Atelier de phonologie




Bienvenue ! Welcome!
L'Atelier de phonologie est un séminaire de recherche informel consacré à la phonologie : représentation, computation, acquisition et modalités d'apprentissage, interaction avec les autres modules linguistiques, etc. Y sont présentés des travaux en cours, des préparations de conférences, des revues de la littérature, ainsi que des présentations plus accomplies. Le séminaire, hébergé par le laboratoire SFL (Structures Formelles du Langage), est ouvert à la communauté de phonologues locale et internationale. Il se réunit environ toutes les deux semaines, le mercredi matin de 10h à midi, et est suivi d'un déjeuner sur place. Les archives des réunions passées (depuis l'automne 2012) est disponible ici.


The Atelier de phonologie is an informal research seminar dedicated to phonology: its representations, its computations, its acquisition and learnability, its interaction with other linguistic modules, etcetera. The seminar features informal presentations of work in progress, practice talks, literature reviews, as well as more polished talks. It is open to the local community as well as to international visitors. It is hosted at the SFL lab and it meets approximately every two weeks, always on a Wednesday morning, followed by lunch. The archive of past meetings (since fall 2012) is available here.





Où et quand / When and where


Où - Where:
59/61, rue Pouchet, Paris (cartes et informations sur les transports : here you can find a map and information concerning public transportation). 
Quand - When: 

le mercredi, de 10h à 12h. On Wednesdays, from 10am to noon.






Calendrier / Schedule 2018-2019


5 dec - Jelena stojkovic


19 dec - Guillaume Enguehard


9 jan - Alexandre Vaxman


23 jan - Nicola Lampitelli and Francesc-Josep Torres Tamarit


6 fev - Guillaume Enguehard & Xiaoliang Luo strike again


20 fev - Adèle Jatteau


6 mar - Connor Youngberg


20 mar - Ora Matushansky


3 avr - Noam Faust


17avr


14 mai - Florian Breit


5 juin


19 juin



12 Sep 
Salle 124















19 Sep 
Salle 124










3 Octobre
Salle 108



















































24 oct
Salle 311













7 nov
Salle 124






















21 nov
Salle
John Alderte (Simon Fraser University)

Phonological regularity, perceptual biases, and the role of phonotactics in speech error analysis

This talk investigates a set of phonological patterns in the SFU Speech Error Database (SFUSED), with the goal of understanding if and how phonological grammar is involved in online processes of phonological encoding. It assesses 2,076 sound errors in English of various types (phonological substitutions, deletions, additions, etc.) for their phonological regularity (do they violate English phonotactics?). The results show that sound errors are much less regular (violate phonotactics more often) than reported in prior work, and in some contexts to not deviate significantly from chance expectations. The higher degree of phonological irregularity is attributed to methodology, because the methods for collecting speech errors in SFUSED are demonstrably less prone to perceptual bias. While
phonological encoding may require linguistic representations of planning units (e.g., segments), these findings suggest that some of the tools of phonological grammars, like syllable-structure algorithms, may not be required in the retrieval of phonological segments in words.



Guillaume Enguehard (Université d'Orléans, CNRS LLL) et Luo Xiaoliang (Tours/lll, École Polytechnique)

Force des voyelles et Branchement

Dans cette présentation, nous abordons la notion de "force" (degré de soumission aux phénomènes de fortition/lénition) dans le domaine des voyelles. Notre objectif est de montrer que la force des consonnes et celle des voyelles peuvent être unifiées. Pour cela, nous proposons que le seul facteur de force est la longueur. Plus précisément, les segments branchants sont plus forts tandis que les segments partageant leurs positions sont plus faibles. Nous abordons plusieurs phénomènes vocaliques illustrant cette hiérarchie.



Bien Dobui

Implications of Nasalization Blocking Strategies in Xochistlahuaca Amuzgo

Nasalization, both progressive and regressive, is an important phenomenon in the Amuzgo spoken in Xochistlahuaca in Mexico. However, on a reduced syllabic form of CCV, identity is easily lost. This presentation looks at different blocking strategies employed to block nasalization at the lexical and morphological levels and their implications.

Paralleling Stephen Marlett’s observation on Mixtec in his 1992 work, *NV and *LVn do not occur in Amuzgo (N being a nasal sonorant, L a non-nasal sonorant, V a vowel and Vn a nasal vowel). This attests to both progressive and regressive nasalization. On the other hand, and as may be expected, LV and NVn do occur.

1.            

ná

[nán]

‘hot’

2.           

wa̰

[wa̰]

‘EXIST.INHUM’

3.               

wa̰n

[ma̰n]

‘EXIST.HUM’

 What is particular to Amuzgo, however, is the template NTV, better analyzed as NTV given that NT becomes N when V is nasalized, e.g. by the 3SGHUM marker, as in examples 4 to 6. The difference between the template NTV, which also exists, is seen when the latter is nasalized without loss of the stop, as in example 7.

4.               

[ɲdj]
‘mouth.3SGPOSS’

ɲó
[ɲón]
‘mouth.3SGHUM.POSS’

5.               

[ma-ndaʔ]
‘PROG.SG-receive a gift’

ma-naʔ=an
[ma-nanʔ=an]
‘PROG.SG-receive 
a

gift.3SGHUM=3SG’

6.               

[ma-hndɛ]
‘PROG.SG-sell’

ma-hnɛɛ́
[ma-hnɛɛ́n]
‘PROG.SG-sell.3SG’

7.               

[ma-ɲ̍tjɔ̤∙]
ma-ɲtjɔ̤∙
‘PROG.SG-frolic’

[ma-ɲ̍tjɔ̤n∙]
ma-ɲtjɔ̤n
PROG.SG-frolic.3SGHUM

On the morphological level, nasal blocking is also carried by allomorphy in plurals and future markers, though of a different form. In the former, the nasal morpheme /n/ denasalizes as [l] (examples 8 and 9) where in the future marker, also /n/, an NT type is recalled, though a velar stop rather than an alveolar, [ŋ̩́k] (examples 10 and 11).

8.               

ʦʔán
‘person’

[nʔán∙]
‘PL.person’

9.               

ska∙
‘candle’

[l̩ka∙]
‘PL.candle’

10.           

tɔ ∙

‘to vomit’

[ń̩-tɔ∙]

‘FUT-vomit’

11.              

  huʔ

‘throw, expluse’

[ŋ̩́k-huʔ]

‘FUT-throw, expluse’

These strategies seem to imply a balancing of concerns against preventing identity loss through nasalization by maintaining what may appear to be an array of nasal allophones and allomorphs, but that actually form a strictly dedicated set that works to preserve identity.


Francesc-Josep Torres Tamarit (Université Paris 8 CNRS SFL) (avec Eulália Bonet, UBA)

Verb-clitic structures in Eivissan Catalan: recursive prosodic words and allomorphy

This presentation deals with stress shift in verb-clitic structures in Eivissan Catalan, an understudied Romance variety. Within Balearic Catalan, this is the only subdialect in which stress shift is restricted to apply only in second conjugation infinitives followed by pronominal enclitics, those that, as opposed to other conjugations, have penultimate stress when they are pronounced in isolation. Stress in second conjugation infinitives in Eivissan Catalan shifts one syllable to the right, that is, to the final syllable of the verbal stem, when one or more pronominal enclitics follow. There is no stress shift in imperatives followed by pronominal enclitics. We claim that pronominal enclitics in Eivissan Catalan adjoin to a recursive, maximal prosodic word, and that the domain for stress assignment is the minimal, embedded prosodic word. We further analyze two cases of stress-conditioned allomorphy (i.e. allomorphy of the infinitive morph and allomorphy of the verbal root) that occur in infinitive-clitic structures and that we analyze as cases of phonologically-conditioned allomorphy triggered by stress shift.


 Alexis Michaud (CNRS-LACITO) 


L'articulation phonétique/phonologie au miroir de l'intelligence artificielle : analyse des résultats de la transcription automatique de la langue Na (famille sino-tibétaine) par le logiciel Persephone

 

Les systèmes de reconnaissance automatique de la parole permettent désormais d'entraîner un modèle acoustique sur la base de deux ou trois heures d'enregistrements transcrits (pour un système mono-locuteur), au lieu de dizaines d'heures pour les outils antérieurs. Au-delà de l'intérêt pratique que présentent ces avancées technologiques pour les tâches de documentation linguistique, se pose la question de la mise en correspondance entre les modèles phonologiques et les modèles statistiques construits par les logiciels d'intelligence artificielle. En effet, l'algorithme réalise son entraînement sur la base de transcriptions fournies en entrée par le linguiste, transcriptions qui reposent sur un ensemble – plus ou moins élaboré, et plus ou moins explicite – d'hypothèses phonologiques. Le modèle acoustique, décalqué (par des méthodes statistiques) des transcriptions du phonéticien/phonologue jointes au signal acoustique, peut-il être interrogé par le chercheur, en un jeu de miroir ? Que peut nous apprendre la confrontation ainsi renouvelée avec le signal acoustique ?

     L'exposé vise à ouvrir des pistes pour élaborer une perspective phonologique sur ces questions nées à l'intersection de plusieurs disciplines. L'exposé, qui ne présuppose pas de connaissances préalables en traitement automatique des langues, commencera par une présentation du logiciel Persephone et de son application à la langue na de Yongning (famille sino-tibétaine). Des exemples précis de divergences entre la notation du linguiste et celle du logiciel seront offerts à la sagacité des participants, pour un exercice partagé de phono-philologie (ou philo-phonologie) numérique.




Joanna Zaleska (Leipzig University)


Defining phonologically relevant substrings

In this talk, I examine the question of how to restrict the application of a phonological process to the relevant portion of the linear string. As a test case, I take a particularly intricate pattern of phonological process application reported in Standard Indonesian (Lapoliwa 1981, Cohn 1989, Sneddon et al. 2010). The main challenge posed by the data is that the subparts of the word affected by different phonological processes are not nested but rather partially overlap. Some of these processes affect the lexical root and the suffix, but not prefixes. For others, the situation is reversed: Roots and prefixes are involved, while suffixes seem invisible. The analysis I propose for this set of data includes two types of restrictions on phonological processes. I argue that the root and suffixes in Indonesian form a single prosodic domain; the processes that fail to apply to prefixes are restricted to this domain. Prefixes, however, are attached to roots earlier than suffixes. Processes that seem to ignore suffixal material apply at a point at which suffixes are not yet present in the structure. In the final part of the talk, I will speculate about a possible reanalysis of the data, whereby the phonologically relevant portions of the linear string are identified exclusively by means of procedural mechanisms, as postulated by Scheer (2011) and D'Alessandro & Scheer (2015).







Archives

Les archives des réunions passées (depuis l'automne 2012) sont disponibles ici.

The archive of past meetings of the Atelier is available here.




Contacts


Pour venir présenter ou être ajouté à la liste de diffusion, merci de nous contacter à l'adresse :
If you would like to come present to the Atelier or to be added to the mailing list, please contact us at:
noam.faust@univ-paris8.fr.