Contract furniture dealers. Outdoor patio furniture sale.
Contract Furniture Dealers
- Large movable equipment, such as tables and chairs, used to make a house, office, or other space suitable for living or working
- Furniture is the mass noun for the movable objects ('mobile' in Latin languages) intended to support various human activities such as seating and sleeping in beds, to hold objects at a convenient height for work using horizontal surfaces above the ground, or to store things.
- Furniture + 2 is the most recent EP released by American post-hardcore band Fugazi. It was recorded in January and February 2001, the same time that the band was recording their last album, The Argument, and released in October 2001 on 7" and on CD.
- Small accessories or fittings for a particular use or piece of equipment
- A person's habitual attitude, outlook, and way of thinking
- furnishings that make a room or other area ready for occupancy; "they had too much furniture for the small apartment"; "there was only one piece of furniture in the room"
- Shorten (a word or phrase) by combination or elision
- (contract bridge) the highest bid becomes the contract setting the number of tricks that the bidder must make
- enter into a contractual arrangement
- (of a muscle) Become shorter or tighter in order to effect movement of part of the body
- Decrease in size, number, or range
- a binding agreement between two or more persons that is enforceable by law
- A person or business that buys and sells goods
- (dealer) trader: someone who purchases and maintains an inventory of goods to be sold
- (dealer) a firm engaged in trading
- A person who buys and sells drugs
- A person who buys and sells shares, securities, or other financial assets as a principal (rather than as a broker or agent)
- (dealer) a seller of illicit goods; "a dealer in stolen goods"
contract furniture dealers - Wallmonkeys Peel
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"Mad as a hatter"
"Mad as a hatter" is a colloquial phrase used in conversation to refer to a crazy person. In 18th and 19th century England mercury was used in the production of felt, which was used in the manufacturing of hats common of the time. People who worked in these hat factories were exposed daily to trace amounts of the metal, which accumulated within their bodies over time, causing some workers to develop dementia caused by mercury poisoning. Thus the phrase "Mad as a Hatter" became popular as a way to refer to someone who was perceived as insane. While the origin of the saying is unknown, it may derive from: Mercury poisoning - Absorption of mercury through the skin can cause Korsakoff's syndrome. Roger Crab, a 17th century eccentric who, after working for a short time as a hatter, gave all his goods to the poor and lived on leaves and grass. Mercury used to be used in the making of hats. This was known to have affected the nervous systems of hatters, causing them to tremble and appear insane. A neurotoxicologist correspondent informs me that "Mercury exposure can cause aggressiveness, mood swings, and anti-social behaviour." The use of mercury compounds in 19th century hat making and the resulting effects are well-established - mercury poisoning is still known today as 'Mad Hatter's disease'. Whilst not being the source of the phrase, we can't mention 'as mad as a hatter' and leave out Lewis Carroll. His 'Hatter' character from Alice's Adventures in Wonderland, 1865, is of course the best-known mad hatter of them all. The Hatter is not actually described as mad in the story - merely a participant at 'a mad tea-party' - although he can hardly be called sane, and he is portrayed as mad (along with all the other characters) by the Cheshire Cat: 'In that direction,' the Cat said, 'lives a hatter: and in That direction, lives a March Hare. Visit either you like: they're both mad.' Carroll may have taken his inspiration for the Mad Hatter from the known unusual behaviour of hatters and also from Theophilus Carter, who was an Oxford cabinet maker and furniture dealer with a reputation for eccentric behaviour. The cap, or in Carter's case the top hat, certainly fits. He was something of a 'mad inventor' and came up with the alarm-clock bed, which woke people by tipping the bed over. Carroll would have been familiar with the sight of Carter, in full top hat, outside his shop at 48 High Street, Oxford, where he lived in the 1850s - during the time that Carroll was an Oxford don. Hat making in the Bristol area started as a cottage industry, moved to the small village shop and finally to hat factories. Hatting could almost be called Gloucestershire's forgotten trade. Two hundred years ago it was the lifeblood of a small number of villages close to Bristol. Any genealogist seeking relatives in Winterboume (especially Watley's End), Frampton Cotterell, Rangeworthy, Oldland Common or Bitton will be likely to have bumped into the hatting trade. Yet, by the 1870s, just the old men were clinging on and, with their gradual deaths, the trade slipped away and out of living memory. Felt hats were once essential wearing apparel: no man, whatever his calling, agricultural labourer or city merchant, would be seen outdoors (and very often indoors, too) without an appropriate head covering. In the prime days of the industry, the Government even saw fit to pass laws requiring the wearing of hats on certain days in order to support complaining hatters. South Gloucestershire hats were seldom finished ready to sell except for a small local cheap hat trade. Instead, felted 'bodies' ready for shaping, dying and finishing were sent to the great fashion hatmakers of Bristol and, in London, of Bermondsey and Cripplegate. In 1824 parliamentary papers, it was claimed (probably excessively) that all the Gloucestershire hatting masters were on commission to London firms. Frampton Cotterell produced at one time the renowned tall broad-brimmed 'beavers' made in part from Hudson Bay Company beaver fur, and later switched to silk hats. From Rangeworthy, there was also a steady flow of 'Wide-a-wake' slave hats for the West Indian plantation supply ships timed to arrive for the annual sugar cane cutting season. While many of the feltmakers worked initially as a cottage industry, usually on their own account, there was a move at the beginning of the 19th century into local factories. The local workshops of London-based international hatting concerns Christy, Hall, Moore, Powell and Vaughan increasingly dominated and they were supported by sub-contracting Gloucestershire men like Bryant, Howes, Jefferies, Maggs, Short and Simmonds. Lieutenant Colonel John Christie-Miller, scion of the most illustrious and largest of English hatting firms, Christy & Co, recalled: "We gave work out to be made up in cottages and country farms where families worked as teams. We bought the products from them
THE STATE OF PETROLEUM INDUSTRY IN EAST AFRICA
The State of Petroleum Industry in E. Africa Petroleum remains East Africa’s major source of energy which drives the region’s commercial activity. It is considered the backbone of the region’s economy with price fluctuations in petro-fuels having a direct effect on the prices of other consumer goods and services. With uncertainties surrounding the fuel prices and supply and the impact on consumer purchasing power, there is need for consumer education and information on the underlying issues in the industry and global trends. The petroleum industry continues to be a lucrative business stream for Government and oil companies but a huge burden for Kenyans. This is because they have to walk heavily under crushing weight of skyrocketing costs of consumer goods and services such as transport, thanks to recent fast-paced fuel price increases. According to Central Bank of Kenya, petroleum is Kenya’s single largest import item accounting for a fifth or 20 per cent of the total import bill. The country spent Sh181.2 billion (US$2.2 billion) to import oil in the year ending February 2010. Rising fuel prices have led to increase in prices of essential commodities With so much money flowing into the industry, Government and dealers line up for a slice of the cake. Treasury directly takes around 30 per cent of the cost of fuel that Kenyans pay for. From what a buyer pays for a litre of petrol at the pump station, more than Sh30 goes to the Government as taxes — the bulk of it as Excise Duty that stands at a fixed Sh19.51 — Sh9 as road maintenance levy and 40 cents in Petroleum Development Levy. A further remission fee of 45 cents per litre is paid to the Government and a 2.25 per cent paid to get an import declaration license. Currently a litre of regular petrol costs about Sh69 to buy and ship to Kenya. Marketers use Sh3 to transport the litre of petrol to inland Kenya, a figure that varies depending on how further inland their retail outlets are. All add up to about Sh103, leaving oil marketing companies with a margin of Sh9 for a litre of petrol retailing in Nairobi at Sh111. While oil marketers have complained the Sh9 per litre they make is insignificant compared to their overhead costs, leading oil companies like Total Kenya and KenolKobil that have a service station network of over 170 and 150 respectively, have been recording impressive profitability. Just recently Total Kenya announced Sh733 million profit before tax while KenolKobil sold petroleum products worth Sh101 billion last year leading to a 40 per cent growth in net profits to Sh2.7 billion. Besides the huge taxes channeled to the Treasury, State parastatals like Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC) and Kenya Petroleum Refinery Limited (KPRL) also rake in billions from the oil industry. KPC makes a revenue of Sh3 billion per year while KPRL makes Sh3 billion annually. KPC is largely a monopoly in the storage and transportation infrastructure of oil but high levels of inefficiencies have forced oil . companies to seek alternatives like road transport to deliver products inland, which in turn pushes up the prices. Storage According to a report by Oil Industry Supply Co-ordination Committee, the inefficiencies that characterize Kenya’s petroleum storage and distribution account for as much Sh18 of the pump price. The report observes the pipeline operates at about half of its capacity, which affects storage at Kipevu and compels marketers to rely more on road transport. Despite its shortcomings, KPC charges US$40 (Sh3360) per every ton that passes through its wide network of pipelines from Mombasa to Eldoret, which translates to over Sh3 billion in annual revenue. A rule requiring that 70 per cent of petroleum be imported in crude form is also being faulted as part of the reasons why prices have refused to come down. Though this regulation has been under contention due to inefficiencies by KPRL, it is a clear strategy to ensure the Mombasa refinery that is owned by the Government and Indian company Essar is not rendered useless. Already, there are calls for closure of the refinery but Government has countered this by saying it would upgrade KPRL at a cost of Sh12 billion to make it more efficient. Besides, the Government and its agencies and big oil companies, there is also group of savvy oil companies that do not command huge market share in terms of the downstream business but have managed to smoothen their way to the lucrative trade of oil importation and are regular winners of the Open Tender System (OTS) contracts to import on behalf of the industry. According to industry analysts, it is through the tendering system that oil dealers at the lower end of the supply chain make money. ‘Smart’ dealers make money by bidding for OTS to import the country’s monthly requirements. OTS is administered by Ministry of Energy through a competitive tender process and the winning company is mandated to import on behalf of other players. The issuance of the t
contract furniture dealers
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