The Great Scottish Witch Hunt of 1661-1662 and the Trial of Isobel Duff 

By Caryn Leigh

These judges were generally more lenient in the treatment and persecution of accused witches (Levack, 91). Procedures such as torture were not allowed in English courts for the interrogation of accused witches and certain Scottish beliefs, such as witches making pacts with the Devil and worshipping him in nocturnal gatherings, were not accepted by the English (Levack, 92). The Protectorate ended on May 6, 1659 and the assumption by many historians is that the reinstatement of the Scottish monarch and Privy Council resulted in much more scrutiny in cases of witchcraft (Levack, 93-94). However, the evidence of suspected witches who were able to avoid trials during the Protectorate who were then tried during the Great Hunt is very fragmented making it difficult to gauge how quickly the Scottish courts went back to their traditional persecutions (Levack, 94). Additionally, kirk sessions and presbyteries, which acted as religious courts in certain jurisdictions, acted with both scrutiny and leniency, again, making it difficult to blame these ministers and clergy men for inciting the Great Hunt. Even if they had been driving the hunts, the secular courts had more of a claim to trials of witchcraft. The secular government started to become more involved in the Great Hunt after the issuing of a petition by the Earl of Haddington in April 1661 (Levack, 97). This petition contained key information about the societal fears of witchcraft at the time that adds to the understanding of the Hunt. Maleficia, or acts of black magic or sorcery, as well as any kind of harmful deed was used to prove accused people were guilty. Along with these deeds, Haddington was also very concerned that the people committing maleficia were also confessing to making pacts with the Devil and constituting a conspiracy with him to subvert Christianity (Levack, 98). 

Who Were the Accused?

Now, the type of people who were most often accused of witchcraft during the Great Hunt also varied, however, there were still some key characteristics that stood out despite the ambiguity of the Hunt in general. Most accused were women, 84%, they may be midwives, healers, old eccentric widows, or young and promiscuous women (Levack, 100). Another characteristic was that many of the accused witches had instances of anger involved in their cases. This is due to the fact that most available information about accused witches includes the fact that the accused was often poor leading to anger driven incidents that often had economic origins (Levack, 101). Many of the accused conformed to the stereotype of the “old, poor female who aroused suspicion, fear, and discomfort among her neighbors” which is an interesting detail but not conducive with every case (Levack, 102). Throughout 1661, many accused witches were found guilty and were persecuted. By 1662, a “crisis of confidence” began when judiciary judges started to become skeptical of the truthfulness of the confessions made by the accused and the validity of the other accusations made by the witches. Despite this rising skepticism and fizzling out of judicial activity, the news of the executions in the capital, Edinburgh, led to a sense of alarm within the ruling elite leading the privy council to issue more commissions to try suspected witches in the first half of 1662 (Levack, 104-105). 

The Trial of Isobel Duff and Alignment with the Great Hunt

Isobel Duff’s case took place in the latter half of the Great Hunt when the Privy Council commissioned a judicial panel to Inverness to try accused witches. Her case is preserved in Inverness’s manuscript birth court books. It is important to note here that most witch hunting was disproportionately centered on a few towns such as Musselburgh and Dalkeith which were within the council areas of Midlothian and East Lothian. These areas were all within close proximity with Edinburgh which was where trials took place after being approved by the judicial commission (Kennedy, 111). However, Inverness was in the Highlands, far from Edinburgh so trials of the accused in these areas were held in the locality itself with a panel of luminaries. This was the supposed trial setting of Isobel Duff. Duff’s rare trial records reveal a lot about the local witchcraft commissions that were used at this time in Scotland. From the name of the commissioners trying Duff on the documents to her written indictment, the procedure used in trying Duff seemed to be standard with the practices of the high court, although being a bit more lenient, despite being in a local court (Kennedy, 112-114). Since the trial proceedings aligned with the high courts that would have been in Edinburgh, it appears as though the privy council held significant power even in local courts. 

Besides the legal procedures involved in her trial, Duff’s case also aligns with the underlying belief systems that contributed to the Great Hunt. Duff confessed to being seduced by the Devil who took the form of an English soldier named “Tailiour,” although she didn’t know he was the Devil until after she had made the demonic pact with him (Kennedy, 114). She had already been having relations with this soldier which was unique to her case but not to the lives of Invernessians who had English soldiers stationed in their area. Duff’s demonic pact was established through copulation with the Devil and the witch’s mark bestowed on Duff’s shoulder. This idea of the witch’s mark was also very common in Scotland. These marks confirmed the suspicions of the community and were discovered through pricking the suspect to see if the mark was free of pain and bleeding (Levack, 99). It is not stated in Duff’s case if she was pricked or not only that the mark was found in her body. Most of the suspicion in her case came from her sexual deviance which was strangely emphasized in her indictment. Duff’s indictment further strengthens the Scottish fear of maleficia as it includes details of the harmful magic she performed with the help of the Devil. She was charged with causing the deaths of several neighbors as well as causing another to lose all his sheep to drowning. Another detail about her magic is that she used magical healing to cure a boy of his whooping cough by transferring the health of another boy to him, causing the other to die (Kennedy, 116). These maleficent actions brought great discomfort among community members and added to the fear of the threat of witchcraft in Scotland. Lastly, Duff’s indictment included instances of verbal violence in which she repeatedly took part in “disorderly speech” specifically towards men (Kennedy, 117). This alludes to the role of anger that was present in many of the cases of accused witches in Scotland. Isobel Duff was convicted of committing all of her confessed crimes and was sentenced to death. 

Conclusion 

The Great Scottish Witch Hunt of 1661-1662 was one of the worst Scotland had ever had. Anything from the Restoration of the Scottish monarchy to the growing concern of maleficia and gendered stereotypes could account for the Great Hunt, but it’s most accurate to say that it was caused by a whole mixture of political, social, and economic factors. The trial of Isobel Duff, while outside of the most common regions of persecution, shows examples of the procedures used throughout Scottish courts as well as how the belief systems of the time contributed to the persecution of accused witches during the Great Hunt.

The Trial of Bridget Bishop

By Lisi B.

Bridget Bishop was the first person to be executed in the Salem Witch Trials. Born in 1632 and killed in June of 1692, Bishop’s trial was recorded by multiple eyewitnesses and serves as a primary example of court proceedings involving the occult in Salem Village [1].

The following summary comprises the recorded and transcribed accounts of Salem Minster Samuel Parris and Salem schoolmaster Ezekiel Cheever, who were present at the Salem Village trial. The University of Virginia Library compiled these accounts as a part of the Salem Witch Trials Documentary Archive. These examinations allow us to understand how the town of Salem tried a person for witchcraft. This summary will examine the questions asked in the courtroom on April 19th, 1692.

 The trial began with a formal accusation by the court and a verbal understanding of the charges brought: “Bridget Bishop, You are now brought before Authority to give acc'o of what witchcrafts you are conversant in.” Bridget Bishop looks around the courtroom and responds,  “I take all this people to witness that I am clear” [2]. Four women, Elizabeth Hubbard, Ann Putman, Abigail Williams, & Mercy Lewes, were brought forth by the court as afflicted victims of supposed witchcraft. The women affirmed that Bridget Bishop was the witch they were afflicted by. Bridget Bishop rejected these claims, declaring she had never seen the women before this day. Bridget Bishop’s rejection of the charges and shaking of her head lead the four women into hysterics [2]. Bridget Bishop was asked what contracts she made with the devil, to which she responded, “I have made no contract with the devil, I never saw him in my life.” Cheever recorded that An Putnam, one of the allegedly afflicted, “sayeth that shee calls the devill her God.” Several more charges were made against her, one of which by Mercy Lewis, who asked, “Oh goode Bishop did you not come to our house the Last night and did you not tell me that your master made you tell more then you were willing to tell” to which Bridget Bishop denies this [3]. In these statements, Bishop is accused of consorting and making a contract with the devil, as well as speaking of her relationship with the devil, whom she calls her master. 

Mr. Harthon then asks Bridget Bishop several times how these charges can be brought forward if they are false and if she will finally tell the truth. Cheever records that Harthorn asks Bridget Bishop, “who is it that doth it if you doe not they say it is your likenes that comes and torments them and tempts them to write in the booke what Booke is that you tempt them with.” Again, she declares her innocence, saying, “I know nothing of it I am innocent” [3]. Here, Harthon is asking what book the Bishop tempted the afflicted to write in but also offers Bishop the route of accusing another person of witchcraft. Still, she does not falter under her testimony. 

Mr. Harthon asks Bridget Bishop several more questions. These questions include whether she has given consent to an evil spirit to use her likeness in witchcraft, whether she has the heart to confess her witchcraft while seeing the afflicted tormented, and what she says to these accusations of witchcraft. Bishop, time and time again, declares that she is not guilty of witchcraft and knows not what a witch is [3]. 

The accounts of Bridget Bishop's trial offer substantial information on court proceedings involving witchcraft in Salem Village. Although the proceedings and accusations might appear strange to the modern reader—as the trial consists predominantly of verbal accusations and very little physical proof —it serves as an example of a trial where the accused could not defend themselves. Ultimately, Bridget Bishop was convicted of the crime of witchcraft by the Salem Court on several accounts and executed on June 10th, 1692, where she was hung by the neck [4]. 

The Basque Witch Trials: 1609-1614

By Sam Milberg & Graham Ross

The Bamberg Witch Trials: 1620s-1631

By Sam Milberg & Graham Ross

The Bamberg witch trials were one of the largest hunts that involved the persecution of men, women, and children. Bamberg is located in modern-day central Germany. The history of the witch hunts in Bamberg begins with Bamberg ruler Prince-Bishop Gottfried Fornheim.[2] Subjects who were accused of practicing witchcraft were subjected to torture until they died or confessed. Bamberg is known for having an overwhelming conviction rate that would happen in a time period within days.[3] The hunts peaked during the reigns of Johann Gottfried von Aschhausen (1609-1622) and Johann Georg Fuchs von Dornheim (1623-1633). The local government was petitioned, asking for answers to why there was so much frost destroying their crops.[4] During the early modern period, the climate in the region was not favorable for crop growth. As per usual, farmers wanted something, or in this case, someone to blame for the poor conditions, so individuals were accused of performing witchcraft to disturb the environment.

Who Is Tituba?: Indigenous Identity and the Salem Witch Trials

By Cat Mooney

Tituba was an enslaved woman who was one of the persons to be accused of witchcraft in during the 1692 Salem Witch Trials. While much of her life outside of Salem is unknown, Tituba played a large role in the mass hysteria of the Witch Trials. What we do know about Tituba’s background is that she was an indigenous South American woman, who was most likely kidnapped from her tribe and taken to Barbados to be sold as a slave.[1] During her time in Barbados, Tituba was enslaved and most likely worked on a plantation.[2] It is during this time, Tituba later claimed, that her “mistress” had taught her about witchcraft and “techniques of divination.”[3]  It is hard to know whether this claim is true, due to the fact that Tituba made this statement under duress while on trial in Salem. However, it is possible Tituba did come across what would be considered witchcraft by Puritans while enslaved in Barbados.

Tituba was taken by Samuel Parris from Barbados to Massachusetts in 1680.[4] Upon her arrival to Boston, Tituba found herself in a very different environment from what she had known in Barbados. Not only was Massachusetts physically quite different, the laws and regulations regarding enslaved people in Massachusetts were very different as well. Tituba found herself experiencing new aspects of enslaved life such as sleeping in the house with her master, having adequate clothing and food, and, most importantly, the ability to “participate fully” and testify in court.[5] With her new life in Massachusetts, Tituba was able to adapt to and understand Puritan beliefs and behaviors. It was not until 1688 that Samuel Parris took Tituba, along with his family and other slaves, to move to Salem Village.[6]

While working in the Parris household, Tituba was responsible for cooking, cleaning and taking care of the children.[7] Therefore, Tituba spent a significant amount of time with the Parris children, and she was a familiar figure to the children. In late 1691 and into 1692, Samuel Parris’ daughter and niece began to play “fortune telling” games, which were not widely accepted by their Puritan community.[8] It was not long after these games that girls in Salem Village began to experience bizarre physical symptoms such as mysterious pains, trouble breathing and hallucinations.[9] What caused these symptoms was unknown, but the villagers began to develop great concern for the affected girls, including Tituba.

It was at this time that Tituba involved herself in the mysterious happenings in Salem Village. Along with a neighbor of the Parris family and Tituba’s husband John, Tituba made a cake of “rye meal” which she then baked “in the ashes” in order to ease the pain of the Parris girls.[10] After this incident, Tituba became the blame for witchcraft in Salem. Because of her involvement in the cake ritual, and her indigenous ethnicity, Tituba was an easy target for accusations for witchcraft.[11] Soon after being accused and arrested for witchcraft, Tituba confessed to her accusations, as well as implicated others in the crime of witchcraft.[12] Tituba leaned into the Puritan’s fears of witchcraft and told elaborate stories of maleficium happening in and around Salem, which only led to more panic and accusations in the village.

After her confession and detailed stories of witchcraft in Massachusetts, Tituba was taken to jail in Boston.[13] Tituba remained in jail until the end of the trials in Salem, and was eventually released and sold for the price of her jail fees.[14] While in the Boston jail, Tituba was interviewed by Robert Calef, to whom she admitted that she was “abused” by her master.[15] Tituba claimed in this interview that Samuel Parris had beat and abused her in order to force her to confess to witchcraft and name other “sister-witches” she conspired with.[16] While Tituba’s story highlights the fear and concern surrounding witchcraft in Salem, she also represents the paranoia surrounding indigenous people, and the use of scapegoats in small communities. Her own involvement as an accused witch in Salem speaks not only to the deep Puritan fear of the occult, but also to the distrust of those who were not part of the white, Christian community.

During the Renaissance, people thought that the planets influenced both day-to-day life and the type of person that you were. The influence of astrology was fading with more philosophers, mathematicians, religious groups, and astronomers speaking out to denounce astrology. In favor of more enlightenment ideology. In many instances astrology was linked with witchcraft due to the use of talismans, gaining information from the stars or higher powers, and since both were not in line with traditional religious ideals. There were many significant works that both condemned astrology mostly with religious principles and works that defended astrology which helped frame how astrology was seen within the age with its connection to witchcraft.

Astrology could explain aspects of people’s lives that they did not have the answer to by giving them a framework to see events through. An example of a natural event that may involve an astrologer is the spread of a deadly disease. When this kind of event occurs, astrologers may say that it is due to the moon being in Mars and that the disease will leave once the moon leaves that cycle. Additionally, there were different handbooks to teach about astrological practices/magic. The most popular was Picatrix or The Goal of the Wise. The Picatrix defines magic as everything that captures the mind and soul by means of words or deeds. If you do a talisman in the wrong manner saying that there needs to be life in a body, talismans made in the wrong manner or for the wrong purpose are not compatible with spirits on other planes. During this time astrology was starting to be seen as a form of magic instead of a legitimate science.

Although astrology was tolerated at the time as the Enlightenment became increasingly popular, the belief in astrology started to decline and more criticisms started to form around the practice.  There was the Condemnation of 1277,  where 219 propositions were put forward in order to forbid astrology as a prognostic tool. This stated that astrology was not a medically sound way to determine why a person was suffering from an illness, although it had been seen as legitimate before. Later in 1484 Pope Innocent the Eighth instructed the Inquisition to eradicate witchcraft.  Stating that it was the inquisition’s duty to rid themselves of all hindrances, and to deal out penalties as they deemed fit for the harassment. 

One of the most prominent voices criticizing astrology during the Renaissance was Giovanni Pico della Mirandola. He composed many works, but his most famous was the Oration on Human Dignity where he criticizes both witchcraft and astrology.  His criticisms of astrology are that the opinions of astrologers differ from location to location and that there are no set rules to adhere to when making predictions. Pico describes astrology as the fraud of all frauds that corrupt morality and weaken religion. The author splits magic into two different doctrines one natural and one demonic. He argues that the natural forms of magic are driven by God, for incident miracles would be a natural form of magic since the origin is presumed to be from God, not a different higher being. His main criticism of demonic magic is that it brings people further from religion into the belief of a spiritual or more pagan type of higher power.

There was growing concern around the legitimacy of astrological practices and astrology gained stronger ties to witchcraft. Especially since the growth of new ideas around science as a field such as astronomy, astrology became more associated with occult practices. Even though there were many criticisms of astrology many astrologers responded to these criticisms one of the biggest defenses of astrology at the time was The Mirror of Astrology. The main issue against astrology was that natural philosophy and learned magic were secretly demonic necromancy. The Mirror of Astrology was written to try and dispute the claim that magic and astrology in general were secretly demonic. One of the arguments that is made is that God transmits his celestial energy through the upper spheres down to the sublunar realm. The Mirror of  Astrology attempted to appease religious groups by associating parts of astrology with typical religion to make it seem more valid to those who opposed astrology.

The Look/ Paintings of Witchcraft–Fashion

By Camiah Small

Celtic Witchcraft

Witchcraft in the Emerald Isle: A Brief Unraveling in the Historiography
of Irish Occult Practices
By Emily Doles

Irish witchcraft, a subject often overlooked by modern writers, has an intriguing history that diverges from the more widely studied cases in England, Scotland, and continental Europe. The belief in witchcraft did reach Ireland in the 17th century, though not to the extent observed in neighboring regions. The historical division between the Celtic and English elements in Ireland, exacerbated by the Anglo-Norman invasion and further accentuated by the spread of the Reformation, played a crucial role in shaping the trajectory of witchcraft in the country. The Anglo-Norman portion of Ireland, having more similarities with England, experienced the development of witchcraft along lines comparable to those in England and continental Europe. In contrast, the Celtic element maintained its own superstitious beliefs, which did not evolve significantly in the direction of witchcraft. The differences in how the two elements approached the unseen and supernatural influenced the manifestation of witchcraft in Ireland.

One key factor contributing to Ireland's "comparative freedom", as mentioned by St. John D Seymour, from the widespread witch trials seen in other parts of Europe was its geographical and cultural isolation. The Emerald Isle, often called the "Gem of the Western World," lay on the verge of the ocean, distant from the influences that deeply affected popular thought in other countries (Seymour pg 11). This isolation, both geographical and cultural, prevented Ireland from assimilating to the conception of witchcraft in medieval Europe. The Anglo-Norman invaders were crucial in preventing the growth and spread of witchcraft in Celtic Ireland. When they arrived, the native Celts did not possess a predisposition toward accepting the view of witches as Satanic followers, in contrast to the beliefs in England and greater Europe. The invader's influence and the historical divergence of Irish civilization from the Roman Empire's religious influence helped shape a unique trajectory for witchcraft in Ireland. Despite the presence of witchcraft in Ireland, the lack of evidence of witchcraft literature being published in the country until the early 19th century hindered its growth and spread throughout the region. Unlike England and Scotland, Ireland did not produce books on witchcraft, which could have contributed to the spread of the belief. The absence of this form of literature in Ireland served as a significant barrier to the advancement of witchcraft beliefs, limiting their impact on the population.

The 17th century stands out as a significant period in Irish witchcraft, notably marked by the trial of Florence Newton in 1661. Despite its historical importance, this trial received little widespread attention or commemoration from Irish writers. Instead, insights into Irish witchcraft predominantly originate from incidental references found in publications outside the country, underscoring the need for more documentation and historical records available. In recent years, scholars such as Raymond Gillespie and Andrew Sneddon have undertaken in-depth examinations of Irish witchcraft, shedding light on its unique characteristics. Sneddon's extensive research spans a broad chronological spectrum, investigating witchcraft beliefs from the late medieval period to the 20th century. His methodology involves meticulous scrutiny of diverse primary sources, including church records, private correspondence, depositions, newspapers, and folklore, offering a thorough and nuanced comprehension of the subject.

The exploration of Irish witchcraft uncovers a distinct narrative influenced by historical, cultural, and geographical factors. Although the belief in witchcraft did exist in Ireland, its impact was shaped by the country's specific circumstances, such as its division between Celtic and English elements, geographical isolation, and the influence of Anglo-Norman invaders. The absence of substantial witchcraft literature in Ireland and the need for more documentation further complicate efforts to grasp the complete extent of witchcraft beliefs in the country. Scholars like Andrew Sneddon have made notable progress in unraveling this intricate history, underscoring the necessity for a nuanced and comparative approach to studying Irish witchcraft within the broader context of European beliefs and practices.

How did increasing scholarship influence opinions on witchcraft within Europe?
By Brandon Cox 

The Renaissance period (1450-1650) sparked a period of change throughout Europe. A couple of things that resulted during this rebirth was the increasing spread of literacy and scholarship. New to the period, the printing press allowed for easier circulation of information. This includes common literature, religious texts, and witchcraft texts. The Great Schism which also occurred during the period, created a sense of instability within the Catholic Church. The Church lost a lot of monetary streams as well as an abundance of respect and political power. As a result, this led Catholics to have increasing concerns with the rise of other religions. While they targeted protestants, Jews, and pagans. They also expressed increasing concerns with the rise of witchcraft, which many viewed as satanism. An increase in scholarship allowed for there to be a scholarly conversation, mostly between secular figures. As they were the most educated scholars at the time. These increasing conversations allowed them to agree with and rebuttal each other's perspectives on witchcraft through their individual works. Many of the texts started to shift into portraying witchcraft and magic very negatively. Providing specific examples of how witches operate and explaining why they are a danger to the community and Christianity. 

Before the Scientific Revolution occurred (1543-1687) many people looked to the Catholic Church to explain some of the world's unpredictable mysteries. This includes disease, sudden death, droughts, or any harm against children. The Church attributed these works to the devil to answer these highly sought-after questions. The church believed that witches were willing disciples of the devil. A resounding support for anti-witch scholarship combined with increased literacy rates across the continent allowed for the spread of these ideas. This new perspective of magic struck fear in many citizens due to the specific and convincing nature of these works. According to the Spanish Inquisition:

“The devil had sex with the queen and then with all the adult witches, both male and female, either “naturally” or “like a sodomite.” Afterwards, the witches had intercourse with each other without regard for biological sex. These details undoubtedly shocked the audience at the auto de fe.” (Homza 26)

This is just one of many specific examples that describe the rituals of someone who practices witchcraft. The vehement contrast in values went against Catholic beliefs. Because of the period, the sexual nature described frightened many traditional Catholics in terms of sexual morality. Added that they are accused of committing these acts with satan; it's easy to see from our historical perspective why people went crazy in search of witches. This fear led to an increase in many witch trials due to people wanting to protect their families and communities. Catholic scholarship provided more support for the condemnation of witches by comparing witchcraft to Catholicism. 

If God created the earth, the Devil and his witches attacked that creation by destroying crops, trees, animals, and even children. If God wanted salvation for men and women, the Devil hoped instead to lead them to hell, and he sent his witches to lure innocents into his diabolical sect. If Catholic Christianity urged believers to abstain from food, sex, and sin, the Devil’s flock indulged in all three. (Homza 27)

Witchcraft was portrayed as the complete opposite of Catholicism. Which was the dominant religion during the period essentially the consensus moral code within many parts of Europe. This demonization of witchcraft and magic caused people to seek out and accuse suspicious members of their communities due to the fear of satan infesting their community. By holding witch trials and prosecuting those condemned, people truly believed that they were expelling a demon from their community. 

New forms Scholarship provided a Catholic perspective on witchcraft. This perspective framed witches as disciples of the devil who carry his work out on Earth. This perspective paired with the horribly specific details of what magicians do created a sense of fear amongst common people. This fear then drove communities to seek out magicians to persecute because they were viewed as such a threat. As a result thousands of people were sent to trial and punished as a result of these beliefs. 

Over the years, the media has instilled fear into people in regards to nature with the usage of movies such as The Witch or even Midsommar. This portrayal of nature is derived from Western ideologies where it is often associated with terms such as wild or uncivilized. We can see this in colonialism where colonizers often had the idea that they were ‘saving’ native people from their savage ways. In Latin America, medicinal herbs have been used for centuries for curing and healing purposes. However, when Latin America began being colonized, natives to the land were unable to certain herbs because it was believed to be associated with evil and malice.1 Since herbs were prohibited, many would use these plants secretly, but if caught, there were Inquisition trials against users such as the instance of Maria.2 In modern day Latin America, there has been an increase in urbanization meaning that there is less room for residents to cultivate their own herbs. However, residents in low-income communities are still practicing agriculture in their own backyards.3  Along with vegetables and fruits, they also grow medicinal herbs for their own personal consumption. This has been shown to improve the nutritional health of low-income households as well as improving food security.4 

Scroll down below to learn more about modern and past usage of medicinal herbs.

Medicinal Plants Used In Modern Day Latin America

Native plant species are important contributors to low-income, urban communities in Latin America.5 A group of scientists and professionals analyzed six different Latin American cities including: Ciudad de México, Lima, Santiago, Belem, Havana, and San Jose. In each of these locations, the multidisciplinary professionals analyzed the locations biodiversity, the use of European plant species, and the use of traditional medicine using herbs.6 With increases in the human population, there is an increase in urbanization along with more travels across nations. This means that there are more illnesses being spread and less space for agricultural communities to thrive.7 The professionals gathered information from interviews and conversations with locals. They were able to realize that many residents tend to their own gardens in their backyard which consists of vegetables, fruits, and medicinal plants.8 These residents tended to be located in low-income communities where many face food insecurity.9 All the herbs shown down below are plants that can be easily grown in your back or front yard. Over time as residents gained confidence in their agricultural practices, they began selling to others which has been able to help them generate more income.10 

Medicinal Plants Used in 17th Century New Spain

A Look At Love Magic in the Early Modern Caribbean

By Emily Fox

The use of love magic and its subsequent characterization within a European setting has been previously examined on this website (see “A Look at Love Magic” under “16th century”). This piece examined the role that gender played in the use of love magic and the accusation of the practicer thereof within certain European cases. However, Europe is not the only place in which love magic has been practiced. The Caribbean, as well as other regions, have had instances where love magic has played a prevalent role in court cases and the spreading of witchcraft accusations. Being able to examine love magic outside of the European context will give a greater understanding of how people throughout the world interpreted, used, and in some cases feared love magic. In the case of the Caribbean, the viewpoints surrounding love magic are seen through the lens of colonizers due to the lack of additional and will be handled in such a way that acknowledges this discretion and makes note that this characterization of love magic is mainly being done by the colonizers and not freed or enslaved Black workers. This section will look specifically into love magic within the Caribbean, using figures such as Paula de Eguiluz as a point of comparison to how love magic was treated within Europe and the continuous role that gender plays in the characterization of this type of magic across geographical locations other than Europe.

Paula de Eguiluz is a central person to discuss when seeing how love magic plays a role in Caribbean life. Though she will not be the center of this piece (see “Paula de Eguiluz” under the 17th-century section), it is difficult to examine love magic and its characterization without bringing her up. Eguiluz is one of the most well-known love practitioners within the Caribbean and fought tenaciously to be able to freely express her practices and traditions. [1]  She was tried numerous times for various crimes, but one aspect of her that made her especially elusive was her love life and beauty. She was known for charming the courts and rationalizing with them extensively (hence the numerous trials that she had) and even convinced her captors to move her to a prison cell with multiple accused women rather than the single cell she was in previously. [2]  The fact that she not only was so successful in avoiding trials but was also such an avid promoter of erotic magic (despite the fear that witnesses would often recount feeling) speaks to the diverging viewpoints on how love magic is implemented and the almost sinister nature that is being associated with it. She was charming, yet was also someone to be feared (according to some individuals). As a woman, she was in the unlikely position of power in this scenario, which in part was given by her use of love magic. She fervently fought to make her practices of magic and it shows the differing power dynamics within the Caribbean that affect how people look at love magic and its implementation.

However, it is crucial to note that Paula was not the only individual who was practicing love magic during this period. Though she is a key example, Paula is also noted for being responsible for establishing meetings of women who would practice love magic. [3]  She was not the sole organizer of these groups, but she did participate in their unification and actively interacted with this unnamed group of women. This group acted as a sort of subset of the population and the group did not go unnoticed, as the populations of many towns during this time were significantly small. [4] The notion that women were meeting to exchange information regarding love magic speaks to what role they were playing within Caribbean society and how love magic was interpreted. There is no mention of men when it comes to the love magic of the Caribbean and it seemed to be a practice that was solely done by women. In contrast to what was occurring in Europe, it seems as though love magic is only used for women, which may have contributed to the villainization of this magic as well as the stark amount of accusations towards women rather than men. The way that women not only unified in such a way but also used magic as a way to unify them speaks towards the idea of power within witchcraft as a whole. The means of taking one's power and control back is a motif prevalent within the examination of witchcraft, magic, and ritual and it is imperative to see how to love magic as a subset has played a role within this.

Colonization and Indigenous People

By R. Buckley

Indigenous communities in the 16th and 17th century New England had a unique connection to witchcraft. Tribes had their own interpretations of witchcraft while also having colonizers’ ideas of witchcraft being placed onto them. This entry I will talk about the difference between Indigenous people’s beliefs of witchcraft compared to the colonizer’s view of witchcraft. How colonizers’ view of Indigenous practices led Puritans to associate Native American people with witchcraft and the Devil. 

After suffering tremendous population loss due to The Great Dying, warfare, disease, and food scarcity, indigenous people were looking for the reason for the devastating events. Some Indigenous people believed that the issues that they were facing were caused by witchcraft. North Eastern tribes believed that suffering and misfortune were caused by spirits who were called upon by people who wanted to cause harm to the community. (Porterfield, 5) People believed that these evil spirits could cause sickness, kill crops, and incite warfare or violence. (Dennis, 2) Therefore it might have been a witch or a person who was working with evil spirits that caused the devastation that they were dealing with. Due to the concern over witchcraft, Indigenous people held their own form of punishment for being found guilty of witchcraft. Native Americans believed that pawwaws would protect them from harm and evil spirits. (Lovejoy, 9) When colonists such as the Puritans saw these rituals they did not have the same interpretation.

When Puritans saw the cultural practices of Indigenous people they found them unfamiliar and off putting. The Puritans assumed that the practices must be Satanic in nature and started to associate Native Americans with Satanic/demonic practices. (Dennis, 1) Since the Puritans viewed themselves as God’s chosen people they assumed that Indigenous people were in league with the Devil due to their “uncivilized” practices. This set up in the Puritan’s mind a narrative of good vs evil. (Dennis, 1) Puritans decided that indigenous people needed to be “saved” and converted to Christianity. They believed that Native American cultural practices were immoral and that they needed to be helped. (Lovejoy, 3) For the Puritans helping Indigenous people was essentially trying to get rid of their cultural practices, teaching them English, and establishing ideas of modesty as well as attempting to convert them to Christianity. When these efforts did not work Puritans simply leaned more into the idea that Indigenous people were in league with Satan.

An example would be the witch hunts that occurred in the North East, Indigenous people were accused of practicing witchcraft simply because of their race. During the Salem witch trials, Tituba a Native American woman was accused of witchcraft based on her race. (Breslaw, 6) She was accused since she had been approached by two white people to make a witch cake to help an ill child that she took care of. This backfired and she was accused of witchcraft, the two white people who approached her were not accused. Even though she had no prior accusations of witchcraft, people who were looking for an alternative cure first chose to go to Tituba. Then later blamed the situation on her, since she was Native American the town put her on trial because of her implied practices and connections. If you would like to learn more about Tituba see the entry, Who Is Tituba?: Indigenous Identity and the Salem Witch Trials

Who was Paula de Eguiluz?
By Mia G.

This Witchipedia entry seeks to show witches as more than just as scary women with broomsticks, and in doing that, sharing the stories of strong female witches throughout history is important. Such is the case of Paula de Eguiluz, a healer in the Spanish colony of Santo Domingo. Her story is an example of slave resistance, female power, and witchcraft’s perception as a threat to the colonial power of Spain.

Paula was a healer in Santo Domingo’s colonial society. She was born a slave and was freed by the time she was thirty [1]. Later in her life, she became publicly known as a sorceress who practiced love magic and healing [2]. While visiting her friends in Cuba, they taught her how to attract potential lovers – a skill she brought with her back to Santo Domingo (see "A Look At Love Magic in the Early Modern Caribbean" for more on this). She combined this magic with healing rituals similar to African traditions and led a small group of other women in these practices [3]. Paula’s usage of magic reflects the creolization of religion and witchcraft that is characteristic of the Caribbean. Other colonies, such as Jamaica and Saint Domingue, also saw a similar combination of European, African, and other traditions in their religious practices. Paula had influence on her community via her usage of magic, introducing Cartagena’s residents to spells and potions that could influence their lives – people visited her for her knowledge, integrity, and charisma [4]. She made a living off of these magic rituals, but also shared them with others. Paula de Eguiluz is an example of one of the many strong female spiritual leaders in Caribbean society.

Paula was tried as a part of the Spanish Inquisition for sorcery, indicating that her strength was a threat to Spain. Paula offered her skills and taught others in ways that democratized spirituality and made it accessible to everyone in her community. This challenges the Catholic Church’s emphasis on hierarchical religion, and despite claiming she was a Catholic herself, she was accused of practicing brujería, divination, and apostasy [5]. Her trials spanned the 1620s and 1630s. In her first trial, she was able to outsmart her oppressors by mimicking traditional Catholic beliefs about demonology. Her confessions told stories of consorting with the devil, whom she described as a handsome, well spoken, white man [6]. While she was jailed before her second trial, she used a similar tactic to trick her inquisitors. She told them she heard footsteps and voices and felt ghostly hands on her body while she prayed in order to be moved to a better cell, weaponizing Catholic fears of ghosts [7]. Using Catholicism for her benefit, Paula negotiated better terms for herself before her third trial, where she was sentenced to the death penalty [8]. A court later overturned this, however, and she was instead sent to a perpetual prison [9]. While her wits were unable to save her completely, they did aid her from more brutal punishments.

Paula de Eguiluz is known to history, but her name is often left out of her story. She is a strong example of an influential and respected female witch, one who used her skills to help both herself and her community in whatever way she could. Paula’s story is just one of the many real life examples of the effects of witch trials and the Inquisition, and her ability to outsmart the people who are responsible for Santo Domingo’s colonization is an indication of resilience for colonized people of the Caribbean. Paula de Eguiluz’s story is one that should be remembered for her strength, and her healing magic should be remembered for what it offered to her community in a time of difficulty and oppression.

What is a Witch?  Early Modern England and Salem, Massachusetts

Lisi Breen

The Salem Witchcraft Trials act as a pivotal event in the cultural memory of America. However, the legal history of the 17th-century tragedy is not based in America and actually predates the existence of the settlement. The very laws in Massachusetts that allowed for the witchcraft trials in Salem were modeled after English acts against witchcraft. To better understand what witchcraft was defined as and how it was punished, this article will explore the Early Modern definitions of witches in England from the 16th and 17th centuries and how those laws translated to Salem, Massachusetts. 

In 1542, a bill was passed in England during the reign of Henry VIII against “conjurations and witchcrafts and sorcery and enchantments” (1) The bill states the possible uses and crimes of witchcraft in accordance with the law. The primary definitions of witchcraft were invoking spirits to find treasure, using witchcraft or enchantments to harm your neighbor or your neighbor’s goods, and using images or other objects in a fantastical way (2). 

In 1604, Parliament passed that witchcraft was a felony. The 1604 act against witchcraft declared that anyone who practiced or exercised any invocations or conjurations of evil spirits consulted with evil spirits took a deceased person or body part out of a grave to be used sorcery, or practiced any other kind of witchcraft was guilty of witchcraft and “shall suffer paines of death as a Felon or Felons.” (3) This definition of witchcraft follows closely to the 1542 bill but includes further uses of witchcraft such as necromancy and the broad usage of sorcery or charm. 

In Salem, Massachusets, “An Act, Against Conjuration, Witchcraft, and Dealing with Evil and Wicked Spirit” was passed in 1692. The full definition of witchcraft within the act reads as follows,

“any person or persons shall use, practise or Exercise any Invocation or Conjuration of any Evil and wicked Spirit, or shall Consult, Covenant with, Entertain, Employ, Feed or Reward any Evil and Wicked Spirit to or for any intent or purpose, or take up any Dead Man, Woman or Child, out of his, her, or their Grave, or any other Place where the Dead Body Resteth, or the Skin, Bone, or any other part of any Dead Person to be Employed or used in any manner of Witchcraft, Sorcery, Charm or Inchantment, or shall Use, Practice or Exercise any Witchcraft, Inchantment, Charm or Sorcery,” (5).

Using almost identical language to that of the 1604 Act, Salem’s Act against witchcraft is notably modeled after England’s definition of witchcraft. Furthermore, Salem’s punishment is identical wording to that of the 1604 Act, declaring that all guilty of witchcraft “shall suffer pains of Death, as a Felon or Felons.” (6). Although Salem’s witchcraft trials occurred nearly over 200 years after Early Modern England’s definition of a witch, the legal definitions, procedures, and punishments are closely related. The English Acts against witchcraft modeled the Massachusetts laws that allowed for the witchcraft trials in Salem.

Legal Proceedings Relating to Witchcraft in Salem, Massachusetts

By Madelyn H.

Portuguese Colonial Response to Witchcraft in Brazil  

By Vienna 

Within popular conversation, the examination of witchcraft in Latin America rarely raises a focus toward the practices within Brazil. The prosecution of witchcraft in Brazil flourished across the territory with the influence of the Portuguese Inquisition from 1536 to about 1821. In Brazil, witchcraft, or labeled in Portuguese as feitiçaria, relates to any form of magical and religious practices.[1] The individuals who practiced any deemed practices of witchcraft were commonly Brazilians of African descent, who exercised healing and spiritual rituals derived from creole African religions.[2]

Who Monitored Witchcraft

In a similar manner to the Spanish Inquisition held within colonial territories, Portugal established a ecclesiastical tribunal within Brazil. Yet, the Portuguese Inquisition maintained one main colonial tribunal, the Holy Office, in Goa rather than implementing further smaller courts within Brazil.[3] The court reported to the direct mandate of the tribunal in Lisbon. The Goa tribunal maintained the goal of ensuring a “well-ordered” population with limited heresies and immoral practices of magic and witch.[4] From the Portuguese perspective, witches represented the individuals who were mentally ill and intolerable for societal stability.[5] By enacting the jurisdiction of the tribunal, the Portuguese prioritized a “civilization reform” and resistance control over Afro-Brazilians from lower social classes.[6] Tribunal power included the jurisdiction of punishment through ecclesiastical values, thus emphasizing the use of  inquisitorial activities for the collection of community conflicts that produced accusations and fear against suspected witches.[7] From 1591 to 1786, about 119 prosecuted cases of witchcraft occurred in Brazil or were addressed in the Lisbon Inquisition, often involving accused folk healers, miracle doctors, or spirit mediums[8]

Established Codes in Brazil

In Brazil, the Portuguese passed a number of civic and penal codes that addressed the illicit practice of witchcraft, some codes more formally followed than others. The Portuguese Philippine Code from 1603 to 1830 defined witchcraft within three categories: the use of magic with stolen eucharistic objects, conjuring of demons, and possession and use of potions.[9] In 1890, the Penal Code criminalized the practice of spiritualism within Brazil. As backlash against the Penal Code, spiritual leaders in Rio de Janeiro resisted and argued the code violated the freedom of religion.[10] The spiritual leaders took a further step with the publication of a petition which petitioned for spiritualism as a new science, and if spiritualism was not deemed a science then the consideration should be recognized as a religion and receive protection under the constitution.[11]

Suspected Brazilian Forms of Witchcraft

Portuguese colonial suspicion toward witchcraft and magic criticized every aspect of Afro-Brazilian faith practices that deviated from the standard of Catholicism. The tribunal scrutinized the use of mandinga pouches. Mandinga pouches were typically created from Christian objects, prayers of saints written in blood, and incorporated with the practice of tribal faith traditions.[12] The pouches were believed to provide protection against instances of abuse from slave owners and white Portuguese colonists.[13] Another practice condemned in Brazil was the occurrence of open-air ceremonies. Ceremonies were performed by Black slaves using altars with idols and offerings, which the Inquisition viewed as heretical practices of sabbat and sorcery in accordance with Catholic tradition.[14] By preventing the occurrence of ceremonies, the Portuguese could limit and suspend the practice of popular Afro-culture.

Forms of Punishment

The tribunal operated within a biased and exclusive manner against prosecuted Afro-Brazilian witches. For the tribunal, any found evidence was deemed admissible, mainly within presuming all actions were intended for harm and the testimonies of witnesses provided all necessary context for conviction.[15] In one case Antonia Maria claimed a false witness accused her of being a heretic who used prayers and spells for evil.[16] Antonia Maria argued the accusations were proposed by jealous mortal enemies or individuals from professional conflict who sought out revenge.[17] Further, defendants could not provide counterclaims toward accusations because of the lack of access to trial documentation or the understanding of law and procedures.[18] With the lack of opportunity for innocence, defendants were continuously deemed guilty, and experienced harsh treatment for confessions.[19]

As a method of procuring confessions, tribunals enforced rigorous interrogation practices. For Domingas Gomes da Ressurreição, she acknowledged how the repression of the tribunal created a sense of individual guilt toward her spiritual identity.[20] Domingas Gomes da Ressurreição felt ridiculed for her knowledge of folk medicine as inquisitors claimed her practice was sinful to mix prayers with magic.[21] With the projected ridicule, Domingas Gomes da Ressurreição doubted her healing capability and believed she instead practiced superstition.[22] The tribunal tactic of ensuring confession demonstrates the ideal reshaping Afro-identity through subjugation of colonial values.[23]

Other forms of punishment involved the use of torture commonly through whipping for the practice of divination, love magic, and any form of superstition that formed a pact with the devil.[24] Once individuals were convicted for the practice of witchcraft, they could have experienced captivity within jails for a number of years, or instead face social out casting from the town.[25] The lack of established court standards within trials produced skewed and unequal biases for the conviction of defendants accused of witchcraft.

Significance of Brazil

The Portuguese response toward the practice of witchcraft, magic, and spiritualism aligned with the European approach of hostility. Just as the Spanish were intolerant toward witches, so did the Portuguese regard instances of magic, healing, and witchcraft as demonic and superstitious practices. In totality, the Portuguese Inquisition was a direct attack against Afro-Brazilians, mainly within the effort to erase Afro-identity and religious practices.      

The Slandering of Vodou and Witchcraft due to its African Origins

By Caitlin O'Brien 

Witchcraft, magic, and Vodou are seen as common cultural phenomena in this modern time. These topics have been permeating society's media since the creation of recording media, which shows how much these beliefs have spread over time. Many of these beliefs however can be traced back to certain ideas, practices, and documented histories throughout the African continent. Through reading these sources I was able to surmise the influence of African origins in the idea of witchcraft and Vodou practices as well as analyze the villinization of Vodou religions. The intense suppression of these ideas by the Europeans is a result of these practices being tied to African Origins. Because of Vodou and witchcraft's connection to African origins, these practices were indiscriminately targeted by European slaveholders who wanted to ensure their slaves did not have access to any resource that would have provided them with hope. It begs the question of whether these forms of religious expression would have become so misrepresented had there not been a direct connection to African origins. 

Although witches are not always explicitly mentioned in the Vodou religions, there has been a long recorded history of “witches” being present in African countries all over the continent. Unlike the Europeans, witchcraft was a practice that had been seen and accepted within pre-colonial African countries and there were not always negative connotations associated with them. Although this sentiment did not continue in the witchcraft discourse in the colonial sites, there are distinct features that witches were typically associated with that have a direct link to pre-colonial African beliefs and fantasies. One of these is the idea that witches can fly, specifically on balls of fire, and in the case of Bastuo communities (a Southern African community), witches ride on their magic wands. This conjures up images of witches that are still visible today, with many witches being depicted flying with broomsticks. There had been a fantasy present in many African countries about the ability to fly- this was translated into stories about witches who were able to use their magical abilities to fulfill this continent-wide obsession with flying(4). The idea of witches flying was not only present in South Africa but also in Ghana, Nigeria, Sudan, and many other countries across Africa. Another association of witchcraft that can be traced back to Africa is the idea of witches having familiars, specifically having a connection with serpents and other nocturnal creatures. The Azande people of Sudan believed that witches were able to put their souls (or shapeshift) into animals that are typically associated with witches today (3). It includes how bats, snakes, and cats were generally viewed within these communities as having links to the art of witchcraft. 

African forms of sorcery had been radically transformed by contact with Europe, but there are still clues left behind through the lore of witchcraft and Vodou that can be tied back to African origins. The term Vodou had been used to condense all African diaspora religions into one negative term. This term also generalized and painted African religions to be monolithic and unevolved by grouping an entire continent's diaspora in one umbrella term. It is obvious now that this was done so there was an easy way to dehumanize this practice as a whole and make it out to be silly and stupid compared to the complex Abrahamic religions. According to the author of “Voodoo: The History of a Racial Slur”, many have pointed out that the term can be claimed as a racial slur (1). This is because of the racist history behind this word and how it was often used to invoke stereotypes about African people- that they are uncivilized, lazy, hypersexual, and violent. Colonial lawyer, Moreau de Saint Mery, wrote from the perspective of a high-ranking member of the white class during the 1780s and had described Vodou religion as, “the most horrible things a deranged mind can dream up (2)”. This response shows how the average European viewed Vodou, as a group of slaves coming together to wreak havoc, specifically targeting white society. Many practices of Vodou- such as creating herbal remedies to heal or creating charms for protection- were seen as empowering to the enslaved communities who were able to connect with their past and come together as a community. There was also an aspect of fear present within white society since religion in combination with traditional practices was seen as providing these slaves with hope that could lead to an uprising. The religion of Vodou was so heavily degraded due to the fear experienced by white society at the thought of their African slaves reclaiming their culture and seeking a revolution.