Children include Yan Lan (born 1957) .
Note that Yang Lan (born 1968) also claims to have a father named "Yan Mingfu, who was also an interpreter for the premiere of China, but that needs to be researched to verify.
Yan Mingfu (Chinese: 阎明复; pinyin: Yán Míngfù; born November 1931) is a retired Chinese politician. His first prominent role in government began in 1985, when he was made leader of the United Front Work Department for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). He held the position until the CCP expelled him for inadequately following the party line in his dialogues with students during the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests.[1] Yan returned to government work in 1991 when he became a vice minister of Civil Affairs.[2]
Yan was born in Liaoning province in 1931. In 1949, he graduated from the Harbin Foreign Language College.[1] He then became the official Russian translator for Mao Zedong, before being promoted to a high-ranking party position sometime in the late 1950s.[3] During the Cultural Revolution he was arrested and did not reappear in a state position until 1985.[1] His father, Yan Baohang, had been a member of both the Kuomintang and the CCP.[4] Before Yan Mingfu was appointed head of the United Front Work Department in 1985, his father had held the position from the department's inception during the Chinese Civil War.[1] When students began protesting China's corruption and economic problems after the death of Hu Yaobang on April 15, 1989, Yan was also serving as a Secretary in the 13th Politburo of the Communist Party of China.[1][5]
From the beginning of the protests at Tiananmen Square, the Politburo's members had been working towards finding a resolution that would pacify the students. Some officials favored engaging with their demands, but others, such as Li Peng, felt that most pressing issue was to “get students back into their classrooms” before the situation escalated.[6] At a meeting held on May 10, the Politburo, under the leadership of Zhao Ziyang, decided that holding discussions with every group involved in the protests would be an ideal path to resolving the students’ issues; along with Hu Qili and Rui Xingwen, Yan was asked to speak to journalists from various papers throughout the capital.[7] According to Zhang Liang, the compiler of the document collection The Tiananmen Papers, the three officials saw in the protests “an opportunity to move decisively toward fuller, more truthful reporting.”[8] Yan held his dialogue with Beijing's journalists from May 11 to May 13; throughout these discussions, he repeatedly voiced his support for the students’ goals, downplayed the condemnation of the protest expressed in the April 26 Editorial, and maintained that Zhao was fully in favor of reforming the press.[8]
After the students commenced their hunger strike on May 13, the Politburo sent Yan to Tiananmen Square to call for an end to the protests and implore students to return to class.[9] For the most part, the meeting went badly. In his discussion with the student leaders, he acknowledged that the decision to protest was justified while reaffirming the Politburo's desire to see the students return to their classrooms. He also condemned the decision to begin a hunger strike, telling the students that it “accomplishes nothing, either for the country or your own health. If you present your demands and suggestions through proper channels, I can responsibly tell you the door to dialogue is always open.”[10] The meeting ended with both groups feeling misunderstood; when Yan reported back to Zhao, he noted that the student leaders “are in disagreement among themselves.”[10]
On May 14, Yan returned to the Great Hall of the People and told students that a dialogue to be held later in the day would be recorded and broadcast on national television. During the discussion that afternoon, Zhang claims, Yan and Li Tieying maintained that their aim was “not to negotiate policy decisions but to exchange views and information.”[11] After the dialogue broke down, Dai Qing and a group of eleven other intellectuals notified Yan that they were willing to meet with the students and urge them to stop their hunger strike. When the intellectuals returned from the dialogue, they claimed that the students would listen if the government would compromise first. For Yan, this indicated that the “students are getting greedier, their demands are getting stiffer, and they’re getting less and less unified among themselves.”[12] The intellectuals resumed the discussion, but it again ended without either party reaching a resolution.[12]
On May 16, Yan arrived at Tiananmen Square to advocate an end to the hunger strike. He offered himself as a hostage to demonstrate the sincerity of his belief that all issues would soon be resolved. The students believed his speech to be genuine, but they did not think that the government would truly capitulate.[13] By May 18, Yan had grown tired of the disagreements between the students and the government. At a meeting between Li Peng and the student leaders that day, he stated that the “only issue I am concerned with is that of saving the children who are hunger striking in the Square, who are now in a very weakened state, their lives gravely threatened.”[13] When Zhao was ousted on May 21, Yan lost his major source of political support;[14] on June 23, the Politburo voted to eject him from his government positions.[15] An article from The Asian Wall Street Journal contends that Yan “was criticized as handling the talks badly.”[2] According to Zhang, Yan's speech to students on May 16 also “became a major count against him” when the government began to expel its reform-minded members.[13]
Yan did not reappear in Chinese politics until 1991, when he was named vice minister of Civil Affairs. The promotion occurred almost exactly two years after the June 4 Massacre, but a New York Times article claims that Yan and other recently rehabilitated officials “did not mention their 1989 political disgrace or say why they were given new jobs.”[16] According to Josephine Ma, Yan “lost his political clout” in 1996 and retired from all government work, although he remained involved in charity work and continued to serve as chairman of China's Charity Association.[1] In 2007, Yan became China's chief negotiator with Taiwan for a brief period. While Yan's promotion to vice minister of Civil Affairs indicated that he was “partially rehabilitated,” Ma reports that “observers” regarded his tenure as chief negotiator as “the famous liberal’s full rehabilitation.”[17] Apart from these positions, Yan has maintained a “low profile” since his retirement.[1] In November 2018, former Chinese primer Wen Jiabao visited him in hospital at his 87th birthday.[18]
a b c d e f g Josephine Ma, "Taiwan post marks former aide’s return to the fold", South China Morning Post, October 30, 2007.
a b “Ex-Allies of Purged Leader Zhao Are Assigned New Posts in China,” The Asian Wall Street Journal, June 3, 1991, 22.
^ Lawrence R. Sullivan. “Yan Mingfu,” Historical Dictionary of the Chinese Communist Party (Plymouth: Scarecrow Press, 2012), 293.
^ Rana Mitter, “Complicity, Repression, and Regionalism: Yan Baohang and Centripetal Nationalism, 1931-1949,” Modern China 25.1 (1999): 44.
^ Han Minzhu, “[Parting Words] of a Hunger Striker,” Cries for Democracy: Writings and Speeches from the 1989 Chinese Democracy Movement, ed. Han Minzhu and Hua Sheng (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), 203.
^ Zhang Liang, “Opinions divide in the Politburo,” The Tiananmen Papers, ed. Andrew J. Nathan and Perry Link (New York: Public Affairs, 2002), 136.
^ Zhang, “Opinions divide in the Politburo,” The Tiananmen Papers, 138.
a b Zhang, “Authorizing a liberal press policy,” The Tiananmen Papers, 146-7.
^ Zhang, “Authorizing a liberal press policy,” The Tiananmen Papers, 152.
a b Zhang, “The hunger strike begins,” The Tiananmen Papers, 159.
^ Zhang, “Li Tieying and Yan Mingfu hold dialogue with students,” The Tiananmen Papers, 165.
a b Zhang, “The intellectuals appeal,” The Tiananmen Papers, 165-6.
a b c Han, “Transcript of May 18 meeting between Premier Li Peng and students,” Cries for Democracy, 244.
^ Zhang, “The Conflict Intensifies,” The Tiananmen Papers, 268.
^ Zhang, “The Fourth Plenum of the Thirteenth Central Committee,” The Tiananmen Papers, 438.
^ "Beijing Promotes 3 Officials Who Were Allies of Purged Party Chief", New York Times, June 2, 1991.
^ Josephine Ma, "Top Taiwan negotiator chosen", South China Morning Post, October 30, 2007.
^ "传温家宝医院探望前统战部长阎明复". news.dwnews.com. Retrieved 20 November2018.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MncWkTxVNbs
65 viewsSep 25, 2019
Yan Mingfu, a former Chinese Government Minister, shared a few years ago about the impact of our work in China and the amazing benefits of partnering together to achieve something great.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=weV1gfffXaE
5,587 viewsJul 8, 2018
Even before Nixon became president in 1969 he had expressed a desire to improve American relations with China. The USA had been virtually isolated from China since the Communists came to power in 1949, and Nixon was keen to end these two decades of mutual hostility. While part of his motivation was to contain China’s potential nuclear threat, he also sought to use China to find a way to end the Vietnam War while exploiting the increasingly poor relationship between China and the USSR.
Kissinger was given the delicate task of making contact with the Chinese government and, following the Chinese invitation to the American ping pong team in April 1971, it was clear that China was also interested in improving the relationship. However, without any direct channels of communication between the two countries, Kissinger was forced to use Pakistan as a third party through which the diplomatic visit would be organised.
Kissinger set out on a publicly announced trip to Vietnam, Thailand, India, and Pakistan in early July 1971. At the conclusion of his meetings in Pakistan, it was then announced that Kissinger was ill and would recuperate in a hill station. In reality the motorcade was a decoy, since Kissinger and a small group of advisors had boarded a Pakistani plane to Beijing.
They landed at noon, and spent a total of 49 hours in China. During this time they held a series of talks with the Chinese government that set out the parameters for a visit by President Nixon himself. On 15 July Nixon appeared on television from the Oval Office to announce that he would visit China the following year.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pK-NNi43JjA
20,144 viewsSep 30, 2010
Hillary Clinton has been very vocal in her criticism of former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's foreign policies. Kissinger, who served under President Richard Nixon, was introduced yesterday by Clinton at a conference on Indo-China hosted by the State Department. Will Secretary Clinton learn from the mistakes made by Kissinger from the Vietnam War?
https://www.scmp.com/article/613595/taiwan-post-marks-former-aides-return-fold
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Published: 12:00am, 30 Oct, 2007
The apparent appointment of Yan Mingfu as the top negotiator with Taiwan is an attempt by the leadership not only to reopen formal negotiations with Taiwan, but also to complete the rehabilitation of Mr Yan, the former aide of ousted party chief Zhao Ziyang .
Mr Yan, 76, has worked closely with Premier Wen Jiabao in the past.
He became secretary of the Secretariat of the Communist Party Central Committee in 1987 - the year Mr Wen, then director of the party's General Office, became an alternate member of the Secretariat.
Mr Yan, who headed the United Work Department from 1985 to 1990 and was a dominant figure in handling Tibetan affairs at that time, was also crucial in supporting the appointment of President Hu Jintao , a protege of former party chief Hu Yaobang , as the party boss in Tibet in 1988.
He maintained a cosy relationship with the previous Panchen Lama and has been working closely with Mr Hu and Mr Wen in handling Tibetan affairs.
One example was when Mr Yan and Mr Wen took a medical assistance team from Lhasa to Xigaze when the Panchen Lama was in critical condition in January 1989, sources said.
Landing at Xigaze was dangerous because of bad weather, and Mr Wen and Mr Yan took separate helicopters so that if one crashed, the other could still carry out the mission, a source quoted Mr Yan as saying.
Such experiences and the few years working with Mr Wen made Mr Yan a trusted figure for the Hu-Wen leadership and the top choice to replace Wang Daohan , the president of the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait who died in 2005.
Mr Yan is the son of the party's first head of the United Front Work Department, Yan Baohang, and his family members have had extensive links with former Kuomintang officials, including the late 'Young Marshal', Chang Hsueh-liang.
Mr Yan went to Hawaii to visit Mr Chang three times, and his family still maintains solid links with politicians and businessmen in Taiwan, sources said.
Mr Yan, a famous liberal, was forced to step down from the Secretariat and government posts because of his sympathy with the students during the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989. He was only partially rehabilitated when appointed vice-minister of civil affairs two years later.
He lost his political clout and retired from the government when he reached 65.
Reports said former president Jiang Zemin had once suggested to Mr Yan that he play a bigger role in Taiwan affairs, but Mr Yan, wanting to stay away from mainstream politics, declined the offer.
Mr Yan has been involved in charity work since retiring and has served as chairman of China's Charity Association. He has kept a low profile.
The full rehabilitation of Mr Yan could also be seen as a subtle message from the Hu-Wen leadership to those involved in the Tiananmen Square crackdown, an observer said.
Although any reversal of history's verdict of the crackdown would not be possible during Mr Hu's tenure, the appointment of Mr Yan to a crucial honorary post would be seen as a subtle reconciliatory message.
Yan Mingfu's career
1931 Born in Liaoning province
1949 Graduated from Harbin Foreign Language College
1967-76 Persecuted and jailed during the Cultural Revolution
1985-90 Head of Communist Party's United Front Work Department
1987 Secretary of the secretariat of the party's Central Committee and member of the 13th party Central Committee
1988-90 Vice-Chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference
1989 Deposed as secretary of the Central Committee secretariat for alleged 'improper behaviour'
1991 Vice-Minister of Civil Affairs
1998 President of the China Charity Federation
2005 Attended former party general secretary Zhao Ziyang's funeral
2007 A strong supporter of pro-democracy magazine Yanhuang Chunqiu
http://www.china.org.cn/china/parade/2015-08/26/content_36421580.htm
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Editor's note: Yan Baohang was one of China's most effective wartime intelligence agents and a trusted adviser to the Nationalist government, despite being a covert Communist. Today, this secretive man is remembered for an intervention that helped to bring Japan's occupation of China to an end.
Yan Baohang (first from right) accompanies then premier Zhou Enlai at a meeting with foreign guests in 1955. Photo Provided to China Daily
As a child, Yan Mingguang regarded her father as a caring, uncomplicated man. "He would ride me to school on his bike and give me a goodbye kiss on the forehead when he left me at the dormitory. Once, I discovered a pair of nail scissors under my pillow. Dad had left them there because he wanted me to keep my fingernails short and clean," she said.
It was only when her father, Yan Baohang, died in 1968 that she discovered he had been a senior intelligence agent and had played a crucial role in alerting the Soviet Union to an impending invasion by the Third Reich in June 1941, just weeks before the Nazi troops were mobilized.
According to Guan Dingyi, secretary-general of the Yan Baohang Public Philanthropic Foundation in Shanghai, Yan acquired the information when he attended a banquet held by the Chinese Nationalist government to welcome a visiting Germany envoy.
"One got a deeper perspective on the intricate and ever-changing international relationships during the war, and understood what was really happening," Guan said.
"Turn the clock back to June 1941: Germany was flexing its military muscles and the United States had yet to become involved in the war. Chiang Kai-shek, the leader of China's Nationalists, was trying to maneuver through an increasingly complicated political landscape in the hope of making gains by forming the right alliances," he said.
According to Guan, Chiang had always been an admirer of the German military, and as headmaster of China's first military school, the Whampoa Military Academy, he purchased German-made weapons and invited several Germans to join the teaching staff.
By mid-1941, China was already four years into its war with Japan. Chiang saw the Germans as a potential mediating force, despite their having sided with the occupiers. "That was partly because Germany would want Japan to fight alongside her against the Russians," Guan said. "Gui Yongqing, China's military attache to Germany, was informed of the decision to attack the Soviet Union by his German hosts sometime in late May, and alerted the Nationalist government.
"Why would they attack? My guess is that Hitler was trying to simultaneously coax and coerce Chiang into cooperating with him. 'The Russians will soon be finished, so come and join us', is effectively what he was saying. Judging by Chiang's reaction, he was betting on the Germans," Guan said.
Yan was invited to the banquet because he was an adviser to the Nationalist government, but also a favorite of Chiang's wife, Soong May-ling. "My father said it was a very lively party and people were toasting as if celebrating a victory," Yan Mingguang, now 88, said.
"A Nationalist veteran approached my father and told him, quite casually, about the German plan. Deeply shocked, my father sought confirmation from a guest who was close to Chiang. The answer was affirmative."
Yan, who had secretly joined the Communist Party of China in 1937, wasted no time in reporting to his superiors in Yan'an, where the CPC was headquartered, and the news was passed on to Moscow.
On June 22, 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union. Eight days later, Stalin telegraphed Yan'an, to thank Yan "for his accurate information that prompted us to prepare for what's to come".
In 1995, on the 50th anniversary of the end of World War II, Yan was awarded a posthumous medal by a representative of then-Russian president Boris Yeltsin.
Early years
Born into a poor peasant family in Liaoning province in 1895, Yan earned the right to an education by standing outside the classroom window until a teacher took pity on him. In 1918, almost immediately after graduation from the local normal college, Yan opened a charity school for children from similar backgrounds to his own. He also became a member of the Young Men's Christian Association, where he met Zhang Xueliang, the son of Zhang Zuolin, who was known as the "Warlord of the Northeast".
"Founded in London in 1844, the YMCA was a global organization. It was introduced to China by an American Dane at the end of the 19th century. What it gave to Yan was not just religion, but a new way of living and a new way of thinking," Guan said.
From 1927 to 1929, Yan, sponsored by Zhang Xueliang, studied at the University of Edinburgh and toured Europe. By the time he returned to China, the political situation had changed dramatically. Zhang Zuolin had been killed by the Japanese, who saw him as an obstacle to their ambitions in China, and Zhang Xueliang had declared his allegiance to the Nationalist government.
"Yan came back to help Zhang and do his duty for the country," Guan said. "In around 1934, Zhang introduced Yan to Chiang Kai-shek and his wife Madame Soong. Yan impressed the couple, and was soon invited to take a government post.
The 'Xi'an incident'
On Dec 12, 1936, Zhang, who had become disenchanted with Chiang's military strategy, gave orders for his superior to be kidnapped and detained in Xi'an, Shaanxi province. "Before that, Chiang had deployed a sizable part of the Nationalist army to wipe out the Communists, whom he saw as a threat. By detaining Chiang, Zhang hoped to force Chiang to cooperate with the communists. After being held for several days, Chiang agreed to the formation of a united front against the Japanese, and was released.
"Upon Chiang's release, Zhang accompanied him on a flight from Xi'an to Nanjing, the Nationalist capital at the time, and was immediately placed under house arrest," Guan said.
According to a memoir Yan wrote in 1962, Madame Soong and her brother, T.V. Soong, a prominent politician, invited him to a meeting three days after Chiang's return. They asked Yan to negotiate the release of a number of top-level Nationalist officials and 50 US planes that were under the control of Zhang's generals in Xi'an, in exchange for Zhang's eventual freedom. Yan brokered the deal, and the men and the planes were soon back in Nanjing. Zhang, however, remained under house arrest for half a century, first on the mainland and then Taiwan.
"My father felt cheated. In the first few years after the 'Xi'an Incident', he tried everything to gain Zhang's freedom, but in vain," Yan Mingguang said.
Yan and Zhang met for the last time in February 1937, and in September Yan joined the CPC and was tasked with collecting intelligence.
By the summer of 1945, Japan was the last Axis country still fighting, despite its hopeless situation.
"But Japan still had one trump card - the 1.2-million-strong 'Kwantung Army', stationed in Northeastern China and seen as its mightiest force. It was at full strength and was expected to guard this last piece of ground 'for the Emperor', just in case the Japanese mainland fell," Guan said.
"The Americans hoped that the Soviets would attack and eliminate this giant army, but mindful of the powerful response it might unleash, Stalin hesitated. That's when Yan's crucial piece of information arrived," he added.
The Soviet Communist Party had asked the CPC for assistance, and Yan learned that Nationalist intelligence agents had detailed information about the army's deployment and defensive plans.
"An old friend of Yan's happened to be the brother-in-law of the Nationalist official in charge of the classified files. After much persuasion, the official agreed to 'lend' the files to Yan, for three days," Guan said. "It didn't take long for the information, which even included the names of low-level Japanese commanders, to reach the Soviets, who launched an attack on Aug 8, 1945. The move sealed Japan's fate, and the country surrendered on Aug 15.
"For my father, a Northeast native, that triumph, coming 14 years after my family left home during the Japanese invasion, was highly emotional," said Yan Mingfu, the younger brother of Yan Mingguang. "I remember riding on my father's shoulders during a demonstration against the invaders in Wuhan in 1938. I was about 7 at the time."
Life on the move
"The family was constantly on the move, but even though we were far from home, my parents provided a new home for those in need," Yan Mingguang said. "Our two-story house in Chongqing was always full of people. My brother and I quickly got used to being woken in the middle of the night to make room for a newcomer, who might be a disabled ex-soldier in need of food and shelter.
"One time, my mother opened the door to a man who begged for money to buy penicillin for his dying daughter, so she gave him her gold ring," she said. "And of course there were also fellow communists, my father's dearest comrades. They were hidden on the second floor or in the attic above. The Nationalists had strong suspicions that father was a communist, but thanks to his alertness and the relationships he'd cultivated with those in power, those suspicions never came to anything."
After WWII, a civil war erupted between the Communists and the Nationalists, and Yan was at last allowed to reveal his true political leanings. When the People's Republic of China was founded on Oct 1, 1949, he was appointed to a number of posts, including that of deputy chief of staff at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
The bitter end
That prominence came to an abrupt end with the "cultural revolution" (1966-76). "My father was taken from home one night in November 1967. He died in prison on May 22, 1968 - although I only learned the actual date much later," said Yan Mingfu. "There's no name on my father's death certificate, just a serial number. My mother passed away in 1971, still not knowing what had happened to her husband."
In 1978, a year after the end of the "cultural revolution", Yan was rectified by the Chinese government.
"My father was finally laid to rest," said Yan Mingfu, who served as director of the United Front Work Department of the CPC Central Committee from 1983 to 1990, and worked to improve the tense relationship between the Chinese mainland and Taiwan.
In 1991, Yan Mingguang traveled to Hawaii to visit the 90-year-old Zhang Xueliang, who had been released from house arrest a year earlier.
"I told him what had happened to my father. Deeply saddened, Zhang, who had been the chief donor to the school my father founded in the northeast, proposed setting up a charity in my father's name. The Yan Baohang Public Philanthropic Foundation has existed for 24 years, and I am the honorary president and CEO," she said.
Reflecting on her father's life, Yan Mingguang said he had been a patriot first and foremost. "Throughout his life, my father searched for a truth that would bring prosperity to China. He fell under the influence of Christianity, which drew him close to Madame Soong, but he also looked into Buddhism and Taoism with great enthusiasm. Finally, Communism changed his life.
"People saw my father as a man of immense social grace, and for me his charm came from his passionate, sympathetic heart," she said.
"Back in 1967, sensing his imminent arrest, my father told me about his intelligence work during the war for the first time," she said. "He told me: 'Always remember, you father is a good man'."