SECURITY FORCES T SHIRTS : T SHIRTS

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Security Forces T Shirts


security forces t shirts
    t shirts
  • A T-shirt (T shirt or tee) is a shirt which is pulled on over the head to cover most of a person's torso. A T-shirt is usually buttonless and collarless, with a round neck and short sleeves.
  • (t-shirt) jersey: a close-fitting pullover shirt
  • (T Shirt (album)) T Shirt is a 1976 album by Loudon Wainwright III. Unlike his earlier records, this (and the subsequent 'Final Exam') saw Wainwright adopt a full blown rock band (Slowtrain) - though there are acoustic songs on T-Shirt, including a talking blues.
  • A short-sleeved casual top, generally made of cotton, having the shape of a T when spread out flat
    forces
  • (force) coerce: to cause to do through pressure or necessity, by physical, moral or intellectual means :"She forced him to take a job in the city"; "He squeezed her for information"
  • Strength or energy as an attribute of physical action or movement
  • (force) (physics) the influence that produces a change in a physical quantity; "force equals mass times acceleration"
  • An influence tending to change the motion of a body or produce motion or stress in a stationary body. The magnitude of such an influence is often calculated by multiplying the mass of the body by its acceleration
  • A person or thing regarded as exerting power or influence
  • (force) a powerful effect or influence; "the force of his eloquence easily persuaded them"

Medal of Honor - Staff. Sgt. Salvatore Giunta - United States Army - 101116
Medal of Honor - Staff. Sgt. Salvatore Giunta - United States Army - 101116
Reluctant hero becomes first living Medal of Honor recipient since Vietnam Nov 15, 2010 By Elizabeth M. Collins WASHINGTON (Army News Service, Nov. 15, 2010) -- Don't call Staff Sgt. Salvatore "Sal" Giunta a hero. Don't say that he went above the call of duty when he single-handedly stopped two terrorists from kidnapping his wounded buddy during a ferocious firefight in Afghanistan in 2007. Because as Giunta sees it, he was just doing his job. He didn't do anything that any other paratrooper in 1st Platoon, Battle Company, 173rd Airborne Brigade Combat Team -- or anyone in the United States military for that matter -- wouldn't have done, and he can't quite understand what all the fuss is about. He certainly doesn't think he deserves the Medal of Honor, which President Barack Obama presented to Giunta in a White House ceremony Tuesday afternoon -- making the seven-year Army veteran the first non-posthumous recipient of the medal since Vietnam. "This could be any of us," Giunta said of receiving the nation's highest award for valor. "Right now, the Medal of Honor, I'm the one sitting here, but it could be any one of my buddies. It could be anyone in any of the services who are out there doing it every day. "As for someone calling me a hero, I try not to think about it. I let the words fall away. It seems strange." 'I do solemnly swear....' Giunta, now 25, visited an Army recruiter while working at a Subway in his native Iowa in 2003, after a radio commercial promised free T-shirts to anyone who came by. "I like free T-shirts," he joked. "They've got to give you the spiel. That's how they give you the free T-shirt and kind of over the course of a couple days, (I) started really thinking about what the recruiter had said. We are a nation at war and and I am 18 and I am an able-bodied male." He went back, found out he could jump out of helicopters, and he was hooked. Before he knew it, Giunta was on his way -- pumped -- to southern Afghanistan with the 173rd in March of 2005. He was excited to put his training to use and see some action, but quickly realized that war wasn't a game, that friends got hurt, or they went away and didn't come back. After coming home at 19, he had tasted his own mortality and didn't like it. Giunta was ready to get out, perhaps get an education and spend time with his girlfriend Jennifer. But like many other Soldiers, including five others from 1st Platoon, Giunta was stop-lossed. The only place he was going was back to Afghanistan. Valley of Death Now a specialist, Giunta arrived in Afghanistan's remote Korengal Valley in June 2007. Near the Pakistan border, it is a smuggling route for weapons and insurgents, and one of the most dangerous areas of the country. Dubbed the 'Valley of Death,' the 10-mile-long valley has seen some of the fiercest fighting of the war and been home to dozens of American casualties. (U.S. and NATO forces withdrew from the Korengal in April 2010.) "When we got off the helicopter, it didn't look like any Afghanistan I had ever seen before," Giunta remembered. "The mountains were hard and sharp, and also really, really steep. They had a lot of foliage. I think the trees were some sort of holly tree, so the wood was hard, the leaves were sharp." The steep terrain and high altitude, he added, would often turn a walk of a few kilometers into a march lasting six to eight hours, especially in the beginning of the deployment. For the next 15 months, home would be tiny Korengal Outpost and a series of smaller primitive bases, like 1st Platoon's Firebase Vegas, which the men expanded from a couple buildings into bunkers and sleeping quarters made of plywood, sandbags and Hesco barriers. They never had running water, but were able to get electricity after a few months. The Soldiers spent much of the summer in multiple firefights a day with an enemy who might hide in mountain caves one day, and in village houses with human shields the next. It was constant, unrelenting stress that Giunta said the men dealt with by leaning on each other and laughing at things that wouldn't be funny anywhere but a remote mountaintop in Afghanistan. Operation Rock Avalanche On Oct. 19, the men of Battle Company were dropped deep into insurgent territory, on a mission to not only look for weapons caches, but also to win a few hearts and minds. Firefights were to be expected, Giunta said, "but if you get shot at every day, how much worse can it get?" A lot, it turned out, but no one could have predicted the intensity of bombings and fighting that followed, including a fierce battle that left several 2nd Platoon Soldiers injured or dead. When what remained of 2nd Platoon entered the village of Landigal on Oct. 27 to look for weapons, Giunta and the rest of 1st Platoon were assigned an overwatch position, guarding the high ground on Honc
Here are some pictures of what is happening on the streets of the hell
Here are some pictures of what is happening on the streets of the hell
In Iran, tactics of fashion police raise concerns Fri. 04 May 2007 The New York Times By NAZILA FATHI Published: May 4, 2007 TEHRAN, May 3 — Only days after Iran’s annual crackdown on immodest dress began in mid-April, with teams of police officers stopping women in major squares and subway stations to warn them about their attire, the security authorities came under fire. Many women who were stopped on the street and told to dress properly reacted angrily. A parliamentary commission complained about the campaign to the chief of police, and the head of Iran’s judiciary warned that a too repressive policy could bring a backlash. Even an adviser to the president urged caution, saying the police “should not go to the extreme,” according to the daily Etemad-e-Melli. The Tehran chief of police, Ismail Ahmadi Moghaddam, said during the drive that the security forces would single out women who wore only small head scarves or short tight coats and short pants. He also said the police were turning their attention to men in the second phase of its campaign, which began Saturday. He insisted that the authorities would avoid force — and arrests — and would only talk to violators to urge them to dress appropriately. Still, he said 150 women a day had been taken to detention centers as the crackdown began. At a parliamentary hearing of the Commission for National Security that was convened to hear complaints, “Some of the members of Parliament complained that the security force should not put itself in a position to deal with such issues,” said Dariush Ghanbari, a member of the commission. When one woman, Nazanin, 28, was stopped last month in Vanak Square, she thought she had dressed more modestly than usual, she said. But she was told that her coat was tight and showed the shape of her body. “I just joked with them and tried to stay calm, but they told me to sit so that they could see how far my pants would pull up in a sitting position,” said Nazanin, a reporter. She was told by the police officers that they wanted to help her look modest so men would not look at her and cause her inconvenience, she said. She received a warning about her large sunglasses, her coat, her eyeliner and her socks, which the police officers said should be longer. She was allowed to go after she signed a letter, which included her name and address, saying she would not appear in public like that again. The police have said the letters will be used against violators in court if they defy the rules a second time. Another woman, Niloofar, 28, who responded angrily to the police when she was told to fix her head scarf because too much of her hair was showing, said she was kept in a bus for five hours. Somayeh, 31, who was crying after she was stopped at the Mirdamad subway station, said, “They want to intimidate us.” She was asked to call home and get her national ID number, the equivalent of a Social Security number, for the letter she had to sign, promising not to wear makeup in public again. The women who were interviewed refused to give their full names because they feared they could be identified by the police. Women have been required by law since the 1979 Islamic revolution to cover their hair and wear long, loose clothing. The ideal dress is considered to be the chador, a black head-to-toe garment. In the early days of the revolution, women were flogged, jailed and fined for what was considered immodest dress. But many women defy the law and the government has been engaged in a constant battle over how they should look. At least three state-sponsored fashion shows were held in the past year to encourage women to wear more “Islamic” clothes. This year, the publicity campaign has been especially large and loud, with the security authorities insisting that people are happy with the restrictions. President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has backed the campaign, saying, “Those who have indecent appearances are sent by the enemy.” But other sectors of the government and the news media are urging caution. The head of the judiciary, Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi, has warned provincial governors about possible dangers of the crackdown. “Hauling women and young people to the police station will have no result except social harm,” he said, according to Etemad-e-Melli. And Mehdi Kalhor, Mr. Ahmadinejad’s press adviser, warned the police chief in a letter that his force “should not go to the extreme,” the newspaper reported. The conservative daily Kayhan also warned that “women’s immodest dress is not the only vice.” “The way the vices are dealt with should be in a way so that people — especially the youth — believe that the authorities really want to eradicate them,” Kayhan wrote, saying that poverty, bribery and injustice were more important problems. Still, dissent is unwelcome. A court in Tehran sentenced six prominent protesters in April to jail terms of two to three years. The six women are part of a campaign that is trying

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