Double Trumpet Cases - History Of Alto Saxophone - Shun Mandoline.
Double Trumpet Cases
- In the field of road transport, an interchange is a road junction that typically uses grade separation, and one or more ramps, to permit traffic on at least one highway to pass through the junction without directly crossing any other traffic stream.
- An interchange between two freeways where access is provided by an auxiliary divided road, connected to each freeway with a trumpet interchange.
- (case) an occurrence of something; "it was a case of bad judgment"; "another instance occurred yesterday"; "but there is always the famous example of the Smiths"
- An item of luggage; a suitcase
- (case) look over, usually with the intention to rob; "They men cased the housed"
- A container designed to hold or protect something
- The outer protective covering of a natural or manufactured object
- (case) event: a special set of circumstances; "in that event, the first possibility is excluded"; "it may rain in which case the picnic will be canceled"
double trumpet cases - WolfPak WPETPT2
WolfPak WPETPT2 Double Trumpet Case Black
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John Gielgud 1904 - 2000
Obituary: Sir John Gielgud The actor with a voice 'like a silver trumpet muffled in silk' April 14, 1904; died May 21 2000 John Gielgud, who has died aged 96, blazed a glorious trail through the English theatre of the 20th century and left an indelible imprint upon it. He was the first classical actor of his generation to discard antique modes of Shakespearean interpretation and performance. His Hamlet, Richard II, Leontes, Angelo, Lear and Prospero were acclaimed as thrilling recoveries and discoveries of roles on which the dreariness of convention had long since settled in handfuls of star-dust. "You have to spin it out of yourself, like a spider. It is the only way," he said in 1961, and not until extreme old age did he lose that air of effortless spider-like facility. He was not, however just the starriest actor for high strung, tragic heroes half in love with painful suffering, deploying that famous tenor voice of his which Alec Guinness once nicely apostrophised as being "like a silver trumpet muffled in silk". He set new standards in the playing of the artificial high comedy of Congreve, Wilde and Sheridan to which he brought the breath of naturalness. He revelled in suave villainy and hauteur, in the elegantly drawn out repartee of these periods, sometimes deliciously parodying aspect of his tragic demeanour and voice. He was in his glorious element playing doomed heroes and dandies, neurotics and aesthetes. As a source of inspiration and influence upon his profession he was unrivalled by any actor in his time except for Laurence Olivier. For, in youth and middle age alike, Gielgud was a modern pioneer working to fulfil the actor's dream of working in a permanent ensemble, performing plays of high quality where profit was neither motive nor stimulus. So the famous companies of first-class actors, designers and directors that Sir John formed and acted with in his historic seasons in the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s became inspirational blue prints for ensembles like the Royal Shakespeare and National Theatre companies years later. The other astonishing aspect of Gielgud's awesomely long career, which spanned more than 75 years, lay in his ability triumphantly to recreate and extend himself as fashion and circumstance demanded. He was socially and politically conservative. As an exquisite raconteur and conversationalist, scattering his apercus, indiscretions and gossip with gay abandon he may have been the acme of unconventionality. But theatrically speaking the shock of the new often did shock him. Since he was also a restless seeker, he learned to rise above the prejudice of his first impressions and to cast aside hide-bound convictions. In the 1950s when the new wave of dramatists broke excitedly upon the London theatre, when Bertolt Brecht and theatre of the absurd began to threaten the hold of the upper-middle class drawing room comedy and the regimen of the well-made play, Gielgud was at first left bothered and bewildered, though he did confess himself thrilled by Osborne's Look Back in Anger and Pinter's The Caretaker. Unlike Peggy Ashcroft and Laurence Olivier he did not join the avant-garde at the Royal Court in the 1950s and by the early 1960s he was beginning to look a thoroughly traditional figure, marching in time with the derriere garde. This isolation from the new theatrical movement did not, however, last that long. Gielgud adjusted, adapted and learned. Critics and commentators have suggested he discovered an ideal point of mediation between the old theatre and the new with Alan Bennett's 1968 Forty Years On, a revue-like play which regards the totems of England's early 20th-century society with a mixture of mockery and nostalgia. But in fact John's Broadway performance four years earlier, as a lay brother laid low after being persuaded to marry the richest man in the world in Edward Albee's mystifyingly symbolic Tiny Alice marked the point at which he threw in his famous lot with the nouvelle vague. From then on his theatrical career revived. Performances in the plays of Edward Bond, Charles Wood, and most memorably as Spooner in Pinter's No Man's Land and one of the old inmates of Home from Home followed. It was in this phase, too, that he began to disprove the old slur that he was only able to give a single performance in one voice. In No Man's Land, his sly and slovenly literary vagrant in search of a billet - the model of bohemian seediness with a cigarette forever between his lips - he cast off the familiar Gielgud persona as thoroughly as he did for his 1936 Merchant of Venice and the 1961 Othello. When his ability to memorise parts for the theatre began to falter in his mid-seventies, while playing, in Julian Mitchell's Half Life, an archaeologist disturbed by excavations into his own past - Gielgud turned to the world of film, which unlike Olivier, Richardson and Redgrave he had largely ignored. He adapted his personality and his style to the medium and fash
James Graham, 1st Marquis of Montrose
WIKIPEDIA: James Graham, 1st Marquess of Montrose (1612 - 21 May 1650), was a Scottish nobleman and soldier, who initially joined the Covenanters in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms, but subsequently supported King Charles I as the English Civil War developed. From 1644 to 1646, and again in 1650 he fought a civil war in Scotland on behalf of the King. James Graham was the chief of Clan Graham. He was a son of John Graham, 4th Earl of Montrose and Mary Ruthven. His maternal grandparents were William Ruthven, 1st Earl of Gowrie, and Dorothea, a daughter of Henry Stewart, 1st Lord Methven and his second wife Janet Stewart. Her maternal grandparents were John Stewart, 2nd Earl of Atholl and Lady Janet Campbell. Janet Campbell was a daughter of Archibald Campbell, 2nd Earl of Argyll and Elizabeth Stewart. Elizabeth was a daughter of John Stewart, 1st Earl of Lennox and Margaret Montgomerie. Margaret was a daughter of Alexander Montgomerie, 1st Lord Montgomerie and Margaret Boyd. James Graham became 5th Earl of Montrose by his father's death in 1626. He was educated at the University of St Andrews, and at the age of seventeen married Magdalene Carnegie, daughter of David Carnegie (afterwards Earl of Southesk). They were parents of James Graham, 2nd Marquess of Montrose. In 1638, after King Charles had attempted to impose an Anglican-oriented prayer book upon the reluctant Scots, resistance spread throughout the country, eventually leading to the Bishops' Wars. Montrose joined the party of resistance, and was for some time one of its most energetic champions. He had nothing puritanical in his nature, but he shared in the ill-feeling aroused by the political authority King Charles had given to the bishops. He signed the National Covenant, and was sent to suppress the opposition which arose around Aberdeen and in the country of the Gordons. Three times Montrose entered Aberdeen, where he succeeded in his object, on the second occasion carrying off the head of the Gordons, the Marquess of Huntly, as a prisoner to Edinburgh (though in so doing, for the first and last time in his life, he violated a safe-conduct). He was a leader of the delegation who subsequently met at Muchalls Castle to parlay regarding the 1638 confrontation with the Bishop of Aberdeen. With the Earl Marischal he led a force of 9000 men across the Causey Mounth through the Portlethen Moss to attack Royalists at the Bridge of Dee. This set of events was an element of Charles I decision to grant sweeping reforms to the Covenanters. In July 1639, after the signature of the Treaty of Berwick, Montrose was one of the Covenanting leaders who visited Charles. The change of policy on his part, eventually leading to his support for the king, arose from his wish to get rid of the bishops without making presbyters masters of the state. His was essentially a layman's view of the situation. Taking no account of the real forces of the time, he aimed at an ideal form of society in which the clergy should confine themselves to their spiritual duties, and the king should maintain law and order. In the Scottish parliament which met in September, Montrose found himself in opposition to Archibald Campbell, 1st Marquess of Argyll, who had made himself the representative of the Presbyterian and national party, and of the middle classes. Montrose, on the other hand, wished to bring the king's authority to bear upon parliament to defeat Argyll, and offered the king the support of a great number of nobles. He failed, because Charles could not even then consent to abandon the bishops, and because no Scottish party of any weight could be formed unless Presbyterianism were established ecclesiastically. Rather than give way, Charles prepared in 1640 to invade Scotland. Montrose was of necessity driven to play something of a double part. In August 1640 he signed the Bond of Cumbernauld as a protest against the particular and direct practicing of a few, in other words, against the ambition of Argyll. But he took his place amongst the defenders of his country, and in the same month he displayed his gallantry in action at the forcing of the Tyne at Newburn. After the invasion had been crowned with success, Montrose still continued to cherish his now hopeless policy. On 27 May 1641 he was summoned before the Committee of Estates and charged with intrigues against Argyll, and on the 11th of June he was imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle. Charles visited Scotland to give his formal assent to the abolition of Episcopacy, and upon the king's return to England Montrose shared in the amnesty which was tacitly accorded to all Charles's partisans. Highlanders had never before been known to combine together, but Montrose knew that many of the West Highland clans, who were largely Catholic, detested Argyll and his Campbell clansmen, none more so than the MacDonalds who with many of the other clans rallied to his summons. The Royalist allied Irish Confederates sent 2000 disciplined Iri
double trumpet cases
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