be given accommodations or granted tenure. Punishing mother professors for having children and making family a priority is sending two messages. The first message is that, because fathers are helped by having children and mothers are harmed by it, academia is still steeped in sexist traditions. Although academic departments cannot change society, they can acknowledge the challenging path mothers walk and try to help. The second message is that academia is not concerned about families. Probably more than most, psychologists know the harm that is done to children and families when parents cannot emotionally and physically be available.
Finally, it is important to consider where our priorities are placed. Productivity is not solely about research and publishing; it can also be measured in human capital. Students are the true consumers of education, so the people who provide customer service are extremely important. Mother professors who are supported tend to be less stressed and more efficient than those who are not supported. They also tend to stay longer. When that happens, everyone wins.
References
American Association of University Professors. (2001). Statement of principles on family responsibilities. Retrieved July 10, 2004, from http://www.aaup.org/statements/REPORTS/re01fam.htm
Drago, R., & Colbeck, C. (2003). Final report for The Mapping Project: Exploring the terrain of U. S. colleges and universities for faculty and families. Retrieved July 10, 2004, from http://lsir.la.psu.edu/workfam/MAPexecsummary.doc
Freyd, J. J. (1990). Faculty members with young children need more flexible schedules. Chronicle of Higher Education, February 21, 1990, B2.
Jacobi, M. (1991). Mentoring and undergraduate academic success: A literature review. Review of Educational Research, 61, 505-532.
Mason, M. A., & Goulden, M. (2002). Do babies matter: The effect of family formation on the life long careers of academic men and women. Academe, 88, 21-27.
Ragins, B. R., & McFarlin, D. B. (1990). Perceptions of mentor roles in cross-gender mentoring relationships. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 37, 321-339.
Silverman, L. K. (1993). Career counseling. In L. K. Silverman (Ed.), Counseling the gifted and talented. (pp. 215-238). Denver, CO: Love Publishing.
Weiss, H. B., Kreider, H., & Mayer, E. (2005). Working it out: The chronicle of mixed-methods analysis. In T. S. Weisner (Ed.), Discovering successful pathways in children's development: Mixed methods in the study of childhood and family life (pp. 47-64). Chicago, IL, US: University of Chicago Press.
Williams, J. (2002). How academe treats mothers. Chronicle of Higher Education, June 17, 2002. Retrieved on August 25, 2004 from http://chronicle.com/jobs/2002/06/2002061701c.htm.
Wilson, R. (1999). Timing is everything: Academe’s annual baby boom. Chronicle of Higher Education, June 25, 1999, A14.
Wilson, J. (2002). How academe treats mothers. Chronicle of Higher Education, June 17, 2002, A14.