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KĐVSTGCM 3

[TB 3/1a] The Third Chapter of the Prefatory Compilation of the Imperially Commissioned Itemized Summaries of the Comprehensive Mirror of Việt History

 

(Canh dần [210 C.E.]; the 15th year in the Jianan era of the Han.) In winter, during the 12th lunar month, the lord of Wu, Sun Quan, appointed Bộ Chất/Bu Zhi regional inspector of Jiao Region.

 

[According to] the Itemized Summaries [of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government], back when Shi Xie was governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, he requested that his three brothers serve as governors of Hợp Phố/Hepu, Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen and Nam Hải/Nanhai, [so that they could] lead with full authority over the region. Also, the regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region, Zhang Jin, was fond of ghosts and spirits. He often wore a crimson turban and read Daoist texts. He was killed by his general. At this point, Sun Quan appointed Bu Zhi as regional inspector. Shi Xie led his brothers to receive [TB 3/1b] orders. From this time, South of the Passes first submitted to Quan.

 

Notes. 1. Bộ Chất/Bu Zhi. A man from the Huaiyin [District] in Linhuai [Commandery].[1]

 

2. Jiao Region, Jiuzhen. Both have been noted. See the 10th year in the reign of King Wu of the Zhao.

 

The Han governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Shi Xie, sent his son to Wu to serve as a hostage. Wu granted Shi Xie the title of Marquis of Long Biên/Longbian.

 

His biography in the “Treatise on Wu” [records that] at that time, Xie sent his son Hâm/Xin (pronounced “hâm/xin”) to serve as a hostage. Quan appointed him governor of Wuchang. Xie, Yi and their sons in the south were all granted the title of leader of court gentlemen. Xie [TB 3/2a] also enticed Yong Kai and other powerful people from Yizhou to bring the people from their commandery, thereby getting those far away to come and submit.[2] Quan was even more pleased with [Shi Xie] and promoted him to general of the guards, granting him the title, Marquis of Long Biên/Longbian. His younger brother, Yi, was appointed deputy general, and granted the title, Marquis of Đô Hương/Duxiang. Each time Xie dispatched an envoy to pay a visit to Quan, he delivered various kinds of incense and fine linen in large amounts. There was not a year when he did not provide precious pearls, giant cowry shells, natural glass, kingfishers, hawksbill turtles, rhinoceros [horns] and elephant [tusks], and special fruits, such as bananas, oranges and longan. He also presented in tribute several hundred horses. Quan then wrote a letter in which he offered great praise in response.

 

Comment. [Shi Xie’s] son, Xin, was rendered in the old history as Ngầm/Yin (pronounced “ngầm/yin”). This was incorrect.

 

Imperial Appraisal [TB 3/1b-3/2a]: Shi Xie was just a Han governor. He adapted to the times and just sought what was in his own interest. He absolutely did not have great talent or long-range policies to pass on. There is nothing worth praising. The old history stated that even Commandant [Zhao] Tuo could not surpass him. Is this not an exaggeration?

 

(Bính ngọ [226 C.E.]; the fifth year of the Huangwu era [in the reign] of the lord of Wu, Sun Quan; the fourth year of the Jianxing era of the Han; the seventh year of the Huangchu era of the Wei.)[3] Shi Xie died. His son, Huy/Hui, made himself acting governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.

 

[According to] his biography in the “Treatise on Wu,” Xie served in the commandery for over 40 years, and died at the age of 90.

 

Ngô Sĩ Liên stated that our kingdom became familiar with the Poetry and Documents, performed rites and ritual music, and became a domain of manifest civility from the time of Shi Xie.[4] There is a story that has been passed on through the generations that during the final years of the [Eastern] Jin [317-420 C.E.], over 600 years after Shi Xie had been buried, people from Linyi attacked.[5] They opened his grave and saw that his body and face looked as if he were alive. They closed it up again and left. The local people believed he was a spirit. They set up a shrine and worshipped him, calling him King Shi the [TB 3/3a] Immortal [Sĩ Vương Tiên].

 

In the winter, the Wu divided up Giao/Jiao Region and established Guang Region. Lữ Đại/Lü Dai and Đái Lương/Dai Liang were appointed regional inspectors. Lü Dai enticed Shi Hui and killed him. Shortly after that, Guang Region was abolished and again became part of Giao/Jiao Region as before.

 

When the lord of Wu heard that Shi Xie had died, and given that Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi was so far away, he divided off [the area] from Hợp Phố/Hepu northward and placed it under the jurisdiction of Guang Region, with Lü Dai as regional inspector. [The area] from Hợp Phố/Hepu southward was put under the jurisdiction of Giao/Jiao Region with Dai Liang as regional inspector.[6] He also dispatched Chen Shi to replace Xie as governor. Dai stayed in Nanhai. Liang and Shi advanced together to Hợp Phố/Hepu. However, Xie’s son, Hui, had already made himself acting [TB 3/3b] governor. He sent troops to resist them. Liang stayed in Hợp Phố/Hepu.

 

An old subofficial functionary of Xie’s, Hoàn Lân/Huan Lin, kowtowed before Hui and remonstrated that he should receive Liang. Hui became angry, and reciprocated by killing [Huan Lin]. Lin’s older brother, Trị/Zhi, and son, Phát/Fa (The old history had “older brother’s sons, Zhi and Fa.” This was incorrect.), together with their lineage’s troops attacked Hui. Hui closed himself in the citadel and tried to hold it. Zhi and the others attacked [the citadel] for several months but could not take it. They thereupon agreed to peace. Both sides stopped fighting.

 

However, Lü Dai was ordered by Wu to eliminate Hui. From Guang Region he raced to Hợp Phố/Hepu, and then advanced together with Liang. They enticed [Shi] Yi’s son, Leader of Court Gentlemen Khuông/Kuang, to serve as an envoy to Hui and to explain to him that there was an order for him to surrender for his crimes, and that although he would lose his commandery governorship, there was nothing else to worry about. Dai followed Kuang and arrived after him. Hui’s older brother, Zhi, his younger brothers, Cán/Gan, Tụng/Song, and others totaling six people received Dai bare-chested.[7] [TB 3/4a] Dai rejected [their offer to surrender], ordered them to put their garments back on (The old history had “dressed in disguise.” This was incorrect.), and proceeded to the commandery [offices].[8]

 

Early the next day [Lü Dai] had a tent erected and invited Hui and his brothers to enter one at a time. [The tent] was filled with guests. Dai got up, held the official insignia and read the edict which related Hui’s crimes. [He then ordered Hui] tied up and beheaded. The head was sent to Wuchang. Yi, Wei and Kuang then appeared. The lord of Wu had pardoned their crimes, and together with Xie’s hostage son, Xin, they were all stripped of their titles and became commoners. Several years later Yi and Wei were executed for breaking the law. Kuang died of illness before this. When Xin died, Hui’s general, Cam Lễ/Gan Li, and Huan Zhi led officials and people to attack Dai. Dai forcefully struck back and crushed them. He was promoted with the title of Marquis of Panyu. Guang Region was then abolished and again made part of Giao/Jiao Region as before.

 

[TB 3/4b] Ngô Sĩ Liên stated, “After his father died, Shi Hui did not request permission, but instead assumed power himself. He also sent troops to resist orders. It was righteous therefore to punish him. However, Lü Dai’s enticing him to surrender and then killing him, was not [righteous]. Trust is a kingdom’s treasure.[9] Hui had already surrendered. Tying him up and sending him to Wuchang so that decisions about life and death could be decided by those above, while awe and trust could circulate below, would that not have been best? Sun Sheng stated that in being pliant with those afar and enabling those who are near, nothing is better than trust.[10] Lü Dai befriended Kuang and had him transmit a pledge. Hui’s brothers, bare-chested, submitted to orders. Dai thereupon exterminated [Shi Hui] because he wanted the achievement. An exemplary man [quân tử/junzi] will know from this that [Sun] Quan was incapable of devising long-term strategies, and that Mr. [TB 3/5a] Lü would not last.”

 

Note. Lữ Đại/Lü Dai. His courtesy name was Dinggong. He was from Hailing [District] in Guangling [Commandery].[11] He was first appointed magistrate of Yuyao [District].[12] When he reached Kuaiji, bandits rose up. [Sun] Quan appointed Dai a supervisory army commandant to lead troops to put them down. He was then promoted to the position of governor of Lüling [Commandery].[13] Then at this point he replaced Bu Zhi as regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region.

 

The Wu promoted Lü Dai with the title of General who Holds Down the South, and then appointed him as regional governor of Giao/Jiao Region.

 

Having put down Shi Hui’s disturbance, Lü Dai went on to attack Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, killing and capturing [TB 3/5b] in the tens of thousands. He also dispatched a retainer for disseminating in the south the transformative teachings of the kingdom to the various kings beyond the pale [in the kingdoms of] Funan, Linyi and Tangming.[14] Each sent envoys to present tribute. The lord of Wu, Quan, praised his accomplishments, and promoted him with the title of General who Holds Down the South.

 

In the third year of the Huanglong era [231 C.E.], savages in Wuxi, Wuling [Commandery, the Kingdom of] Wu, rebelled.[15] The lord of Wu, believing that the southern lands had been completely pacified, recalled Dai. Governor of Hợp Phố/Hepu Tiết Kính Văn/Xue Jingwen (the old history has Tông/Zong), fearing that the person replacing Dai would not be as capable, reported [to the lord of Wu] that, “In the past, Emperor Shun made a tour of the south and died in Cangwu.[16] The Qin established the commanderies of Guilin, Nanhai and Xiang. These four polities have thus belonged inside for a long time.[17] Zhao Tuo struck out from Panyu, and swayed into submission the chiefs of the Hundred Việt/Yue. This was the area [TB 3/6a] to the south of Zhuguan.[18] Emperor Wu of the Han executed Lü Jia, established nine commanderies and appointed a regional inspector to control and supervise them. People from the Middle Kingdom were moved in to live mixed among the people. This led people to study a little, and to gain rudimentary knowledge of [the Chinese] language. As emissaries and their translators came and went, they observed people following rituals and transformative teachings.[19] Once Xi Guang was in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi and Ren Yan was governing over Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, they set up schools and guided people in following rituals.

 

“However, the land is vast and the people numerous. Inaccessible and toxic, it is easy for disturbances to take place. What is more, it is beyond the Nine Domains.[20] In choosing senior subalterns, there is no careful examination. As for what I have observed, when Hoàng Cái/Huang Gai of Nanhai became governor of Nhật Nam/Rinan, he stepped down from his chariot, and feeling that the reception prepared for him was not luxurious, beat to death an assistant magistrate. He was subsequently chased away. [TB 3/6b] Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen Governor Đam Manh/Dan Meng hosted a banquet for his father-in-law, Zhou Jing, and invited the top officials, who drank without inhibition and made merry. The [scribe of the] Labor Section, Pan Xin, got up and started to dance. He invited Jing [to do the same]. Jing was unwilling to get up. Xin pressed him even more aggressively. Meng got angry and beat Xin with a cane. Xin’s younger brother, Miao, led a group to attack [Meng’s] official residence, and Meng ended up losing his life. Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Governor Shi Xie dispatched troops to put them down, but could not succeed. There was also the case of the former regional inspector, Chu Phù/Zhu Fu of Kuaiji, who made much use of followers from his hometown, such as Yu Bao and Liu Yan, to serve as senior subalterns. They oppressed the people and taxed them heavily. For one yellow croaker, they would take one hộc/hu of rice. The people became resentful and rebelled. They attacked the regional and commandery [seats]. Fu fled out to sea, where he drifted away [TB 3/7a] and died. Next came Trương Tân/Zhang Jin of Nanyang [Commandery]. His martial awe was insufficient, and he was bullied and eventually killed. After that, Liu Biao dispatched Lại Cung/Lai Gong. Senior, benevolent and conscientious, he did not understand the issues of the day. [Liu Biao] also dispatched Wu Ju to serve as governor of Cangwu. Ju was militarily rash and violent, but Gong did not yield to this. The two subsequently formed a grudge against each other, and Ju chased Gong away. Bộ Chất/Bu Zhi then arrived. At that time there were still a lot of [Zhang] Jin’s old generals around, such as Yi Liao and Qian Bo. Zhi successively eliminated them, and legal order became established. Right then he was recalled. Lü Dai put down Shi Hui’s disturbance. He replaced senior subalterns and made clear the royal laws. His moral awe reached across 10,000 leagues. Powerful and common people all accepted the transformative teachings.

 

“From all of this one can say that [TB 3/7b] there are certainly people who can assuage the border and calm the frontier. In selecting regional dignitaries, it is advisable to chose people who are refined.[21] In lands beyond the Wild Domain, [the degree to which] there is good fortune or calamity lies heavily [upon the regional dignitaries].[22] At present, although it is said that Giao/Jiao Region is more or less pacified, there are still inveterate bandits in Gaoliang [District].[23] Meanwhile people on the borders of the four commanderies of Nanhai, Cangwu, Yulin and Zhuguan have still not been assuaged. They unite together to rob and pillage. If Lü Dai does not return to the south, a new regional inspector who is a wise strategist should be chosen in order to calm and assuage them. If he employs his awe-inspiring benevolence and maintains military strength, can the situation not be mended through his successes? If, however, it is an average person who just holds to the law and does not possess any special techniques or unique strategies, then evils will increase by the day, bringing long-term damage. Therefore, a kingdom’s security [TB 3/8a] or peril, depends on the hiring [of officials]. One cannot fail to examine [them].” The lord of Wu agreed to this, and subsequently appointed Lü Dai as regional governor of Giao/Jiao Region.

 

Notes. 1. Tiết Kính Văn/Xue Jingwen. He was from Zhuyi [District] in Pei Commandery.[24] When young, he followed his family to seek refuge in Giao/Jiao Region. He studied under Lưu Hi/Liu Xi.[25] When Shi Xie submitted to Sun Quan, Jingwen was made leader of court gentlemen for miscellaneous uses and appointed governor of Hợp Phố/Hepu. When Lü Dai set off to attack Giao/Jiao Region, Jingwen and Dai crossed the sea together in this expedition to the south.

 

2. Zhuguan. The commandery of Hợp Phố/Hepu under the Han was changed to Zhuguan by the Wu.

 

3. Funan. This is the name of a kingdom. See the note above under the entry for the Hùng Kings [TB 1/17a].

 

4. Linyi. This is the name of a kingdom. [TB 3/8b] See the note below under the ninth year of the Yonghe era of Emperor Mu of the Jin [353 C.E.; TB 3/20a-3/21b].

 

5. Tangming. This is the name of a kingdom. It is in a big bay on the coast. 7,000 leagues from Nhật Nam/Rinan to its north. It is the same as the Daoming Kingdom.

 

6. Gaoliang. This was a district in Hợp Phố/Hepu Commandery.

 

(Mậu thìn [248 C.E.]; the 11th year of the Chiwu era of the Wu; the 11th year of the Yanxi era of the Han; the ninth year of the Zhengshi era of the Wei.) Lady Triệu of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen amassed followers and plundered commandery and district [headquarters]. Regional Inspector Lục Dận/Lu Yin attacked and pacified her.

 

In Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen there were again citadels that were attacked and captured. The region and the commanderies were in a state of agitation. The lord of Wu made Commandant Army Commander of Hengyang Lu Yin regional inspector and concurrent commandant.[26] When Yin entered the area, he issued a declaration of kindness [TB 3/9a] and trust. There were over 30,000 families which surrendered.[27] The region was peaceful again. [Then] a woman from Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, Lady Triệu, amassed followers and plundered commandery and district [headquarters]. Yin attacked and pacified her.

 

Imperial Appraisal [TB 3/9a]: Our Southern women are really valiant. Lady Triệu is second only to the two Trưng [sisters]. Northern histories praise the Women’s Citadel and the Maiden Warrior, but are they the only [women] who warrant praise?[28] All [Northern histories] say is that her breasts were three xích/chi long. That is ridiculous and silly.

 

Notes. 1. Lục Dận/Lu Yin. An Wu man from Wu Commandery, he was a member of the lineage of Lu Xun.[29] He at first served as [minister for] the appointment of personnel, and then later became commandant army commander of Hengyang. When barbarian bandits in Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen attacked and captured citadels and Giao/Jiao Region became agitated, the lord of Wu made him regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region.

 

2. Lady Triệu. [During the] Song, Yue Shi’s Record of the World in the Taiping Era [recorded that] in the mountains of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen there was a woman [named] Triệu. Her breasts were three xích/chi long.[30] She did not marry. She put together gangs to plunder the commandery and district [headquarters]. She usually wore garments made of a coarse golden cloth [TB 3/9b] and tooth shoes.[31] She engaged in battle from atop an elephant. After she died she became a spirit. Today her shrine is in Phú Điền Community, Mỹ Hóa District, Thanh Hóa [Province].

 

(Quý mùi [263 C.E.]; the sixth year of the Yong’an era of the Wu; the first year of the Yanxing era of the Han, the year the Han fell; the fourth year of the Jingyuan era of the Wei.) In summer, during the fifth lunar month, a commandery subaltern, Lữ Hưng/Lü Xing, murdered the governor, Tôn Tư/Sun Xu, and surrendered the commandery to the Wei. (The old history said Jin. That was erroneous.)

 

At first, the Wu appointed Sun Xu as governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. Xu was greedy and violent. He once conscripted over 1,000 artisans from the commandery and sent them to Jianye. The people suffered. At this point the lord of Wu dispatched Đặng Tuân/Deng Xun to the commandery. Xun also transferred on his own authority 30 peacocks to Moling.[32] The people [TB 3/10a] feared that they would be conscripted for service far away. They thereupon plotted together and rebelled. A commandery subaltern, Lữ Hưng/Lü Xing, murdered Xu and Xun, and requested that the Wei provide a governor and troops. Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen and Nhật Nam/Rinan both followed suit.

 

(Giáp thân [264 C.E.]; the first year in the Yuanxing era [in the reign] of Sun Hao of the Wu; the first year of the Xianxi era of the Wei.) In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, the Wu again divided the land of Giao/Jiao Region and established Guang Region.

 

In this year, the Wu divided off the three commanderies of Nanhai, Cangwu and Yulin and established Guang Region with its administrative seat at Panyu. Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, Nhật Nam/Rinan and Hợp Phố/Hepu became Giao/Jiao Region, with its administrative seat at Long Biên/Longbian. The separation of Jiao and Guang began from this point.

 

[TB 3/10b] Notes. 1. Nanhai. See the note under the 44th year of King An Dương [214 B.C.E.; TB 1/11b-1/12b].

 

2. Cangwu, Yulin, Nhật Nam/Rinan and Hợp Phố/Hepu. See the note for the first year of the Triệu/Zhao King, Kiến Đức/Jiande [111 B.C.E.; TB 2/4b-2/5a].

 

The Wei appointed Lữ Hững/Lü Xing General of the Secure South to supervise military matters in Giao/Jiao Region, and Hoắc Giặc/Huo Yi as remote controlling regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region.

 

The Wei appointed Lü Xing General of the Secure South to supervise military matters in Giao/Jiao Region, and the army supervisor in the south, Huo Yi, remote controlling regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region.[33] [Huo Yi] had the authority to select senior subalterns at his own discretion. Yi promoted Thoán Cốc/Cuan Gu (sometimes written Phàn Cốc/Fen Gu) to the position of governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. He led his followers, [TB 3/11a] Đổng Nguyên/Dong Yuan, Vương Tố/Wang Su and others, to bring troops to help Xing. Before they arrived, Xing was murdered by the labor section official, Lý Thống/Li Tong. Gu also died.

 

(Ất dậu [265 C.E.]; the first year of the Ganlu era of the Wu; the first year of the Taishi era [in the reign] of Emperor Wu of the Jin.) The Jin appointed Mã Dung/Ma Rong as governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. Rong became ill and died. Huo Yi promoted Dương Tắc/Yang Ji to replace him.

 

Note. Mã Dung/Ma Rong was from Baxi and Dương Tắc/Yang Ji was from Qianwei.[34]

 

(Mậu tý [268 C.E.]; the third year in the Baoding era of the Wu; the fourth year in the Taishi era of the Jin.) The Wu appointed Lưu Tuấn/Liu Jun as regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region. He attacked Yang Ji of the Jin. Ji defeated him at Cổ Thành/Gucheng.

 

[TB 3/11b] The Wu appointed Liu Jun regional inspector, and together with Area Commander-in-chief Tu Tắc/Xiu Ze (The old history had Area Commander-in-chief Tu Tắc/Xiu Ji. This was incorrect.) and General Cố Dung/Gu Rong, they made three successive attacks on Giao/Jiao Region. Ji held them off each time. Yulin and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen [Commanderies] both submitted to Ji. Ji dispatched General Mao Jiong (The old history had [Mao] Linh/Ling. That was incorrect.), Dong Yuan, and the yamen [officials] Meng Gan, Meng Tong, Li Song and Cuan Neng to proceed to Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi from Shu [i.e., Sichuan]. They defeated the Wu forces at Cổ Thành/Gucheng. Xiu Ze and Liu Jun were killed, and their troops scattered. Ji thereupon promoted Jiong to governor of Yulin, and Yuan to governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen.

 

Note. Cổ Thành/Gucheng. This was a citadel in Hợp Phố/Hepu.

 

[TB 3/12a] (Kỷ sử [269 C.E.]; the first year in the Jianheng reign of the Wu; the fifth year in the Taishi era of the Jin.) In winter, during the 11th lunar month, the Wu dispatched troops to attack Yang Ji of the Jin.

 

The Wu dispatched Army Supervisor Yu Fan, General for Awing the South Xue Xu, and Governor of Cangwu Đào Hoàng/Tao Huang to proceed by road from Jing Region, and Army Supervisor Li Xu (The old history had [Li] Ding. That was incorrect.) and Army Commander Xu Cun to proceed from Jianan by sea.[35] They were to meet at Hợp Phố/Hepu in order to attack Ji. Xu felt that the sea route was not passable, so he killed the commander who was leading the way, Feng Pei, and led the troops back. The Wu lord, seeing that Xu had committed murder and had brought the troops back without authorization, had [Li Xu] and Xu Cun captured and executed.

 

(Tân mão [271 C.E.]; the third year in the Jianheng era of the Wu; the seventh year in the Taishi era of the Jin.) Tao Huang of the Wu attacked Yang Ji of the Jin and others and captured them. Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi was [TB 3/12b] again taken and split off as Tân Xương/Xinchang Commandery.

 

At first [Tao] Huang together with Yu Fan and Xue Xu fought against Ji at Phần/Fen River.[36] Huang was defeated and retreated to hold Hợp Phố/Hepu, losing two generals. Xu angrily stated to Huang, “If one requests to attack bandits and loses two commanders, where should the responsibility for that lie?” Huang said, “I am a subordinate official who could not act as I desired, and the soldiers did not get along. It is this that led to the defeat.” Xu’s anger did not dissipate. He wanted to return with the soldiers. That night Huang led several hundred troops to attack Dong Yuan. They captured [Dong Yuan’s] ships [filled with] treasure and returned. Xu thereupon apologized to [Tao Huang], and appointed him commander-in-chief of the forward division for Jiao Region.

 

Huang again proceeded by sea, [TB 3/13a] and catching [Dong Yuan] off guard, made it all the way to the regional seat. Yuan put up resistance. [Tao Huang’s] generals wanted to fight, but Huang suspected that there were troops waiting in ambush at a broken bridge.[37] Deploying soldiers with long halberds at the rear, the troops then went into battle. Yuan pretended to retreat. Huang chased him, and as expected troops lying in ambush came out. The soldiers with long halberds opposed them, and thoroughly defeated Yuan’s troops. Yuan was killed.

 

[Tao Huang] took the goods obtained from the treasure ships, and several thousand bolts of local brocade and gave this all to the Phù Nghiêm/Fuyan rebel commander, Lương Kỳ/Liang Qi (The old history had Liang Tế. That was incorrect.).[38] Kỳ offered more than 10,000 men to assist Huang.

 

[Yang] Ji appointed his general, Wang Su, to replace [Dong] Yuan. Yuan’s valiant general, Xie Xi, was also in the citadel. [Tao] Huang got [Xie Xi’s] younger brother, Xiang, to write a letter to Xi. He also had Xiang ride around in a one-horse carriage accompanied by [TB 3/13b] fifes and drums. [Wang] Su stated, “With Xiang [getting treated] like this, Xi will definitely have a change of heart.” He thereupon killed Xi.

 

When [Tao] Huang heard this, he led followers in a sudden attack and took the regional seat, capturing Yang Ji, Mao Jiong and others. Jiong plotted an attack against Huang. When news of this surfaced, Huang had him executed. Ji and the others were sent to the Wu [capital] as prisoners. When Ji reached Hợp Phố/Hepu, he became ill and died.

 

When Meng Gan, Li Song, Cuan Neng and others reached Jianye, Gan fled back to Jin, and the Jin appointed him governor of Nhật Nam/Rinan. Song and Neng were both executed by the Wu. The Jin granted Ji [the posthumous] position of regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region. The sons of Jiong, Song and Neng were all [granted the title of] Marquis of Guannei.

 

The labor section official in Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen Commandery, Lý Tộ/Li Zuo, protected the commandery, and submitted to the Jin. [Tao] Huang dispatched generals [3/14a] to attack, but could not defeat him. Zuo’s uncle, Lê Hoảng/Li Huang (also recorded as Lê Minh/Li Ming), followed the [Wu] troops and encouraged Zuo to surrender. Zuo responded by saying, “Uncle, you have made yourself an Wu general, and I have made myself a Jin official. Let us see which side is stronger.” [Li Zuo] held the citadel and did not surrender. Only after a long time was [the citadel] finally taken.

 

Notes. 1. Đào Hoàng/Tao Huang. He was a man from Moling [District] in Danyang [Commandery].[39] He was the son of Tao Ji.

 

2. Tân Xương/Xinchang Commandery. Hu Sansheng noted that Tân Xương/Xinchang was the same as Phong/Feng Region.[40] That is the same as the current area of Sơn Tây Province.

 

The Wu appointed Tao Huang regional inspector. He also carried the credentials of commander-in-chief for all military affairs in Giao/Jiao Region, general of the front, and regional governor of Giao/Jiao Region.

 

[TB 3/14b] With Huang having defeated Ji and pacified Giao/Jiao Region, the Wu thereupon employed him as regional governor. Huang was a good strategist. He assisted those hard-up, and was fond of distributing largesse. He won people’s hearts. People were therefore happy to be employed by him. Wherever he went he garnered success.

 

At that time, the area of Vũ Bình/Wuping, Cửu Đức/Jiude and Tân Xương/Xinchang was remote and isolated. The Di Lạo/Yilao were violent and had not submitted in generations.[41] Huang attacked and pacified them. He then established three commanderies as well as 30 districts from principalities subordinate to Jiuzhen [Commandery].

 

Later, the Wu promoted Huang to the position of commander-in-chief of Wuchang, and replaced him with the governor of Hợp Phố/Hepu, Tu Doấn/Xiu Yun. Several thousand local people requested that Huang remain. The Wu lord thereupon sent him back to his old post.

 

[TB 3/15a] Note. Vũ Bình/Wuping. This was in the area of Phong Khê/Fengxi District. The Wu first established it to control seven districts. The Sui abolished the commandery and changed it to Long Bình/Longping Distrct. The Tang changed it to Vũ Bình/Wuping, and then shortly after that established Đằng/Teng Region here. The Đinh and [Former] Lê made it Thái Bình Prefecture. The Trần changed it to Khoái Circuit. The [Later] Lê replaced this with the two prefectures of Tiên Hưng and Khoái Châu. Now it is the area of Hưng Yên Province.

 

Cửu Đức/Jiude was the area of the old Việt Thương/Yuechang clan. The Wu first established it to control seven districts. The Jin, Song and Qi maintained it. The Liang abolished the commandery and changed it to Cửu Đức/Jiude District, under the jurisdiction of Nhật Nam/Rinan Commandery. The Tang placed it under the jurisdiction of Hoan/Huan Region. It is now the area of Hà Tĩnh Province.

 

[TB 3/15b] (Canh tý [280 C.E.]; the first year in the Taikang era of the Jin.) The Wu’s regional governor of Giao/Jiao Region, Tao Huang, surrendered to the Jin. The Jin ordered that he resume his position.

 

After the Wu lord, [Sun] Hao, surrendered to the Jin, he wrote a letter in which he encouraged Tao Huang to submit as well. Huang shed tears for several days, and then sent his seal and sash to Luoyang. The Jin emperor ordered him to resume his position, granted him the title of Marquis of Wanling, and then had him serve as army-commanding general.

 

After the Jin had pacified the Wu, they reduced the number of soldiers in regions and commanderies (The old history had “recruited soldiers from Giao/Jiao Region.” That was incorrect.). Tao Huang submitted a memorial which stated, “Giao/Jiao Region is off by itself, a strip of mountains and sea just 700 leagues from Linyi (The old history had “several thousand leagues.” That was incorrect.). Its barbarian commander, Fan Xiong, has plundered [Giao/Jiao Region] for generations, and has repeatedly attacked the people. He has also joined together with Funan to make several raids in which [TB 3/16a] commadery and district [seats] were attacked and destroyed, and officials and people murdered and harmed.

 

“I was formerly employed by the previous kingdom [i.e., Wu], and have been stationed in the South for more than 10 years. Although I have ordered attacks time and again and have eliminated their leaders, the deep mountains and remote caves still provide places to flee. What is more, I originally had more than 8,000 men under my command. [However,] the land in the South is warm and wet (The old history had “warm and moist.” That was incorrect.), and has many poisonous ethers. Add to this the many years of fighting, and [the soldiers] have died and reduced in numbers such that at present there are 2,420 men left. Now the four seas have been united, and there is no one who does not think of submitting [to the Jin]. We should be putting away our armor, melting our swords and focusing on carrying out the proper rites. However, the people in this region dislike peace and enjoy causing disturbances. What is more, along the southern coast of Guang Region, [TB 3/16b] among its over 6,000 leagues of twists and turns, there are as many as 50,000 households which have not submitted, while there must be another 10,000 households of people who are not under control in Guilin. As for the number of officials who have submitted, there are only 5,000 or so families.

 

“The two regions [of Giao/Jiao and Guang] are as close as lips and teeth. Only with troops can they be held down. What is more, Xinggu [District] in Ning Region is upriver, 1,600 leagues from Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Commandery.[42] They are connected by water and land routes, and can help guard each other. It is not advisable to reduce regional troops and present an image of weakness.” The Jin lord followed [Tao Huang’s suggestion].

 

Huang [served] in the region for 30 years. Awe-inspiring, benevolent and straightforward, he was revered by the people in the region. When he died, the Jin emperor appointed the supernumerary cavalier attendant-in-ordinary, Ngô Nghiện/Wu Yan (The old history had Ngô/Wu. This was incorrect.) as commander-in-chief [TB 3/17a] of Nanzhong and regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region.[43]

 

Shortly after Huang died, soldiers stationed in Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen created disorder and drove out its governor. Their commander, Triệu Chỉ/Zhao Zhi, surrounded the commandery [seat]. Yan pacified them all. [While Wu Yan was] in power for 25 years, the people in the region were at peace. He himself requested to be replaced. The Jin emperor had Cố Bí/Gu Bi replace him. Bi was also a good governor. The entire region was fond of him. When Bi died, the people of the region forced his son, Tham/Can, to take control of the region’s affairs. When Can died, his younger brother, Thọ/Shou, sought to take control of the region. He killed the senior subaltern, Hồ Triệu/Hu Zhao, and tried to kill Camp Supervisor Lương Thạc/Liang Shi. Shi fled [and was able] to escape. He then raised troops to attack Shou, and killed him. Shi then took full control but feared that the people would not be amenable to this. He thereupon invited [Tao] Huang’s son, Governor [TB 3/17b] of Cangwu Uy/Wei to serve as regional inspector. While in office, Wei won people’s hearts. After 30 years, he died.[44] Wei’s younger brother, Thục/Shu, and son, Tuy/Sui, successively served as regional inspector. From [Tao] Ji to [Tao] Sui, [members of the Tao family] served as regional inspectors. Ji was Huang’s father (The old history had “grandfather.” That was incorrect.).

 

Note. Funan. See the annals of the Hùng Kings.

 

(Mậu dần [318 C.E.]; the first year in the Daxing era [in the reign] of Emperor Yuan of the Eastern Jin.) In winter, during the tenth lunar month, the Jin ordered that the regional inspector of Guang Region, Đào Khản/Tao Kan, also serve as commander-in-chief for all military affairs in Giao/Jiao Region.

 

According to Ngô [Thì] Sĩ’s Historical Records, at that time Wang Ji from Changsha along with the Shu bandit, Du Hong, the cultivated talent [TB 3/18a] from Giao/Jiao Region, Lưu Trầm/Liu Chen, and others rebelled together.[45] Kan dispatched the protector-general to attack and destroy them. Liu Chen was arrested and [Wang] Ji beheaded. It was this achievement which garnered for Kan the above charge.

 

Notes. 1. Tao Kan. He was from Poyang [Commandery].[46]

 

2. Wang Ji. [According to] the History of the Jin, at first Yi, the father of Wang Ji of Changsha, served as regional inspector of Guang Region and widely received the support of the people. Later, the people in Guang Region invited Ji to serve as regional inspector. At that time the remnant Shu rebel, Du Hong, sent gold to Ji and requested permission to attack rebels in Guilin for [Ji’s] benefit. Ji reported this to the court. Wang Dun understood that Ji was hard to control. Now that [Ji] had the accomplishment of getting Du Hong to submit, [Wang Dun] wanted to get Ji [TB 3/18b] to attack Liang Shi. He thereupon transferred Ji to the post of regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region.[47]

 

[Liang] Shi heard about this and sent his son to greet [Wang Ji] in Yulin. Ji became angry when [the son] was late in performing his welcome, and scolded him saying, “[Making me] wait upon reaching the region—there will be punishment for this.” Shi’s son quickly sent an emissary to report this to Shi. Shi said, “Gentleman Wang has already ruined Guang Region. How can he now come and destroy Giao/Jiao Region?” He then forbid people in the region from welcoming [Wang Ji]. The vice garrison commandant, Du Zan, led troops to attack Shi for not welcoming Ji, and was defeated by Shi. Shi was afraid that the various outsiders supported Ji. He thereupon killed all of the best among them, and took control himself as regional inspector of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.[48] Ji was then resisted by Shi, and as a result, [TB 3/19a] headed to Yulin. At that time, Du Hong was returning from having put down bandits in Guilin. He met Ji en route. Ji encouraged Hong to take Giao/Jiao Region. Hong had long harbored this intent. He grabbed Ji’s tally and said, “We should alternate in carrying this. How can one person alone hold it?” Ji thereupon gave the tally to him, and then Ji and Hong along with Wen Shao, Liu Chen and others rebelled together. A little later, Tao Kan arrived in Guang Region. He first attacked Wen Shao and Liu Chen, and killed them. He also dispatched the protector-general to attack Ji. Ji fled and died. He was disinterred and beheaded.

 

(Quý mùi [323 C.E.]; the first year in the Taining era [in the reign] of Emperor Ming of the Jin.) Liang Shi attacked and killed Regional Inspector Vương Lượng/Wang Liang. Tao Kan dispatched troops to attack [TB 3/19b] Shi. He was beheaded. The Jin ordered Kan to serve as regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region.

 

At first Wang Dun appointed Wang Liang regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region and had him attack Liang Shi. Shi raised troops and surrounded Liang at Long Biên/Longbian. He took [the citadel] and wanted to steal Liang’s tally. Liang would not give it to him. Shi cut off his left arm. Liang said, “I am not afraid of dying, so what is cutting off an arm to me?” After 10 days he died. Shi occupied the region. Fierce and violent, he lost the people’s support. Tao Kan dispatched Adjutant Gao Bao to attack Shi. [Shi] was beheaded. The Jin emperor ordered Kan to serve as regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region, and promoted him with the honorific title of the South-Conquering General-in-chief, Area Commander Unequalled in Honor.

 

[TB 3/20a] Note. Long Biên/Longbian. It was also called Long Uyên/Longyuan. See the note under the first year of the Yuanfeng era [in the reign] of Emperor Wu of the Han [110 B.C.E.; TB 2/7b].

 

(Quý sửu [353 C.E.]; the ninth year in the Yonghe era [in the reign] of Emperor Mu of the Jin.) In spring, during the third lunar month, the regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region, Nguyễn Phu/Ruan Fu, attacked and conquered Linyi.

 

The king of Linyi, Fan Fo, made several incursions. Ruan Fu led troops to attack him, and destroyed over 50 of his ramparts.

 

Note. Linyi. This is the old kingdom of the Việt Thường/Yuechang clan. The Qin made it Lâm Ấp/Linyi District in Tượng/Xiang Commandery. [TB 3/20b] The Han changed it to Tượng Lâm/Xianglin District under the jurisdiction of Nhật Nam/Rinan Commandery. At the end of the Han, an official in the district labor section, Qu Lian, killed the district magistrate and established himself as the king of Linyi.[49] He did not have a direct descendant, so a daughter’s son, Fan Xiong, ascended the throne instead.[50] He passed the throne on to his son, Yi, who’s slave, Fan Wen, taught Yi how to construct citadels, moats and palaces, and about troop formations and weaponry. Yi liked and trusted him. When Yi died, Wen usurped the throne. When Wen died, he was succeeded by his son, Fo. When Fo died, his grandson, Hu Da, ascended the throne, [and this continued] until his great-great grandson, Wen Di, was killed by the king of Funan, Dang Gen Sheng (also recorded as Chun). The high official, Fan Zhu Nong, put down this disturbance and established himself as king. When Zhu Nong died, his son, Yang [TB 3/21a] Mai ascended the throne. When Yang Mai died, his son, Duo, ascended the throne, and again took the name, Yang Mai. He invaded Nhật Nam/Rinan several times. The [Liu] Song sent Tan Hezhi to attack him. Yang Mai became scared and dispatched an emissary to present tribute, but later he stopped doing so. The Sui sent Liu Fang in replacement. The ruler, Fan Zhi, dispatched an emissary to plead guilty. During the Zhenguan era [627-649 C.E.] of the Tang, the king, Dou Le, died. His son, Zhen Long, was murdered. The people in the kingdom established Dou Le’s orphaned son, Zhu Ge Di, as king, and changed the name of the kingdom to Huanwang. He repeatedly attacked An Nam/Annan. Protector-general Zhang Dan attacked and defeated him. Linyi was then abandoned and the kingdom was moved to Zhan, calling itself the Kingdom of Zhancheng [i.e., Champa].

 

Once [TB 3/21b] this dynasty’s arrayed sages established the [dynastic] foundation and unified the territory, they employed the clay tablet to measure the Luo [River] and the numinous tortoise to divine the [Huang] River.[51] With Vân Gate, Hoành Ridge, Thuận Sea and the Thương Mountains, [this area] is a marvelous region of abundance.[52] They thus established a capital there. With its reputation of flourishing civility, no [dynasties or kingdoms in] prior ages had a capital to match it. Today in Thừa Thiên [Province] there is Phật Thệ Citadel. In Bình Đình [Province] there is Chà Bàn Citadel. These are all the remains of former [Cham] capitals.

 

(Canh thìn [380 C.E.]; the fifth year in the Taiyuan era [in the reign] of Emperor Xiaowu of the Jin.) In winter, during the tenth lunar month, the governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen, Lý Tố/Li Xun, occupied the region[al seat] and rebelled.

 

(Tân tỵ [381 C.E.]; the sixth year in the Taiyuan era of the Jin.) In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, the governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Đỗ Viện/Du Yuan, attacked Xun and pacified him.

 

[TB 3/22a] [According to] the arrayed biographies in the History of the [Liu] Song, this began when Li Xun was governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. He and his sons were courageous and had a lot of authority. They used their awe to control the Giao/Jiao lands. When [Li Xun] heard that Regional Inspector Đằng Độn/Teng Dun was about to arrive, he sent his two sons to cut off or block key locations along the water and land routes. Yuan amassed a group and beheaded Xun. The region became calm. The Jin promoted Yuan with the title of Dragon-Ascending General.[53]

 

Note. Đỗ Viện/Du Yuan. He was from Chu Diên/Zhuyuan [District] in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi [Commandery]. [His family] was originally from Jingzhao. His grandfather, Yuan, served as governor of Ningpu [Commandery], and then took up residence in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi.[54]

 

(Kỷ hợi [399 C.E.]; the third year in the Longan era [in the reign] of Emperor An of the Jin.) In spring, during the third lunar month, the king of Linyi, Fan Hu Da (also recorded as Xu Da) came and pillaged.[55] [TB 3/22b] Du Yuan attacked and defeated him. The Jin promoted Yuan to the position of regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region.

 

[According to] the History of the Liang, in this year the king of Linyi, Fan Hu Da pillaged Nhật Nam/Rinan and captured the governor, Quế Nguyên/Gui Yuan. He then proceeded to pillage Cửu Đức/Jiude and captured its governor, Tào Bính/Cao Bing. Governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Du Yuan dispatched the protector-general, Đặng Dật/Deng Yi, and others to attack and defeat him. The Jin then appointed Yuan regional inspector.[56]

 

Comment. The [History of the (Liu)] Song and the [History of the] Liang both write that it was in the third year of the Longan era [399 C.E.] that Du Yuan was promoted to regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region, the very year that he attacked and defeated Linyi. The old history records that it was in the sixth year of the Taiyuan era [381 C.E.], before this event took place. This is inaccurate. Here we have made changes in accordance with the truth.[57]

 

[TB 3/23a] (Tân hợi [411 C.E.]; the seventh year of the Yixi era of the Jin.) In summer, during the fourth lunar month, the Jin rebel, Lu Xun, fled to Giao/Jiao Region. Regional Inspector Đỗ Tuệ Độ/Du Huidu attacked and killed him, and then sent his head to Jiankang.[58]

 

Earlier, Xun had followed Sun En in pillaging. When En died, Xun surrendered to the Jin and became the regional inspector of Guang Region. At this point he again rebelled. He was defeated by Liu Yu’s general, Liu Pan, and fled to Giao/Jiao Region.[59] At that time, the previous regional inspector, Du Yuan, had died and the Jin emperor had appointed [Du Yuan’s] son, Huidu, to replace him as regional inspector. [However], before the imperial edict arrived, Xun raided and captured Hợp Phố/Hepu, and then turned towards Giao/Jiao Region. Huidu led civil and military personnel from the region to resist Xun at Thạch Kỳ/Shiqi, and defeated him. Xun’s remnant troops still numbered 3,000. [3/23b] There were also remnant members of Li Xun’s gang, such as Li Tuo and others, who united with more than 5,000 Lý/Li and Lạo/Lao, and came to Xun’s support.

 

Xun arrived at the southern bank in Long Biên/Longbian. Huidu distributed all of his family valuables to his officers as a reward. His younger brother, Governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi Tuệ Kỳ/Huiqi, together with Governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen Chương Dân/Zhang Min, commanded naval and land forces. Huidu boarded a high-decked ship and engaged Xun in battle.[60] [Huidu’s men] threw torches which burned [Lu Xun’s] ships, while infantry fired arrows from the banks. [Lu Xun’s] forces collapsed. Xun was hit by an arrow, fell in the water and died. Huidu retrieved his corpse and beheaded it. His head, along with those of his wives, sons, [Li] Tuo and others were sent in a chest to Jiankang.

 

[TB 3/24a] Notes. 1. Tuệ Độ/Huidu. He was Du Yuan’s fifth son.

 

2. Thạch Kỳ/Shiqi. This was the name of a garrison to the southwest of the regional seat of Giao/Jiao Region. Mister Hồ states that a curve in a bank is called “kỳ/qi.”

 

(Quý sửu [413 C.E.]; the ninth year of the Yixi era of the Jin.) In spring, during the third lunar month, Linyi again pillaged Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. Du Huidu attacked and defeated [its army].

 

[According to] the History of the Liang, the king of Linyi, Fan Hu Da, again pillaged Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. Huidu engaged in battle and defeated him. [The king’s] son, the Jiaolong Prince, Zhen Zhi, and his general, Fan Zhi, and others were beheaded. [The king’s] son, Na Neng, and over 100 others were captured alive.[61]

 

[TB 3/24b] (Ất mão [415 C.E.]; the 11th year of the Yixi era of the Jin.) Linyi invaded Giao/Jiao Region. A regional general attacked and defeated [its army].

 

(Canh thân [420 C.E.]; the second year of the Yuanxi era [in the reign] of Emperor Gong of the Jin; the first year of the Yongchu era [in the reign] of Emperor Wu of the [Liu] Song.) In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, Du Huidu attacked and thoroughly defeated Linyi.

 

[According to] the History of the Liang, at this time Huidu attacked and thoroughly defeated Linyi, killing over half [of the opposing army].[62] Linyi sued for peace. Elephants, gold, silver, [wood from the] silk-cotton tree and other items were offered, and [the fighting] was called off. All of those who had been captured were sent back. [Du Huidu] then sent the aide, Jiang Xiu, to report this victory and to present the surrendered goods to the [Liu] Song.

 

When Huidu was in the region, he wore coarse cotton clothes and ate vegetarian. He banned licentious shrines and built schools. In years of famine [TB 3/25a] he used his own salary to give aid [those in need]. He was meticulous in governing, just as if he was managing his family. The officials and people feared and yet were fond of him. At night the city gates remained opened, and travelers on the road did not pick up items dropped [by others]. When he died he was granted the posthumous title of General of the Left, and his son, Hoằng Văn/Hongwen, became regional inspector. Hongwen also gained the people’s support with his tolerance, and inherited the honorary title of Marquis of Long Biên/Longbian.[63]

 

Notes. 1. Hoằng Văn/Hongwen. He was Huidu’s eldest son. Earlier, when Emperor Wu of the Song was campaigning in the north, Huidu had Hongwen serve by courtesy as governor of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. He later succeeded [his father] as regional inspector.

 

2. By courtesy. This is the same as by courtesy of the garrison. The “Treatise” [on officials] in the [History of the (Liu)] Song has “appointed as adjutant, and as acting adjutant [TB 3/25b] by courtesy of the garrison.”[64]

 

(Đinh mão [427 C.E.]; the fourth year of the Yuanjia era [in the reign] of Emperor Wen of the [Liu] Song.) In summer, during the fourth lunar month, the regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region, Du Hongwen, died. The Song appointed Vương Huy/Wang Hui as regional inspector.

 

The [Liu] Song summoned Hongwen to serve as chamberlain for law enforcement.[65] At the time, Hongwen became ill.[66] Driving a carriage himself, he headed on the road. Some encouraged him to wait until he had recovered from his illness. Hongwen stated, “We have carried the official tally for three generations. I have often desired to prostrate myself at the emperor’s court; even more so now that I have been summoned.” He subsequently left, and died in Guang Region.

 

(Tân mùi [431 C.E.]; the eighth year of the Yuanjia era of the [Liu] Song.) Linyi pillaged Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. The regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region, Nguyễn Di Chi/Ruan Mizhi, attacked [its army] [TB 3/26a], but did not succeed, and led the troops back.

 

[According to] Ngô [Thì] Sĩ’s Historical Records, at that time, the king of Linyi, Fan Yang Mai, sent over 100 tower ships to pillage Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen [Commandery], entering by the Tứ Hội/Sihui estuary. The regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region, Ruan Mizhi, dispatched Company Commander Tướng Đạo Sinh/Xiang Daosheng to proceed there. [Xiang Daosheng] attacked Khu Lật/Quli Citadel but could not take it, and led his troops back.

 

After Regional Inspector Du Yuan died, there was not a year that Linyi did not pillage the commanderies of Nhật Nam/Rinan and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen. They killed particularly many, and Giao/Jiao Region subsequently became weak. During the early years of the Yuanjia era, Yang Mai was especially fierce in his attacks. [Du] Hongwen wished to attack him, but refrained when he learned that he would be replaced. At this point [i.e., 431 C.E.], [TB 3/26b] they pillaged again with the full force of their kingdom. There were many conflicts along the two borders [of Nhật Nam/Rinan and Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen Commanderies].

 

Note. Khu Lật/Quli Citadel. It is to the north of the Champa border. [According to] the Annotated Classic of Waterways, the Lư Dung/Lurong river starts from high in the mountains to the south of Khu Lật/Quli Citadel in Lư Dung/Lurong District, Nhật Nam/Rinan Commandery, and then passes to the north of Khu Lật/Quli Citadel as it flows eastward. Linyi’s weaponry is all inside the Citadel.[67] Later, Tan Hezhi proceeded from Chu Ngô/Zhu Ngo garrison to lay siege to Fan Fu Long at this very same Khu Lật/Quli Citadel.

 

(Quý dậu [433 C.E.]; the 10th year of the Yuanjia era of the [Liu] Song.) In summer, during the fifth lunar month, Fan Yang Mai of Linyi sent an emissary to the [Liu] Song requesting authority to govern over Giao/Jiao Region. It was not permitted.

 

[TB 3/27a] King of Linyi Fan Yang Mai sent an emissary to present tribute to the [Liu] Song and to request permission to govern over Giao/Jiao Region. The Song emperor issued an edict in response which did not permit this given how far away [Giao/Jiao Region was from Linyi]. This same year the Song appointed Right Army Adjutant Lý Tú Chi/Li Xiuzhi as regional inspector of Jiao Region.

 

(Bính tuất [446 C.E.]; the 23rd year of the Yuanjia era of the Song.) In spring, during the third lunar month, the Song sent Regional Inspector of Giao/Jiao Region Đàn Hòa Chi/Tan Hezhi to attack Linyi. He defeated [Linyi] and entered its citadel.

 

Earlier, although the king of Linyi, Fan Yang Mai, sent emissaries to present tribute, the pillaging went on continuously. The [Liu] Song emperor sent Hezhi to punish him. At that time there was a man from Nanyang, Tông Xác/Zong Que, whose family had been Confucian scholars for generations.[68] [TB 3/27b] Only Que was fond of military affairs and would often say, “I am willing to ride the winds and smash 10,000-league waves.” When Hezhi was to attack Linyi, Que became excited and asked to follow the troops. The [Liu] Song appointed him as the Martial-Inciting General, and Hezhi sent Que to lead the vanguard. When Yang Mai heard that the army had departed, he sent an emissary to relay his sentiments, return the people who had been captured from Nhật Nam/Rinan, and offer 10,000 cân/jin of gold, and 100,000 cân/jin of silver. The [Liu] Song emperor issued an edict to Hezhi [which stated that] “If Yang Mai is truly sincere, then you should let him submit.” [However,] in the end Mai was deceived by his senior official, Du (pronounced “du”) Seng Da, to cease from doing so. When Hezhi arrived at the Chu Ngô/Zhuwu frontier post, he dispatched Administrator of the Garrison Revenue Section Khương Trọng Cơ/Jiang Zhongji and others (the garrison was the garrison of the regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region) to pay a visit to Yang Mai. [TB 3/28a] Yang Mai detained him. Hezhi became furious and proceeded to lay siege to Linyi general, Fan Fu Long, in Khu Lật/Quli Citadel. Yang Mai sent his general, Fan Kun Sha Da, to rescue him. Que’s soldiers lay waiting and attacked and defeated him.

 

In the fifth lunar month, Hezhi and his men captured Khu Lật/Quli Citadel and beheaded Fan Fu Long. Taking advantage of this victory, they entered Tượng Phố/Xiangpu. Yang Mai led his entire kingdom to battle, with soldiers mounted on elephants one after the other in an endless array. Que said, “I have heard that foreign kingdoms have lions which awe into submission the myriad beasts.” He then took the form [of a lion] and confronted the elephants, which in fact fled in surprise. The Linyi army was thoroughly defeated. Hezhi thereupon conquered Linyi. Yang Mai and his son both avoided capture. The unusual [TB 3/28b] treasure [which was obtained] was boundless. Gold figures were also melted to obtain several 100,000 cân/jin of gold. Que did not take a thing. The day he returned home, his attire was plain and simple.

 

Notes. 1. [Đàn] Hòa Chi/[Tan] Hezhi. He was from Jinxiang in Gaoping.[69] Later, in the third year of the Xiaojian era [456 C.E.], he was transferred to serve as regional inspector of Yan Region.[70] He indulged in drinking and accepted bribes, and was fired from his job. Then while sick he became tormented by a Hu spirit and died.

 

2. Chu Ngô/Zhuwu frontier post. Chu Ngô/Zhuwu was the name of a district. From the time of the Han onward it was in Nhật Nam/Rinan Commandery. At that time a frontier post was established at Champa’s northern border.

 

3. Tượng Phố/Xiangpu. This was the name of a district to the northwest of Champa. It was originally the Han’s Tượng Lâm/Xianglin District in Nhật Nam/Rinan Commandery. During the Daye era [606-618 C.E.] of the Sui it was put in [TB 3/29a] Lâm Ấp Commandery.[71]

 

4. Gold figures. [According to] the History of the [Liu] Song, [people in] Linyi followed the way of the Nirgrantha.[72] They cast cold and silver images 10 vi/wei in circumference.[73]

 

(Mậu thân [468 C.E.]; the fourth year of the Taishi era [in the reign] of Emperor Ming of the [Liu] Song.) In spring, during the third lunar month, Lý Trường Nhân/Li Changren, a man from Giao/Jiao Region, occupied the region and declared himself to be regional inspector.

 

At first the [Liu] Song appointed Lưu Mục/Liu Mu as regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region. Liu became sick and died. A man from the region, Li Changren, killed the followers whom Mu had brought from the north, occupied the region and rebelled, declared himself the regional inspector. The [Liu] Song then appointed Nankang Administrator Lưu Bột/Liu Bo as regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region. When Liu Bo arrived, he was resisted [TB 3/29b] by Changren. Before long, [Liu Bo] died. Changren then sent an emissary with a request to surrender, and offered to demote himself to [a lower-level position] carrying out regional affairs. This was approved.

 

(Kỷ mùi [479 C.E.]; the third year in the Shengming era [in the reign of] Emperor Shun of the [Liu] Song, the first year in the Jianyuan era [in the reign of] Emperor Gao of the Qi.) In autumn, during the seventh lunar month, the Qi appointed Lý Thúc Hiến/Li Shuxian regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region.

 

Shuxian was one of Changren’s younger clansmen. Earlier, when Changren died, Shuxian relied on [the influence of] the governor of Vũ Bình/Wuping to replace [Changren] in carrying out regional affairs. Since he had yet to receive an official title, he sent an emissary to the [Liu] Song to request the title of regional inspector. The [Liu] Song appointed Governor of Nankang Thẩm Hoán/Shen Huan as regional inspector and appointed Shuxian [TB 3/30a] as commander of the Ningyuan Army, and governor of the two commanderies of Tân Xương/Xinchang and Vũ Bình/Wuping. With Shuxian having thus obtained the court’s mandate, the people followed him, and he dispatched troops to hold strategic points and not accept Huan. Huan stayed in Yulin and died there. The Qi thereupon appointed Shuxian regional inspector [in order to] assuage the lands of An Nam/Annan.

 

Note. Tân Xương/Xinchang and Vũ Bình/Wuping. See the notes under the third year in the Jianheng era of the Wu [271 C.E.; TB 3/14a and 3/15a].

 

(Ất sửu [485 C.E.]; the third year in the Chengming era [in the reign] of Emperor Wu of the Qi.) Li Shuxian traveled over back roads to present himself at the Qi court.

 

At that time, Shuxian had already received the mandate [to serve as regional inspector], but had cut off sending tribute. In this year, during the first lunar month of spring, the Qi appointed Chamberlain for the National Treasury Lưu Khải/Liu Kai as regional inspector, and sent troops from Nankang, Luling and Shixing [TB 3/30b] to attack [Li Shuxian]. Shuxian sent an emissary to plead guilty and to call off the hostilities. He also presented pure silver helmets for 20 companies [of soldiers] and peacock ornaments. The Qi ruler did not allow this. Shuxian feared that he would be attacked by Kai, and traveled over back roads from Xiang Region to present himself at the Qi court. Kai moved in and occupied the area.

 

Ngô [Thì] Sĩ stated that the Qi thereupon lost their executive power. Shuxian was the relative of a rebel official. He relied on a regional governor. When he did not have the authority to rule, he requested that the central court appoint him a regional inspector. Having received a mandate from the court, he then resisted the previous regional inspector in Yulin. Rather than resist him, the Qi appointed him a real regional inspector. After obtaining the official insignia, [Shuxian] [TB 3/31a] stopped paying tribute. When Liu Kai then received orders to attack him, he was allowed to take back roads to present himself at the court. There was no word of [the Qi] punishing him. The later affair with Đăng Chi/Dengzhi was the same. If preventing [bad behavior] and encouraging [good behavior] is carried out like this, then how can one get the people to obey and illuminate the kingdom’s institutions?

 

Notes. 1. Nankang, Luling and Shixing. The two commanderies of Nankang and Luling were in Jiang Region, and Shixing Commandery was in Xiang Region.[74]

 

2. Xiang Region. The Jin divided the ancient Jing Region into eight commanderies under Xiang Region. Now it is the area of Hunan Circuit.

 

3. Peacock ornaments. Ornaments, pronounced “er,” are ornaments made from peacock feathers.

 

[TB 3/31b] (Mậu thìn [488 C.E.]; the sixth year of the Yongming era of the Qi.) In summer, during the sixth lunar month, the Qi appointed Governor of Shixing Phòng Pháp Thừa/Fang Facheng as regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region.

 

(Canh ngọ [490 C.E.]; the eighth year of the Yongming era of the Qi.) In winter, during the tenth lunar month, Giao/Region Aide Phục Đăng Chi/Fu Dengzhi detained and imprisoned Regional Inspector Fang Facheng. The Qi appointed Dengzhi as regional inspector.

 

Earlier, the Qi had appointed Facheng to replace Liu Kai. When he reached his post, he used the pretext (excuse) of illness and did not handle affairs. He just took pleasure in reading books. Aide Fu Dengzhi thereupon took it upon himself to govern. He changed military and civil positions and did not let Facheng know. Secretary Phòng Quý Văn/Feng Jiwen informed [him]. Facheng became [TB 3/32a] furious. He arrested Dengzhi and put him in jail for more than 10 days. Dengzhi bribed Thôi Cảnh Thúc/Cui Jingshu, the husband of Facheng’s younger sister, and got out. He then led his followers to attack the regional seat and detain Facheng. He said to him, “Since you are ill, Your Honor, you should not exert yourself,” and imprisoned him in a separate building. Facheng had nothing to do, so he asked Dengzhi for books to read. Dengzhi said, “Your Honor should rest, or else your illness might break out again. How can you read books?” He subsequently did not give any. [Fu Dengzhi] submitted a memorial [to the Qi stating that] Facheng had a heart illness and could not oversee affairs. The Qi then appointed Dengzhi as regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region. Facheng returned to the [Five] Passes and died.

 

(Ất dậu [505 C.E.]; the fourth year of the Tianjian era [in the reign] of Emperor Wu of the Liang.) In spring, during the second lunar month, Regional Inspector of Giao/Jiao Region Lý Khải/Li Kai occupied the region and resisted [TB 3/32b] the Liang. He was killed by the aide, Lý Tắc/Li Ji.

 

Li Kai replaced Dengzhi as regional inspector. When the Qi abdicated to the Liang, he occupied the region and resisted [the Liang]. At this point, Ji led troops to kill Kai. The Liang appointed Ji as regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region.

 

Comment. For Li Kai the old history had Lý Nguyên Khải/Li Yuankai. This was incorrect.

 

(Bính thân [516 C.E.]; the 15th year of the Tianjian era of the Liang.) In winter, during the 11th lunar month, Regional Inspector of Giao/Jiao Region Li Ji attacked Nguyễn Tôn Hiếu/Ruan Zunxiao and other remnant followers of Li Kai, and beheaded them. All within the region’s borders became peaceful. The Liang issued a special amnesty for Giao/Jiao Region.

 

Notes. 1. Special amnesty. This means that all of the followers were given amnesty.

 

[Nguyễn] Tôn Hiếu/[Ruan] Zunxiao. The old history had Tôn Lão/Zunlao. That was incorrect.

 

[TB 3/33a] (Quý mão [523 C.E.]; the fourth year of the Putong era of the Liang.) The Liang divided Giao/Jiao Region and established Ai Region.

 

Ngô [Thì] Sĩ recorded that starting from the Han regions governed over commanderies. The Six Dynasties followed this. Whenever Giao/Jiao Region is mentioned, this means that it is where a regional inspector ruled. He ruled over all seven of the commandery governors. [In speaking of] the various commandery governors, we cannot talk about the region.

 

Note. Ai Region. This was the area of Cửu Chân/Jiuzhen Commandery.

 

The above pertains to the Western and Eastern Han, the Wu, the Jin, the [Liu] Song, the Qi and the Liang; starting under the jurisdiction of the Han from the first year of the Yuanfeng era [in the reign] of Emperor Wu, a tân mùi year [110 B.C.E.] and ending in the sixth year of the Datong era [in the reign] of Emperor Wu of the Liang, a canh thân year [540 C.E.], under the jurisdiction of the Liang, a total [TB 3/33b] of 649 years.

 



[1] Linhuai was a commandery which was established by the Han. It included areas of what are today Jiangsu and Anhui Provinces.

 

[2] Yizhou Commandery was in the area of what is today Yunnan Province.

 

[3] “Han” at this point refers to one of the Three Kingdoms, and not the Han Dynasty, which came to an end in 220 C.E.

 

[4] The “Poetry and Documents” is a reference to the Classic of Poetry [Shijing] and the Venerated Documents [Shangshu], also known as the Classic of Documents [Shujing]. This expression, however, can also be understood in a more general sense to refer to writing and the moral teachings contained in writings.

 

[5] 600 years is incorrect. The Complete Book of the Historical Records of Đại Việt [Đại Việt sử ký toàn thư] has this as 160, which is more accurate as will become apparent below.

 

[6] Instead of saying “from Hepu southward,” the Treatise on the Three Kingdoms has “from Jiaozhi southward.” See Sanguozhi, Wuzhi, 13a.

 

[7] Removing one’s upper garments was a sign of submission.

 

[8] The DVSKTT has here “Dai dressed in disguise and proceeded to the commandery [offices].” What is recorded above is the same as what is in the Record of the Three Kingdoms. See Sanguozhi, Wuzhi, 4/13b.

 

[9] This statement comes from the Zuo Commentary [Zuozhuan]. There is a record in that work of an instance in which a commander laid siege to a citadel. He told his troops that they would leave if the citadel did not surrender in three days. Eventually a spy reported that the citadel would surrender, but that some time was needed, and that the point of surrender would come after the third day. The commander thereupon ordered his troops to leave, stating that “Trust is a kingdom’s treasure,” and that he had to maintain the people’s trust by keeping his word. The troops withdrew, and later the citadel did indeed surrender. See Zuozhuan, Xigong 25.

 

[10] Sun Sheng was a scholar during the Jin Dynasty (265-420 C.E.) who wrote a commentary on the Treatise on the Three Kingdoms which were later included in what became the standard version of that text. For the remarks here, see Sanguozhi, Wuzhi, 4/13b.

The locus classicus of the concept of “being pliant with those afar and enabling those who are near” is in the Venerated Documents. See Shangshu, Wenhou zhi ming.

 

[11] Guangling Commandery was in the area of what is today Jiangsu Province.

 

[12] This was in the area of what is today Zhejiang Province.

 

[13] This was in the area of what is now Jiangxi Province.

 

[14] This is the only place in the official Chinese dynastic histories where Tangming is mentioned. I have no idea where it was. See Sanguozhi, Wuzhi, 15/10b. Linyi was a precursor of the kingdom of Champa, while Funan was an early polity in the area of what is today the Mekong delta.

 

[15] Wuling Commandery was centered in the area of what is today Hunan Province. Wuxi, meaning “five streams,” was a name that referred to five places around the current Hunan-Guizhou border area that all ended with the word “stream” (khê/xi).

 

[16] Zong was his given name, and Jingwen his courtesy name. See Sanguozhi, Wuzhi, 8/9a.

 

[17] What I have translated as “four polities” is literally “four kingdoms” (tứ quốc/si guo). Xue Zong apparently meant Cangwu, Guilin, Nanhai and Xiang, none of which were actually kingdoms. As for “belonging inside” (nội thuộc/neishu), this refers to their being part of what we would today label the Qin and Han empires.

 

[18] The Wu replaced Hepu Commandery with Zhuguan Commandery. Its administrative center was to the south of the Hepu Commandery seat, in what is today Guangdong Province.

 

[19] This sentence means that people started to follow rituals (lễ nghĩa/liyi) and teachings about proper behavior (giáo hóa/jiaohua) that originated in the Middle Kingdom. As for the people who were brought in from the Central Kingdom, the Sanguozhi records that they were prisoners. See Sanguozhi, Wuzhi, 8/10a.

 

[20] Xue Zong uses an obscure term here (cửu điện/jiu dian) for what I have translated as “Nine Domains.” However, in this context it is clear that it has the same meaning as other terms (cửu phục/jiu fu; cửu kỳ/jiu ji), which likewise meant “nine domains.” The nine domains referred to nine areas of the known world during the time of the Zhou Dynasty. At the center was the region where the emperor resided, and then as one moved outward, one would reach the boundaries of a new domain every 500 leagues. In addition, the domain where the emperor resided was considered to be ritually the purest, whereas that purity diminished the further one traveled from the center.

 

[21] “Regional dignitary” (mục bá/mubo) is an unofficial reference to a regional governor. Many official titles were known by unofficial names as well.

 

[22] In addition to the idea that as one moved away from the Chinese capital one passed through nine successive domains, there was another conception in which there were five domains; the core area around the capital, and then four more concentric areas, each of which submitted to the authority of the emperor in the capital. Like the concept of the Nine Domains, the Five Domains also decreased in ritual purity and became more “wild” as one moved away from the capital. The “Wild Domain” (Hoang Phục/Huangfu) was the domain most distant from the capital.

 

[23] This was in Zhuguang, formerly Hepu, Commandery.

 

[24] This was in the area of what is today Anhui Province.

 

[25] Liu Xi was a scholar-official who taught in Giao/Jiao Region in the final years of the Han Dynasty. His name is associated with a dictionary, Explaining Names [Shiming], which attempted to define words by using terms which sounded the same as the term being defined. However, the authorship of this work has long been debated. See Roy Andrew Miller, “Shih ming,” in Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe (Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, 1994), 424-428.

 

[26] Hengyang was a district which the Wu established in the area of what is now Hunan Province.

 

[27] This figure of 30,000 is not mentioned in the Treatise on the Three Kingdoms. Instead, that work records that a rebel leader from Gaoliang surrendered with some 3,000 of his followers. It then states that further south over 100 rebel leaders and more than 50,000 common families also submitted. Sanguozhi, Wuzhi, 16/15a.

 

[28] There have been a couple “women’s citadels” (phu nhân thành/furen cheng) throughout Chinese history. The earliest gained this name during the Han Dynasty. At that time there was a Han citadel in territory controlled by the Xiongnu. When the general in charge of the citadel died, his wife took over and succeeded in holding it. Later, during the Eastern Jin Dynasty (317-420 C.E.) there was a citadel in what is now Hubei Province which gained this name when a woman and the girls in the citadel led the efforts to hold the citadel when it was under attack. The Maiden Warrior (nương tử quân/niangzi jun), meanwhile, is a reference to Princess Pingyang. The daughter of the founder of the Tang Dynasty, she helped her father fight his way to power.

 

[29] Wu Commandery was in the area of present day southeastern Jiangsu Province. Lu Xun (183-245 C.E.) was a famous Wu General.

 

[30] A xích/chi was about a third of a meter. The Record of the World in the Taiping Era actually records that her breasts were five xích/chi long. See Yue Shi, Taiping huanyu ji, 171/6a. The Complete Book of the Historical Records of Đại Việt, however, cited a work that is no longer extant, the Treatise on Jiaozhi [Jiaozhi zhi], which stated that her breasts were three xích/chi. See Ngô Sĩ Liên, Đại Việt sử ký toàn thư, Ngoại kỷ, 4/4a.

 

[31] This sentence is different from what is in the Record of the World in the Taiping Era. There the reference is to Lady Triệu and all of her followers, and it states that “They all [wore] golden singlets and tooth shoes.” The passage here again follows what was apparently recorded in the Treatise on Jiaozhi. As for “tooth shoes” (xỉ lý/chilü), they were likely shoes that were in a shape that resembled a tooth.

 

[32] The History of the Jin, where this passage originated, has 3,000 peacocks. See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/9b. Moling was a district in the area where the city of Nanjing in Jiangsu Province is today. Under the Wu, its name was changed to Jianye.

 

[33] The title of “remote controller” (dao lãnh/yaoling) indicated that the official could fulfill the duties for that position from afar, and did not need to be present in the actual location of appointment.

 

[34] Baxi and Qianwei were commanderies in the area of present day Sichuan Province.

 

[35] Jing Region was centered around the present provinces of Hunan and Hubei. Jianan was a district in the area of what is today Fujian Province.

 

[36] The only Phần/Fen River (Phần Thủy/Fenshui) I have been able to locate is in Shanxi Province. That does not make sense here.

 

[37] The History of the Jin records that these troops were within the area of a “broken wall.” See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/10a.

 

[38] The History of the Jin has here “several thousand bolts of brocade from the treasure ships they had obtained.” See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/10b.

The two characters for the name Qi are pronounced the same in Chinese in the two texts, but are pronounced differently in modern Vietnamese. It is not clear if Phù Nghiêm/Fuyan was the name of a place or a people.

 

[39] Danyang Commandery was in present-day Anhui Province. Moling was near what is today Nanjing.

 

[40] Hu Sansheng was a thirteenth-century scholar who wrote annotations to Sima Quang’s Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government.

 

[41] Di Lạo/Yilao was a term which the Chinese used to refer to certain non-Han Chinese in the southwestern part of their empire. This term could have referred to Tai-speaking peoples, such as the ancestors of the Lao, but there is no way to be certain of this.

 

[42] Ning Region was established by the Jin in the area of what is today Yunnan Province.

 

[43] The Complete Book of the Historical Records of Đại Việt has the wrong character for Wu, but one which is pronounced the same as the correct character. “Nanzhong,” meanwhile, is a term which referred in general to the area of what is today southern China, similar to Lingnan, or “South of the Passes.”

 

[44] The History of the Jin has “three” instead of “30” years. See Jinshu, Juan 57, Liezhuan 27/14a.

 

[45] The text referred to here is the Preliminary Compilation of the Historical Records of Đại Việt (Đại Việt sử ký tiền biên), compiled by Ngo Thi Si in 1800.

 

[46] This commandery, established by the Wu, was in the area of what is today Jiangxi Province.

 

[47] This passage condenses information from the History of the Jin and loses some coherence in the process. Wang Ji was a “semi-rebel.” He initially requested to be stationed in Guang Region, but Wang Dun, a Jin military official who had authority over a large section of what is today central and southern China, rejected this request. According to the History of the Jin, the people of Guang Region then “betrayed” their regional inspector, Guo Na, and invited Wang Ji to take up that position. Wang Ji fought his way to power by holding off forces sent by Wang Dun. Hence, Wang Dun’s belief that Wang Ji was “hard to control.” However, when the rebel, Du Hong, submitted to Wang Ji by sending him money and offering to suppress rebels for him, Wang Dun made use of this accomplishment to plead the case for Wang Ji to be officially appointed a regional inspector. He was subsequently appointed to the post in Giao/Jiao region, in the hope that he would then succeed in putting down Liang Shi, a rebel there. See Jinshu, Juan 100, Liezhuan 70/20b-21a.

 

[48] The History of the Jin states that Liang Shi took for himself the position of governor of Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi. See Jinshu, Juan 100, Liezhuan 70/22a. Also, the term “outsiders” (kiều nhân/qiaoren) most likely refers to Han Chinese who were originally from a different region than Liang Shi.

 

[49] The History of the Liang has his name as Qu Da. See Liangshu, Juan 54, Liezhuan 48/2b.

 

[50] According to the History of the Liang and the History of the Southern [Dynasties] this was the king’s nephew (his sister’s son). See ibid. and Nanshi, Juan 78, Liezhuan 68/2b.

 

[51] These are references to techniques for geomantic calculations that were carried out in antiquity in northern China in order to establish a proper site to build a capital.

 

[52] These are references to famous sites in what is today central Vietnam which served as natural protective barriers to the south, north, east and west, respectively, of the Nguyễn Dynasty capital of Huế: the old gate at Hải Vân Pass, the Hoành Sơn Range, the Thuận An estuary and the Thương Mountains.

 

[53] See Songshu, Juan 92, Liezhuan 52/4a-b.

 

[54] Jingzhao was a district in the Han Dynasty capital of Chang’an. Ningpu was a commandery which the Jin established in the area of what is now Guangxi Province. The Complete Book of the Historical Records of Đại Việt, however, records that this grandfather served in Hợp Phố/Hepu Commandery. See Đại Việt sử ký toàn thư, Ngoại kỷ, 4/9a.

 

[55] According to the History of the Jin, this occurred in the second lunar month of spring. Jinshu, Juan 10, Diji 10/3b.

 

[56] See Liangshu, Juan 54, Liezhuan 48/3b.

 

[57] I have not found any such reference in the History of the [Liu] Song, but this is what is recorded in the History of the Liang. Ibid.

 

[58] Jiankang was the Jin capital and was where Nanjing is today.

 

[59] Liu Yu would go on to found the Liu Song dynasty in 420.

 

[60] This passage omits some important information. Lu Xun gained the support of Li Xun’s remnant forces, who in turn recruited the support of warriors from the Li and Liao. Lu Xun then sent three of his officers into Long Biên/Longbien. This was apparently a ruse to make Du Huidu think that Lu Xun was submitting to his authority when in fact he was preparing for battle. Du Huidu, however, was aware of this. He offered valuables to the three men as if he believed them, but then attacked Lu Xun’s combined forces shortly afterwards. This took place in the sixth lunar month of summer. See Songshu, Juan 92, Liezhuan 52/5a-b; Nanshi, Juan 70, Liezhuan 60/10a.

 

[61] See Liangshu, Juan 54, Liezhuan 48/4a.

 

[62] The following passage is not from the History of the Liang. Instead, it can be found, with slight variations, in the History of the Southern [Dynasties] and the History of the [Liu] Song. See Nanshi, Juan 70, Liezhuan 60/10b-11a and Songshu, Juan 92, Liezhuan 52/5b-6a.

 

[63] Du Huidu had earlier received the honorary title of Marquis of Long Biên/Longbian District. See Nanshi, Juan 70, Liezhuan 60/10b and Songshu, Juan 92, Liezhuan 52/5b.

 

[64] Songshu, Juan 39, Zhi 29/10a. “By courtesy” (bản/ban) is how Hucker translates a term which refers to “a placard designating official status.” Hucker states that it was “a common suffix to titles of many sorts signifying that the appointee was not a regular functioning official legitimated by an appropriate seal and sash.” Hucker, 362. Although this term is not being used as a suffix in a title here, it nonetheless appears to indicate that the appointment was not made through appropriate channels. This is fitting, as the events described above took place during the dynastic transition from the Jin to the Liu Song when it would have been difficult to gain approval from higher authorities.

 

[65] This sentence is incorrect. The sentence on which it is based states the following: “In the fourth lunar month of summer on the canh tuất/gengxu day, Chamberlain for Law Enforcement Wang Hui was appointed regional inspector of Giao/Jiao Region.” Songshu, Juan 5, Benji 5/7a-b.

 

[66] Before Du Hongwen became sick, he was summoned to the court by the emperor. See Songshu, Juan 92, Liezhuan 52/6b.

 

[67] These two sentences are not a direct quote, but are pieced together using bits from different passages in the Annotated Classic of Waterways. See Shuijing zhu, 35/20a-21a.

 

[68] Nanyang was commandery in area of what is today Henan Province.

 

[69] There was a Gaoping District in the area of what is today Shanxi Province. I am not sure if that is where this is referring to or not.

 

[70] Yan Region was in the area of present-day Shandong Province.

 

[71] The text mistakenly has “Taiye” instead of “Daye” here.

 

[72] Nirgrantha were (sometimes naked) mendicants who were considered by the original Buddhists to form a rival sect. Mahavira, the founder of Jainism, was considered a Nirgrantha by Buddhists. The word is thus sometimes used to refer to the Jain religion.

 

[73] This was supposedly the distance between two outstretched arms.

 

[74] Jiang Region was centered in the area of what is today Jiangxi Province, and Xiang Region, in Hunan Province.