The Malleus Maleficarum
By Meagan E. Warren

Additionally, both men were specifically given express permission to prosecute witchcraft in 1484, when Pope Innocent VIII issued a papal bull, an edict issued by a pope, called “Summis desiderantes affectibus” (“Desiring with supreme feeling”) (Institoris and Sprenger 2006a, 120). The bull, not entirely unrelated to the production of the Malleus, was included at the beginning of the text, likely in an attempt to add credibility to the claims made within.

This increased credibility was paramount to the legitimacy and success of the Malleus, since Institoris’s public reputation was lacking. Institoris and Sprenger had vastly different reputations within the public eye. 

Henricus Institoris was inarguably qualified to write a book on witchcraft, ranking among the most experienced inquisitors in Germany by 1485 and having an excellent academic background (Broedel 2004, 12). However, this experience was diminished by his unpopularity. Institoris was outspoken and disagreeable, by many accounts. He was almost imprisoned for a time for speaking against the emperor during a sermon and often got into arguments with his own Dominican Order (Broedel 2004, 13). Additionally, he was accused of embezzling funds that were supposed to go towards the war against the Turks (Institoris and Sprenger 2006a, 86). Despite all of these instances and allegations, Institoris suffered few serious consequences; however, they still resulted in a tarnished reputation.

Jacobus Sprenger, on the other hand, was a highly lauded and successful scholar and a member of the Dominican Order (Broedel 2004, 18). Though Sprenger is thought to have written the Malleus’s introduction (“Apologia auctoris” or, “Justification”), it is generally believed that he played little role in the composition of the text aside from providing the prestige associated with his name (Broedel 2004, 18-19).

Malleus and Women

In the Malleus, Institoris argues that women are more susceptible to witchcraft and the Devil than men are because women are weaker in faith, body, and mind. For instance, Institoris makes the claim in the text that the origins of the Latin word for “woman” (“femina”) can be derived from the Latin words meaning “faith” and “less” (“fides” and “minus”) (Instoris and Sprenger 2006b, 117). However, linguistically, there is no support for this and this seems to be an argument that he acquired from an earlier scholar (Institoris and Sprenger 2006a, 36). Additionally, the text claims that the Devil's hold on women can be linked to their carnal desires, which are greater than those of men (Institoris and Sprenger 2006b, 120-1).

Though some scholars argue that this makes the text immensely misogynistic, others argue that the Malleus is not more misogynistic than other texts of its time. Rather, they claim, it derives much of its misogyny from the Bible (Institoris and Sprenger 2006a, 35).

To read or download the full text of The Malleus Maleficarum, please visit Global Grey Ebooks.

The Necromancers Handbook: Primary Source Analysis
By Caitlin O'Brien

This incantation calls out not only to demons that are under Satan's authority but also to God. Magic had mostly been associated with the demonic during this period and was seen as an act against God so it was very interesting to see the diverse powers this spell required. The second spell that was addressed in the texts was a love spell intended for men to use against women to gain their love. This text starts by acknowledging that there is a lack of consent between the parties, stating that this will make a woman in love with anybody. The spell even calls for demons to come to earth and take her form so that her friends and family won’t have concerns about where she is. Once the woman has entered the man's dominion she could be forced to stay there for days, weeks, even up to a year, or until the man decides he does not want her anymore. When thinking about this spell in the context of clergy members and other people in high positions of power performing this, it can be seen as predatory. 

What stands out about this primary source is the lack of negative connotations towards this kind of magic at this time. It is known that fear of witches and magic grew during the 15th and 16th centuries so this text might have not received as much scrutiny as it would have years later. However, there was always the idea that magic was associated with paganism- the practice of non-Abrahamic religions- and how this resulted in a general fear of heresy. In this text, the reader is able to ascertain that the magic being talked about is not following the pattern of being denigrated. The rituals being performed can all be classified as self-serving, and in some cases nonconsensual, but this does not change the tone of the book. Magic is still seen as a neutral element, something that those who have the book and practice it can use to make their lives easier but they are not looked down upon. Despite this text taking place during a time when Abrahamic religions were punishing those who engaged in practicing magic, this belief is not present anywhere within the document. There were even calls and prayers garnered towards God/Jesus in the spells analyzed above despite the religions these deities belonged to condemning these rituals and magic practices. Again, wavering from the Abrahamic religions, those who engage in these acts are also not looked at as bad people, they are viewed as having the talent to be able to master this. Even the word choice of a “practitioner of magic” or “necromancer” as opposed to “witch” (which could be seen as a slur) is notable as it shows that there were subgroups of people during this time who were able to practice magic without scrutiny. This source offers a different perspective on how people of the medieval age viewed the practice of magic and proves that sentiments surrounding the idea of practicing magic were not all negative. However, this would prove to swiftly change throughout the centuries where more punishments and repression would be incited to combat the practice of magic. 

A Look at Love Magic in Europe
By Emily Fox

Love magic within the early modern period of Europe is often characterized by women's predominant use of it. Though what is considered as "love magic" varies throughout history, it is generally any kind of magic or ritual that is meant to either start, continue, or break up a relationship. However the magic is not limited to these instances and can be used for any varying degrees of these scenarios. This kind of magic has generally poor connotations during this time, but it is similar to a great amount of the other magics explored. Yet with this, love magic is a unique case study in the way that people have written about said magic and the documents that accompany it. There are very few writings and court cases that deal with crimes surrounding love magic. Though this issue can be a common occurrence when it comes to the examination of magic in early modern Europe, it is especially prevalent when talking about this medium of magic. This section will examine how love magic was perceived based on court cases and documents from the early modern period of Europe and will take a close look at the role that gender played in the characterization of love magic. It will also look into a specific case regarding Laura Coccapani in seventeenth-century Italy and how it relates to the court cases explained previously.

To begin, let’s look into a case that intertwines love magic with the threat to the social order. In 1482, Joan Beverly was brought to court for her supposed networking of men and women into relationships intended for marriage. The courts characterized her as a “bawd,” which is typically a woman who is in charge of a brothel (and is typically a prostitute). Beverly was being painted in a light in which she was seen as irresistible, so much so that even her husband left her out of fear of another gentleman harming him. To protect their reputations, men accused Beverly of enchanting them with love magic and hinted that this could play a role in her entire business. 1 Though the court was more concerned with the sexual and social disorder that Beverly caused, it is strange to see love magic being taken into account in such a way. There is no evidence that Beverly practiced love magic, this situation exemplifies the way that women were treated. Even though men were the ones that were fawning over Beverly, the situation was spun to be her fault and put these men up on a pedestal where they couldn’t have acted this way unless there was some sort of magic afoot. The fact that love magic was considered simply based on men being unable to control themselves around an attractive woman truly showcases how susceptible women were to being accused of using love magic and how worried men were about women having any sort of control over their actions.

To continue with this notion, the case of Thomas Fansome provides an interesting twist on the ways that courts would incorporate love magic into their accusations. Like Beverly, Fansome was put on trial for a crime that was not initially related to love magic, but it ended up being included in the charges. Fansome had pretended to be a physician and fornicator, supposedly putting people at risk with his actions. Yet in the testimony that Fansome gave, he explained to the courts that he was a fornicator, despite the fact that he was married. 3 The courts focused more on his crime of lying and impersonation and made little note of the fact that he actively practiced love magic. 4 Even when men were openly admitting to their use of love magic, it was not taken into account by the courts and was instead put towards a different crime. In both circumstances, these individuals were not directly charged with love magic. However, in Beverly’s case, she never admitted to doing any magic of the sort and it was simply assumed based on the accounts of men.

Finally, the case of Laura Coccapani provides an interesting twist on the previous assumptions and assertions made regarding love magic. In this case, Fra Valerio Trionfanti was accused by his wife Laura Coccapani of casting a spell on her. She claimed that strange things would happen when he was around and this was further speculated with her sudden infatuation with him at the beginning of their relationship. 5 However, the Inquisition ruled that this information may have been due to other forms of magic besides love, with them pointing towards the use of “body magic”. 6 They additionally did not consider him to be a heretic of any sort, but rather someone who was misguided and had made some mistakes. This entire case truly showcases how little women were acknowledged even during this time and how love magic was seen as more severe or considered more malicious when it was associated with women.

A Basic Guide to the Witches' Sabbath
By Cat Mooney