Diasporic Profile
Cuban Migration Globally and in the U.S. 
Cuban
refugees and asylum applicants can be found many places the world over,
however, the countries with the highest number of refugees are the
U.S., Canada, Costa Rica, Germany and Peru, while those countries with
the highest number of asylum seekers are Canada, the U.S., Mexico,
Honduras, and Spain (2005 UNHCR Statistical Yearbook Country Data Sheet
– Cuba). At present time, 7,938 are classified as refugees, while 862
are considered asylum seekers (UNHCR Web Page, Cuba Statistical
Snapshot). As of 2004, there were just under 1.5 million people of
Cuban descent in the U.S., roughly two-thirds of whom are foreign-born
Image from www.umsl.edu/services/govdocs/wofact99/547.jpg
(Pew Hispanic Center, Cubans in the United States). Those in the U.S.
mainly tend to settle
in Miami, though Southern California, New York
and New Jersey have sizable populations as
well (PBS Latinos ’08
Immigration Trends Map).
Cuban Migration to Minnesota
Cubans
account for a small minority of the Latino population in Minnesota,
only encompassing 2.6 percent as of 2003, which translates to about
4,000 total Cubans (NCLR Minnesota State Fact Sheet). Cubans began to
settle in Minnesota around 1950, though never in particularly large
numbers (PBS Latinos ’08 Immigration Trends Map). Populations of
Latinos in general tend to be dispersed widely throughout the state,
and tend to come to Minnesota in search of jobs, mainly those in
service industries, construction, and janitorial services (Minneapolis
Foundation, Immigration in Minnesota: Mexico, Central and South
America). However, particular characteristics of Cuban
Americans distinguish them from Latino populations in general. Cuban
Americans are shown
to have higher employment rates and tend to be better off financially
than other Latino groups. Furthermore,
Cuban Americans are known to place a
higher value on education than Latinos in general, since Cuban American
children have higher graduation rates, and Cuban Americans have one of
the highest rates of education in the country. (The Advocates for Human
Rights, Energy of a Nation, energyofanation.org)
Cultural Notes
The
majority of Cubans in the Twin Cities tend to dislike the Castro
regime, though are unlikely to support the calls for his overthrow that
have sprung up among members of Miami’s Cuban community (Star Tribune,
‘Let the Cubans Decide’). In 2008, The Minnesota Legislature voted to
propose a resolution urging the U.S. to open trade and immigration with
Cuba (Minnesota House of Representatives, HF828). However, it was
vetoed by Minnesota Governor Pawlenty despite the fact that it was a
non-binding resolution, possibly to enhance his chances at the time of
becoming Senator McCain’s running mate in the 2008 election (City
Pages, Pawlenty flip-flops on Cuba just in time to cozy up to McCain).
Home Country Profile
In order to develop a relational
understanding of Cuban migration, it is crucial to 1) situate 20th century
Cuban migration to the United States within the context of the Cuban
Revolution and the geopolitics of the Cold War era, 2) avoid categorizing
all Cuban migrants using the homogenous terms, “immigrants,” “refugees,”
“exiles,” “colonial subjects,” as their historical modes of
incorporation differ greatly. This section examines both points to illustrate
the currents driving Cuban exoduses in the20th century. Cuban migration
to the United States occurred through multiple waves; as Silvia Pedraza-Bailey
argues, “Cuban migration is characterized by an inverse correlation
between date of departure and social class.”[1] First, between 1959
and 1962, upper class Cuban families, otherwise known as the Batistianos,
fled the country as Fidel Castro assumed power; “their exodus was
spurred by Cuba’s nationalization of American industry, agrarian reform
laws, and U.S. severance of diplomatic and economic ties with Cuba.”[2]
Second, from 1965-1974, the United States government working alongside
the Cuban government began a series of “freedom flights,” bringing
in middle and working class families. These collaborations served the
interests of both governments as the United States showcased the success
of “capitalism” vis-à-vis Cold War socialism by aiding Cuban migrants
with 1.3 billion dollars of “European style welfare,” and as Cuba
rid the polity of internal dissenters who threatened the Castro regime.[3]
As Alejandro Portes explains, the first two waves of migration were
largely influenced by “push factors,” such as the realignment of
political and economic allegiances during the rise of socialist Cuba
and the ensuing revolution. Later migration waves such as the Mariel
boatlift of 1980 and the Camarioca flotilla exodus must be assessed
in relation to the decreasing influence of Communism in the 1980s, the
attraction of cultural centers in the United States such as Little Havana,
and the rise of transnational migration movements between the United
States and Cuba. As the political climate of Cuba began to shift towards
socialism in the 20th century, more and more people began to leave.
However, it is important to consider migration cohorts’ reasons for
leaving in terms of the geopolitics stemming from the Cold War era.
  Cuban refugees arrive in Miami, 1962 Families are resettled at some point in the
wall map
Source: www.latinamericanstudies.org/refugee-center.htm
Balseros at Sea - Cuban refugees attempting to reach Florida, 2003.
Source: www.pbs.org
http://www-tc.pbs.org/destinationamerica/images/usim_wy_oppression_img_3.jpg
Fidel Castro leads demonstrators past the U.S.
diplomatic mission in Havana, Oct. 18, 2000.
Source: Wall Street Journal, 12/27/08
Cuban Refugees. Source: http://www.ambergriscayenews.com/html/archives/2008/images/vol10_st01_01.jpg
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